Sociocultural Factors Shaping Household Food Security Among Widows in the Bukusu and Maasai Communities in Kenya

International Journal of Social Science and Human Research ISSN (print): 2644-0679, ISSN (online): 2644-0695 Volume 08 Issue 12 December 2025 DOI: 10.47191/ijsshr/v8-i12-26, Impact factor8.007 Page No: 9394-9411 IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 12 December 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 9394 Sociocultural Factors Shaping Household Food Security Among Widows in the Bukusu and Maasai Communities In Kenya Margaret Owendi Indimuli1, Zacharia W. Samita, PhD2, Shem N. Mwalw’a, PhD3 1PhD Student, Institute for Social Transformation, Tangaza University, Nairobi Kenya 2Lecturer, Department of Philosophy and Religious, Studies Kenyatta University, Nairobi, Kenya 3Lecturer, School of Education, Tangaza University, Nairobi, Kenya ABSTRACT: In many African communities, widows face entrenched sociocultural and institutional barriers that restrict their access to land, labour, and productive resources, heightening their vulnerability to food insecurity. This study examined how widowhood practices influence household food security among Bukusu and Maasai widows in rural Kenya using an embedded mixed-methods design. Data were collected from 360 widows, 35 in-depth interviews (IDIs), four focus group discussions (FGDs), and 16 key informant interviews (KIIs) across agricultural and pastoral settings. Findings show that although most widows maintained minimally adequate dietary diversity, the majority lived with chronic food stress and relied on severe coping strategies. Widowhood rituals, including seclusion, cleansing rites, and mobility restrictions, interrupted farming and income generation, while inheritance-related exclusion and land dispossession undermined production planning. The widows also faced overlapping constraints, such as labour shortages, reduced income, psychological strain, and stigma. Quantitatively, lighter ritual burdens and greater asset ownership significantly improved food consumption outcomes, while access to agricultural inputs, credit, training, and legal aid remained limited. The study concludes that widowhood practices, weak land rights, and systemic resource constraints jointly shape widows’ food security. It recommends strengthening enforcement of inheritance laws, expanding widow-inclusive agricultural and financial support, and promoting culturally grounded community dialogue to address harmful practices and enhance widows’ livelihood resilience. KEYWORDS: Widowhood practices, Household food security, Land rights, Inheritance, Ritual restrictions 1. INTRODUCTION Household food security in rural Africa is embedded in sociocultural norms that regulate access to land, labour, and productive assets. Widows, in particular, occupy a structurally vulnerable position due to gendered expectations, ritual obligations, and discriminatory inheritance practices (Human Rights Watch, 2018; Ude & Njoku, 2017; Adeyemo, 2016; Mama, 2019). Globally, there are an estimated 258 million widowed women, many of whom face heightened risks of economic exclusion, limited resource access, and persistent food insecurity (UN Women, 2021). Widowhood is therefore not merely a personal transition but a socially governed condition shaped by cultural, historical, legal, and institutional environments (Perrig-Chiello, 2019; Hines, 2023). Across African societies, widowhood intersects with kinship systems and traditional inheritance practices that determine access to land, labour support, and social protection. Kin relations may facilitate or restrict widows’ access to agricultural resources, while ritual prescriptions, including cleansing rites, seclusion, and mobility restrictions, can impose social stigma and economic dependence (Manala, 2015; Fasanmi & Ayivor, 2021; Dube, 2023). Gaps within legal and institutional systems compound these challenges by limiting widows' capacity to claim land, inherit resources, or obtain justice when dispossessed. Historical dynamics further shape contemporary widowhood experiences. Pre-colonial kinship systems often provided widows with socially recognised roles and access to clan resources, whereas colonial land titling and registration systems privileged male ownership, eroding women's customary rights (Bashir, 2023; Kodiyo, 2023; UN Women, 2020; Dillon & Voena, 2018;). The contemporary structure of land tenure in Kenya shaped heavily by colonial reforms such as the Swynnerton Plan continues to privilege male ownership and weaken women’s customary rights, with lasting effects on widows’ land access and inheritance security (Kodiyo, 2023; KameriMbote, 2018). Religion also mediates widowhood experiences. African traditional beliefs and Christianity may offer widows emotional support and moral belonging, yet can reinforce ritual expectations and gender hierarchies unless interpreted through lenses of justice and compassion (Manala, 2015; Wekesa & Ahaya, 2020). At the same time, faith communities can become spaces of empowerment, where widows mobilise spiritual narratives, networks, and prayer groups to resist detrimental practices and reconstruct their Sociocultural Factors Shaping Household Food Security Among Widows in the Bukusu and Maasai Communities In Kenya IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 12 December 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 9395 identities (Ojore, 2017; Shoko & Danke, 2024). These cultural, historical, and religious dynamics shape food security outcomes because studies have shown that women provide 60–80% of farm labour in many development contexts (Doss et al., 2017). Widows frequently face restricted land access, reduced labour availability, exclusion from extension services, limited livestock ownership, and unequal intra-household resource allocations (FAO, 2021; WFP, 2022). In places such as Bungoma and Kajiado Counties, widows face additional barriers tied to local ecological and livelihood systems, including land scarcity, climatic stress, pastoral vulnerability, and entrenched gender norms (Wabwoba, 2021; Momanyi et al., 2021; Gitau, 2023). Kenya’s legal and policy frameworks, including the Constitution (2010), National Land Policy (2009), Matrimonial Property Act (2013), Community Land Act (2016), Kenya National Policy on Gender and Development (2019), and Food and Nutrition Security Policy (2011; revised 2018), provide strong normative commitments to gender equality, land rights, and the right to food. These frameworks align with regional and global instruments such as CAADP, Agenda 2063, CEDAW, and the Maputo Protocol (2003). Despite these protections, widows continue to face severe vulnerabilities due to weak enforcement of statutory rights, low legal literacy, contradictions between customary and statutory norms, limited institutional coordination, and the absence of widow-specific targeting in agricultural, gender, and social protection programmes (Gitahi, 2025; Kameri-Mbote et al., 2018; UN Women, 2020). 1.1 Problem Statement Despite progressive legal and policy commitments, widows in Kenya remain disproportionately food insecure due to the interlocking effects of socio-cultural widowhood practices, discriminatory inheritance systems, and institutional shortcomings. Harmful practices including cleansing rituals, coerced remarriage, seclusion, and property grabbing continue to undermine widows’ access to land and productive assets despite statutory guarantees of equality (Wekesa & Ahaya, 2020; Akinyi, 2023). Legal pluralism, patriarchal kinship structures, and weak enforcement mechanisms enable customary norms to supersede formal laws, limiting widows’ ability to claim land or obtain justice when dispossessed (Kameri-Mbote et al., 2018; Gitahi, 2025). At the same time, widows experience high levels of food insecurity due to their exclusion from agricultural extension services, livestock decision-making, financial services, and social protection programmes (Nnoko, 2020; FAO, 2021; WFP, 2022). While existing research offers details about individual aspects of widowhood, such as inheritance disputes or widow stigma, few studies holistically examine how socio-cultural rituals, symbolic meanings, and institutional structures intersect to shape household food security across different cultural contexts (Ojore, 2017; Momanyi et al., 2021; Makanga, 2022). This knowledge gap is particularly evident when comparing agrarian and pastoral communities, where cultural practices, ecological systems, and livelihood strategies differ significantly. Without such evidence, policies and interventions risk overlooking the root causes of widows’ food insecurity. This study therefore investigated how socio-cultural widowhood practices influence household food security among widows in the Bukusu and Maasai communities of Bungoma and Kajiado Counties. 1.2 Research Objectives The broad objective of the study was to investigate the effects of socio-cultural dynamics of widowhood practices on household food security among the Bukusu and Maasai communities in Webuye West and Kajiado West Sub-counties, Kenya. The specific objectives were to: 1. Examine the socio-cultural practices related to widowhood and their effects on household food security within the Bukusu and Maasai communities in Webuye West and Kajiado West Sub-Counties, Kenya. 2. Assess the effects of widowhood practices on food production activities within the Bukusu and Maasai communities in Webuye West and Kajiado West Sub-Counties, Kenya. 3. Analyse the structural and institutional factors that influence widows' access to essential resources for household food security in the Maasai and Bukusu communities of Webuye West and Kajiado West Sub-Counties, Kenya. 4. Recommend targeted interventions and measures to enhance household food security for widows in the Bukusu and Maasai communities of Webuye West and Kajiado West Sub-Counties, Kenya, based on the study's findings. 1.3 Research Questions The study was guided by the following research questions: 1. How do socio-cultural widowhood practices influence household food security among widows? 2. In what ways do widowhood practices affect widows’ food production activities? 3. Which structural and institutional factors shape widows’ access to resources required for food security? 4. What context-specific strategies can strengthen household food security among widows? 1.4 Research Hypothesis 1. H₀: Widowhood-related socio-cultural practices (inheritance abuse, ritual burden, production constraints, and access to resources and assets) have no significant influence on household food security among widows in Webuye West and Kajiado West Sub-Counties. Sociocultural Factors Shaping Household Food Security Among Widows in the Bukusu and Maasai Communities In Kenya IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 12 December 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 9396 2. H₁: Widowhood-related socio-cultural practices (inheritance abuse, ritual burden, production constraints, and access to resources and assets) significantly influence household food security among widows in Webuye West and Kajiado West Sub-Counties. 2 CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS This study used an integrated theoretical framework that included African feminism (the Nego-Feminism lens), symbolic interactionism, social systems theory, and empowerment theory. African feminism established the intellectual foundation by demonstrating how relational identities, communal connections, and cultural history impact the agency of African women (Mama, 2019; Steady, 2011; Oduyoye, 2019). Within this practice, Nego-feminism served as the primary lens, emphasising negotiation, discussion, and culturally informed techniques for widows to navigate power, kinship, and ceremonial expectations while avoiding social exclusion or harm (Nnaemeka, 2004; Brown et al., 2024; Tamale, 2020). Symbolic interactionism investigated the production and communication of meanings connected with widowhood, such as impurity, danger, or dependency, using rituals, everyday encounters, and communal narratives. These symbolic meanings shape widows' access to employment, land, and social assistance. Social Systems Theory situates widows inside interrelated institutional and cultural systems, including the family, clan, religion, markets, and state agencies, explaining how these systems' interactions impact access to resources, feedback mechanisms, and household resilience. Empowerment theory strengthens the framework by focusing on how widows create agencies, improve their psychological well-being, gain access to resources, and activate collective action through savings clubs, cooperatives, church associations, and advocacy networks. These theories provide a comprehensive analytical lens that links socio-cultural practices, symbolic meanings, structural conditions, and individual and group agency to household food security outcomes. They directed the development of research topics, the study design, and the interpretation of results. This integrated background and theoretical orientation set the stage for the methodological approach described in the next section. 3 METHODOLOGY 3.1 Study Design This study employed an embedded mixed-methods design that integrated a descriptive cross-sectional household survey with a qualitatively dominant strand. The qualitative component was analysed using Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA), which enabled an in-depth exploration of widows lived experiences and the meanings they attach to widowhood practices, land relations, resource access, and food security. The quantitative survey complemented the qualitative findings by generating empirical evidence on the prevalence and distribution of widowhood practices, patterns of food security, and structural constraints across the study sites. 3.2 Study Setting The study was conducted in two rural sub-counties in Kenya: Webuye West in Bungoma County and Kajiado West in Kajiado County. These sites were purposively selected to reflect contrasting socio-cultural and livelihood contexts. Webuye West Sub County in Bungoma County, is located in western Kenya and is predominantly inhabited by the Bukusu, a subgroup of the Luhya. Livelihoods are largely based on smallholder mixed farming (maize, beans, bananas, vegetables) under rainfed conditions (Bungoma CIDP, 2023). Kajiado West Sub County in Kajiado County, lies in the southern Rift Valley and is predominantly inhabited by the Maasai. Livelihoods centre on pastoralism with cattle, goats, and sheep but are increasingly affected by recurrent drought, rangeland degradation, and livestock disease (Kajiado CIDP, 2023). 3.3 Study Population and Sampling 3.3.1 Target and Accessible Population The target population comprised widows aged 20 years and above residing in Webuye West (Bungoma) and Kajiado West (Kajiado) who had experienced socio-cultural widowhood practices. Widows constituted the principal unit of analysis owing to their unique social and economic vulnerabilities, such as land dispossession, limited access to productive resources, reliance on extended family networks, and an increased risk of food insecurity. Supplementary participants, including chiefs, elders, religious leaders, agricultural and social development officers, and leaders of widow groups, were included as key informants to provide institutional and community perspectives. 3.3.2Sample Size and Quantitative Sampling Procedures The sampling frame comprised all registered widows in Webuye West Sub-County (Bungoma) and Kajiado West SubCounty (Kajiado). Lists were compiled with the support of local administrators, chiefs, assistant chiefs, and village elders who maintain informal but regularly updated community records. These were cross-verified with leaders of widow support groups and women’s CBOs to improve completeness and accuracy. The consolidated lists identified approximately 1,600 widows in Webuye West and 300 in Kajiado West, giving a total sampling frame of 1,900 widows. Using Yamane’s formula for sample size Sociocultural Factors Shaping Household Food Security Among Widows in the Bukusu and Maasai Communities In Kenya IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 12 December 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 9397 determination (Figure1), the required sample size was calculated as 330 widows. The minimum sample size for the survey was calculated using Yamane’s formula at a 95% confidence level and 5% margin of error, resulting in 330 widows. n= N 1+N(e)2 Figure 1: Yamane Formula for Sample Size Calculation (Adam,2020) Where: n = sample size N = population size = 1900 widows e = margin of error = 0.05 (for a 95% confidence level) Substituting into the formula: n = 1900 / (1 + 1900(0.05)2 = 1900 / (1 + 1900 × 0.0025) = 1900 / (1 + 4.75) = 1900 / 5.75 ≈ 330.43 To ensure fair and proportional representation from each site, the sample was allocated according to each sub county’s share of the total widow population (1900). This proportional allocation ensured that 65% of the sample came from Webuye West and 35% from Kajiado West, reflecting their relative population sizes. To preserve representativeness while enhancing statistical power and subgroup analysis, the sample was expanded from 330 to 360 widows. The original proportional allocation (65% in Webuye West and 35% in Kajiado West) was maintained to ensure consistency, resulting in 237 respondents in Webuye West and 123 in Kajiado West. This approach preserved the population-based weighting while providing sufficient cases for reliable inferential analysis in both counties as suggested by Creswell (2018). A multistage sampling strategy was then used where the two sub-counties were purposively selected to represent agricultural and pastoral contexts; specific wards were identified in consultation with local authorities; and within these clusters, widowed households were selected through simple random sampling to ensure equal probability of selection. 3.3.4 Qualitative Sampling Qualitative participants were purposively selected to capture diverse widowhood experiences across age, duration of widowhood, livelihood type, and exposure to cultural practices. Key informants were included based on their roles in community leadership, land governance, service delivery, and widow support structures. 3.3.5 Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria Widows were eligible for inclusion if they were at least 20 years old, had lived in the study area for a minimum of one year, had been widowed for at least one year, and provided informed consent to participate. Women who were divorced, separated, or remarried, widows below 20 years of age, and individuals unable to participate due to severe illness or disability were excluded from the study. 3.4 Data Collection Instruments Data were collected using multiple complementary instruments to capture the breadth and depth of the widows’ experiences. A structured household survey administered to 360 widows gathered information on socio-demographic characteristics, widowhood practices, livelihood activities, and household food security indicators, including the Food Consumption Score (FCS). Semi-structured IDIs with 35 widows yielded comprehensive qualitative data regarding widowhood rituals, land access, productive resources, institutional obstacles, and food production and coping strategies. Four FGDs, two in Webuye West and two in Kajiado West, were conducted with groups of widows to explore shared cultural practices, community expectations, and collective constraints shaping food security. To complement these perspectives, 16 KIIs were held with local administrators, agricultural officers, extension workers, religious leaders, and women’s group representatives, offering institutional and contextual insights into cultural norms, land governance, and programme delivery. 3.5 Data Management and Analytical Procedures Survey data were collected using KoboCollect on mobile devices, uploaded daily, cleaned, and analysed in SPSS. Interview and focus group recordings were transcribed, translated as needed, and coded in Taguette. Qualitative analysis followed Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis with triangulation and member checking to enhance credibility. Quantitative analysis included data cleaning, recoding, and construction of composite indices on ritual burden, inheritance abuse, production constraints, resource access, and asset ownership. Descriptive statistics, non-parametric tests, correlations, chi-square tests, and ordinal logistic regression were used to examine determinants of food security. Qualitative and quantitative findings were integrated during interpretation to link statistical patterns with widows lived experiences. Sociocultural Factors Shaping Household Food Security Among Widows in the Bukusu and Maasai Communities In Kenya IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 12 December 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 9398 3.9 Ethical Considerations and Data Handling Ethical approval was obtained from the relevant institutional ethics committee and the national research authority. Permissions were secured from county and sub-county authorities. All participants were informed about the study’s objectives, procedures, potential risks and benefits, and their right to withdraw at any time without consequence. Written or thumb-printed informed consent was obtained prior to participation and audio recording. Confidentiality was ensured through anonymisation of transcripts and datasets, secure storage of encrypted electronic files, and restricted access to data by the research team. Audio files were deleted after transcription verification, and any paper-based records were stored securely and later destroyed. 4. RESULTS 4.1 Widowhood Practices and Household Food Security 4.1.1 Widowhood rituals, mourning restrictions and food production Widows in both communities described a wide range of widowhood rituals and mourning restrictions that directly affected their ability to produce and access food. Among the Bukusu in Webuye, cleansing rituals, ritual bathing with herbs, shaving of hair and symbolic meals were often accompanied by strict seclusion and movement restrictions. Widows reported being confined to the homestead, prohibited from going to the farm or market and barred from participating in social and economic activities until specific ceremonies were completed. One widow narrated: Three days after the burial, I shaved my hair as a sign of mourning. I was not allowed to bathe or change my clothes for several days, which further isolated me and affected my ability to resume normal life. I was confined to my home for about a year, awaiting the makumbusho (remembrance) ceremony. During this time, I could not actively engage in farming or attend social activities like weddings. (Widow 011, Webuye) Another widow explained that she was “not allowed to go out, not even to the farm,” and that she remained indoors until the sisinini (shadow) ceremony, which meant that she could not tend crops or secure food for her children during this period. Others described remaining in seclusion until the makumbusho commemoration, sometimes for close to a year, with clear implications for missed planting seasons and reduced yields. One widow shared: I was not allowed to go out, not even to the farm. I had to remain indoors until they performed the sisinini ceremony. This meant that I could not take care of my crops or get food for my children. (Widow 012, Webuye) Among the Maasai in Kajiado, rituals were more communal and symbolic, involving livestock sacrifices, ritual shaving, and the maintenance of a ritual fire before burial. Although seclusion was generally shorter and more flexible than among the Bukusu, widows still described periods during which they were expected to remain within the homestead or refrain from certain public activities. One widow shared When my husband died, I was the one who had to cut a branch from the Oseki tree and light the fire. It had to keep burning until the burial. That fire showed that although my husband was gone, life in the homestead had to go on. (Widow 035, Kajiado) In both contexts, mourning and cleansing practices were framed as expressions of respect and spiritual order, but in practice, they suspended women’s productive roles just when households needed the most labour and income. Quantitatively, these experiences were reflected in the Ritual Burden Index, which captured exposure to practices such as ritual washing, seclusion, bans on farm work and mobility restrictions. The Ritual Burden Index (α = .800) captured seven mourning restrictions, including wearing black, seclusion, prohibitions on farm work, bathing, movement, visiting others, and restrictions on remarriage. The index ranged from 0 to 7 (M = 4.01, SD = 2.23), with nearly 90% of widows reporting at least one ritual restriction and more than half reporting five or more. A Mann–Whitney U test indicated that Bukusu widows in Bungoma experienced significantly higher ritual burden than Maasai widows in Kajiado (U = 2,018.00, Z = –5.62, p < .001), consistent with narratives of more extended and rigid mourning periods in Webuye. The ritual burden index is summarised in Table 1, along with the inheritance abuse index. Table 1. Ritual Burden Index and Inheritance Abuse Index among Widows Index Bungoma (M, SD) Kajiado (M, SD) Test statistic p-value Ritual Burden Index 4.01 (2.23) ~3.2–3.4 U = 2,018.0 < .001 Inheritance Abuse Index 0.75 (1.01) 1.08 (1.27) ρ = .175 .009 Source: Field survey data (2025). Sociocultural Factors Shaping Household Food Security Among Widows in the Bukusu and Maasai Communities In Kenya IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 12 December 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 9399 The ordinal logistic regression confirmed that lower ritual burden was a strong positive predictor of household food security: each one-unit improvement in ritual burden increased the odds of being in a higher FCS category by 36% (Exp(β) = 1.36, p = .001). These findings show that widowhood rituals are not merely symbolic but have measurable consequences for food production and access. 4.1.2 Inheritance, property control and food security Inheritance practices and property control emerged as another critical pathway linking widowhood practices to food security. Male relatives or clan elders largely made decisions about land and livestock after a husband's death in both communities. Among the Bukusu, the lufu (death) ceremony marked a turning point at which household leadership and property control were reassigned. Widows described how brothers-in-law were appointed to “take care” of property and family matters, often with limited regard for the widow’s preferences. One widow shared her experience with the lufu ceremony: Three days after my husband’s burial, they held a ceremony called lufu. Someone was called to lead the session which is called khusena kumuse (coordinating the deliberations). One of my brothers-in-law was chosen to be in charge of me and my family and take care of family matters going forward. He could either inherit me or just assist with responsibilities, but they said it should be by mutual agreement, not something forced. (Widow 005, Webuye) Some widows reported that refusals to be inherited or disagreements over succession invited hostility, threats, or actual dispossession, including the loss of land and livestock. Widows without sons were particularly vulnerable to being pushed out or denied any share of property. As one widow shared: Some widows are not given the freedom to decide whether we want to remarry or not. There is pressure from the in-laws, and if you refuse, they can become hostile, even going as far as to take away land or property. (Widow 004, Webuye) In the Maasai context, collective land ownership meant that widows rarely held individual land rights. Their entitlement to remain on or use land depended on acceptance by the husband’s family and compliance with lineage expectations. Refusing to conform to levirate expectations or lacking male heirs, widows experienced marginalisation in decisions related to grazing, livestock sales, and the distribution of parcels for cultivation. One Maasai widow explained: “It is believed that since your husband has paid dowry for you then you belong to that family. You are therefore not allowed to get married to another family.” (Widow 030, Kajiado). A community elder elaborated: “The widow can be inherited, but it is not always about marriage. It is about keeping the family strong and making sure no outsider interferes.” (KII 14, Kajiado). These inheritance dynamics constrained widows' ability to plan production, invest in farming, or make independent decisions about resource use in both settings. The Inheritance Abuse Index quantifies exposure to dispossession, land denial, eviction and property grabbing. The Inheritance Abuse Index (α = .741) combined three indicators: denial of land due to absence of sons, eviction after refusing levirate inheritance, and land confiscation by in-laws. Scores ranged from 0 to 3, with higher scores indicating multiple forms of abuse. Maasai widows in Kajiado recorded higher mean levels of inheritance abuse (M = 1.08, SD = 1.27) than Bukusu widows in Bungoma (M = 0.75, SD = 1.01), reflecting more frequent experiences of land seizure and displacement. As summarised in Table 2, Spearman correlations indicate a weak but statistically significant positive association between inheritance abuse and FCS (ρ =.175, p = .009). While counterintuitive at first glance, this pattern likely reflects the fact that some widows who experienced severe dispossession were also those who mobilised coping strategies such as joining savings groups, engaging in informal trade or accessing humanitarian assistance, thus mitigating the immediate food impacts of abuse. A separate correlation between land inheritance status and FCS was weak, negative and non-significant (ρ = –.059, p = .261), underscoring that land possession alone does not guarantee food security without secure rights, inputs and supportive institutions. 4.2 Production Constraints, Livelihoods and Food Security 4.2.1 Structural and resource barriers to production Access to land was a key constraint shaping widows’ production capacity. Among the Bukusu, widows whose dowry had not been fully paid were often denied land or treated as illegitimate wives, with in-laws taking over family land after bereavement. As one widow in Bungoma shared: After my husband died, I did not inherit the land because he had not completed paying the dowry for me, so I was not fully recognized as his legitimate wife by the family members therefore no land was allocated to me. (Widow 007, Webuye) Even where widows were allowed to remain on the land, they frequently lacked formal titles and were excluded from landrelated decision-making forums. Among the Maasai, communal tenure systems meant that widows often resided on family land without individual claims, limiting their ability to use land as collateral or make long-term investments in productivity. Land is communally owned, and widows rarely hold individual rights of use or inheritance. Dowry practices reinforce this dependence, as Sociocultural Factors Shaping Household Food Security Among Widows in the Bukusu and Maasai Communities In Kenya IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 12 December 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 9400 expressed by one widow: “It is believed that since your husband has paid dowry for you, then you belong to that family. You are therefore not allowed to get married to any other family.” (Widow 010, Kajiado). The death of a husband also generated acute labour and income constraints. The widows described an abrupt transition from shared labour to sole responsibility for farming, livestock care, household management, and caregiving. In Webuye, many worked on other people’s farms as casual labourers to buy food, even as their plots went unattended during periods of illness or exhaustion. Widows described the challenge of farming alone, often without the strength or resources to hire help: “Since the death of my husband, it has become difficult to acquire food and now I have to engage in extra casual jobs.” (Widow 020, Webuye). Another explained: “After the death of my husband, production reduced because now I work on the farm alone. Sometimes when I do not feel well, my farm goes unattended.” (Widow 002, Webuye). In Kajiado, women struggled to manage livestock alone, especially during droughts, and often had to sell animals to meet immediate consumption needs, further eroding future income and milk availability. One widow shared: After the death of my husband, life has now become full of struggles and challenges. Feeding my children and paying their school fees is a heavy burden, and when the dry season comes, even migrating the cattle to find pasture has become impossible.” (Widow 010, Kajiado) Psychosocial strain compounded these pressures. Widows reported grief, anxiety, and emotional fatigue associated with bereavement, ritual obligations, conflicts with in-laws, and the burden of being the sole provider. Increased childcare and care for grandchildren or orphaned relatives further diverted time and energy away from productive work. Social stigma and exclusion were common, with widows in both counties describing how friends and neighbours withdrew, making it harder to join support groups, borrow food, or participate in labour sharing arrangements. Group membership, when attainable, provided an important buffer, but many widows were unable to afford registration fees or felt too stigmatised to join. 4.2.2 Quantitative evidence from the Production Constraint Index These multi-layered challenges were captured in the Production Constraint Index (PCI), (α = .679) which combined six binary indicators: increased labour burden, sole childcare responsibility, land-related issues, stigmatisation, isolation, mental health strain, and reduced household income. Scores ranged from 0 to 6. Mean PCI values were high in both counties (Bungoma: M = 3.95, SD = 1.68; Kajiado: M = 3.93, SD = 1.65), with medians of 4.00, indicating that most widows faced at least four concurrent constraints. Increased labour demands (89%), reduced income (75%), sole childcare (78%), mental health strain (57%) and landrelated issues and stigma (48% each) were all widely reported. Cronbach’s alpha for the six items was 0.677, showing acceptable internal consistency for an exploratory composite measure. The PCI had a weak negative correlation with the Food Consumption Score, which means that higher levels of strain related to production were linked to worse food security outcomes. In the ordinal logistic regression, however, the PCI was not a statistically significant independent predictor of FCS once other covariates were included. Nevertheless, the consistently high PCI values and the significance of related variables, such as income, livelihood type, age, and marital duration, highlight the structural and socioeconomic pressures that underpin production constraints. The PCI is presented alongside the Asset Index in Table 2. Table 2. Production Constraint Index and Asset Index Summary Statistics Measure Bungoma (M, SD) Kajiado (M, SD) Range Additional notes Production Constraint Index 3.95 (1.68) 3.93 (1.65) 0–6 High constraints across both counties Asset Index (PCA factor score) Higher Lower - PCA explained 58.9% of total variance Source: Field survey data (2025). 4.2.3 Asset Ownership and Economic Capacity The Asset Index provided a complementary lens on widows’ economic capacity and livelihood resilience. Qualitative narratives showed that the loss of assets, such as land, livestock, and productive tools, following a husband’s death was a defining marker of vulnerability. Widows who lost cattle, goats or the primary family plot reported having to “start again from nothing” and relied heavily on casual labour or small, unstable trades. Those who retained modest assets, such as a small plot of land, a few cows or basic household utilities, reported greater stability and capacity to bridge food gaps. A Principal Component Analysis (PCA) was conducted on nine asset variables to construct a composite Asset Ownership Index representing household wealth and productive capacity. Statistical tests confirmed the suitability of the data for PCA, with a KMO value above .60 and a significant Bartlett’s Test of Sphericity (p < .001), indicating sufficient inter-item correlations. Four components with eigenvalues greater than one were extracted, together explaining 58.9% of the total variance, and Varimax rotation was applied to enhance interpretability. The first component reflected household communication assets (radio, television, mobile Sociocultural Factors Shaping Household Food Security Among Widows in the Bukusu and Maasai Communities In Kenya IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 12 December 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 9401 phone); the second captured livestock and productive capacity (cows, goats); the third represented land tenure (land ownership); and the fourth indicated mobility and basic infrastructure (bicycle, solar lighting). The strongest loadings for landownership, goats, and bicycles highlight the central role of land and livestock in shaping household resilience. Collectively, these components illustrate the multidimensional nature of asset ownership among widowed households, distinguishing between domestic, productive, and land-based resources that underpin livelihood stability and food security. The Asset Index was a significant predictor of food security in the ordinal logistic regression. A one-point increase in the asset score increased the odds of being in a higher FCS category by 58% (Exp(β) = 1.58, p = .022). This finding reinforces the qualitative evidence that asset retention and rebuilding, often facilitated by membership in savings groups or women’s associations, enhanced widows’ ability to produce or purchase food and to withstand shocks. 4.3 Structural and Institutional Determinants of Resource Access Beyond household-level assets and constraints, widows' access to institutional support and livelihood services also shaped their food security. Qualitative findings indicated that land and property rights enforcement was weak, with many widows facing prolonged legal disputes or unenforced court decisions. Succession processes were described as time-consuming, costly and intimidating, and many widows lacked information about their legal rights. As a result, disputes were often handled informally through clan elders or local chiefs, where customary norms tended to favour male relatives. One Assistant Chief explained: “If a widow refuses to be inherited, she risks being chased away… Our culture does not allow women to sit in or witness negotiations… During disputes, women are not permitted near the land in question.” (KII 010, Webuye). Another widow expressed the frustration of unenforced justice despite the court victory: “Even after I won the land case in court, when I returned home, the family told me to go and live at the chief’s place. Winning the case was one thing, but implementing the judgment is another.” (FGD2, Webuye). The scenario was the same among the Maasai. During the FGD, one widow shared: After my husband died, they divided the one acre of land that I had… my in-laws drove me out, telling me I had no portion because I do not have a title deed… I do not know where to go for justice. (Widow, FGD1, Webuye West) Widows’ awareness of legal and policy frameworks protecting their rights varied significantly across counties. Of the 360 respondents, 149 widows (41.4%) reported being aware of the existence of such policies, while 211 (58.6%) were not aware. Awareness differed across counties (Table 3). In Bungoma, 36.3% of widows indicated awareness, compared with 51.2% in Kajiado. Conversely, lack of awareness was more pronounced in Bungoma (63.7%) than in Kajiado (48.8%), suggesting county-level disparities in exposure to policy information. A chi-square test of independence confirmed that the association between county and policy awareness was statistically significant, χ² (1, N = 360) = 7.44, p = .006, indicating that widows’ likelihood of being aware of legal protections differed by county. The continuity correction (χ² = 6.84, p = .009) and Fisher’s Exact Test (p = .007) yielded similar results, demonstrating the robustness of the association. Table 3: Awareness of Legal and Policy Frameworks Protecting Widows by County (N = 360) Awareness of Policy Existence Bungoma (%) Kajiado (%) Total (%) Not aware 151 (63.7%) 60 (48.8%) 211 (58.6%) Aware 86 (36.3%) 63 (51.2%) 149 (41.4%) Total 237 (100.0%) 123 (100.0%) 360 (100.0%) Source: Field survey data (2025). Note. Pearson Chi-square test showed a significant association between county and policy awareness, χ²(1, N = 360) = 7.44, p = .006. Among widows who were aware of the policies (n = 149), levels of understanding varied. Nearly half of the 73 widows (49.0%) reported being knowledgeable about the contents of these policies, while 52 (34.9%) were not knowledgeable at all. Only 2 (1.3%) described themselves as very knowledgeable; 22 (14.8%) were somewhat knowledgeable. County disaggregation indicated that among those who were knowledgeable, 50 widows (68.5%) were from Bungoma and 23 (31.5%) were from Kajiado. Although Bungoma had lower overall awareness, those who were aware tended to report more profound knowledge of policy content. These findings suggest substantial policy literacy gaps, with some counties requiring greater awareness-raising, while others require deeper sensitisation to ensure comprehension and practical application of existing protections. Formal support programmes, including government cash transfers, agricultural input schemes and NGO assistance, were unevenly distributed. Some widows benefited from Inua Jamii stipends or church-based aid, but many reported receiving no support at all. Widows acknowledged the government’s Inua Jamii cash transfer as a valuable lifeline, though access was irregular and Sociocultural Factors Shaping Household Food Security Among Widows in the Bukusu and Maasai Communities In Kenya IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 12 December 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 9402 coverage uneven: “Some widows get Inua Jamii, others do not. If all received it, we would at least buy food.” (Widow 035, Webuye). While another remarked: Sometimes it feels as though widows are invisible. We do not fit into any category of assistance; we are not orphans, not elderly, and not persons with disabilities. Even government programmes like Inua Jamii overlook us, as if our suffering does not qualify as vulnerability. (Widow 030, Kajiado) Churches and community groups emerged as crucial sources of emotional support, occasional food assistance and small financial contributions, yet, these mechanisms were not designed to address structural causes of vulnerability. Those who participated valued the solidarity it brought: “The group helps us in educating other widows. It also helps us with the financial status.” (Widow 012, Webuye). Another widow remarked: “When I attend our church widow’s group, I feel like I am not alone. We pray together and encourage one another. It helps me to heal emotionally.” (Widow 010, Webuye). This was also experienced among the widows in Kajiado where one of the widows remarked: “I belong to a social support group. Here I can meet with other widows like me and discuss our issues. I do not feel isolated, lonely or discriminated against.” (Widow 032, Kajiado). The Resource Access Index quantified widows’ access to four key livelihood-support services: agricultural inputs, credit, education and training, and legal aid. Fewer than half of the respondents had accessed any of these services. The inputs had the highest coverage (44%), followed by training (24%), credit (23%), and legal aid (23%). County-level analysis showed significant differences: widows in Bungoma were much more likely to receive agricultural inputs (57.4%) than those in Kajiado (17.9%), while widows in Kajiado reported higher access to training (36.6%) and legal aid (44.7%). Access to credit did not differ significantly by county and remained low in both settings. This pattern is summarised in Table 4. Table 4. Access to Finance, Inputs, Training and Legal Aid among Widows Resource type % with access Bungoma (%) Kajiado (%) χ² p-value Agricultural inputs 44 57.4 17.9 51.30 < .001 Education & training 24 17.7 36.6 15.72 < .001 Credit 23 19.4 28.5 3.80 .051 Legal aid 23 11.4 44.7 51.12 < .001 Source: Field survey data (2025). Higher Resource Access Index scores were associated with better food consumption outcomes, indicating that access to at least one form of institutional support improved food security. However, the overall low levels of access and the qualitative emphasis on irregular or short-term assistance underline the persistent institutional gaps facing widows. 4.4 Widows’ Preferred Interventions and Aspirations for Change Qualitative analysis revealed a strong collective demand for structural, cultural, and institutional reforms to enhance widows’ food security. Widows consistently emphasised secure land rights as central to their wellbeing, describing how simplified succession procedures and representation in land committees would reduce dispossession and strengthen their autonomy. Narratives also highlighted a desire for cultural transformation that retains the supportive aspects of communal life while eliminating harmful practices such as prolonged seclusion, ritual restrictions, and coerced inheritance. Widows stressed that meaningful change requires engaging men, elders, and religious leaders as figures who hold authority in defining and enforcing cultural norms to promote gender-equitable attitudes and reduce stigma. Their aspirations reflect a vision of empowerment rooted in both individual agency and community-level dialogue, where cultural renewal and institutional accountability work together to create more just and foodsecure environments for widowed women. One widow explained: “If clans knew these rituals harm us, they would stop forcing them.” (Widow 022, Webuye). Another shared: “I wish that we could promote the good practices that support widows like supporting them with resources and discard those that oppress widows like grabbing their properties.” (Widow 030, Kajiado). Some emphasized the need for dialogue to encourage change: “Raising community awareness is essential to reduce the isolation and stigma that widows often face.” (Widow 023, Kajiado) while another widow agreed: “Men must also be taught, or change will not come.” (Widow 029, Webuye). When asked about their preferred interventions to improve household food security, widows consistently prioritised measures that would strengthen production and resource access while also recognising the need for legal and social support. Twothirds (66%) of all widows expressed interest in accessing agricultural inputs, such as seeds and fertiliser. Approximately half indicated interest in joining or forming support groups (49%) and Village Savings and Loan Associations (48%), while 46% wished Sociocultural Factors Shaping Household Food Security Among Widows in the Bukusu and Maasai Communities In Kenya IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 12 December 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 9409 REFERENCES 1) Adam, A. M. (2020). Sample Size Determination in Survey Research. Journal of Scientific Research and Reports, 90–97. https://doi.org/10.9734/jsrr/2020/v26i530263 2) Adeyemo, C. W. (2016). Widowhood and Its Harmful Practices: Causes, Effects and the Possible Way out for Widows and Women Folk. World Journal of Educational Research, 3(2), 380. https://doi.org/10.22158/wjer.v3n2p380 3) African Union. (2003). Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. In Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. https://au.int/sites/default/files/treaties/37077-treaty-charter_on_rights_of_women_in_africa.pdf 4) Ajayi, L. A., Olanrewaju, F. O., Olanrewaju, A., & Nwannebuife, O. (2019). Gendered violence and human rights: An evaluation of widowhood rites in Nigeria. Cogent Arts and Humanities, 6(1), 1676569. https://doi.org/10.1080/23311983.2019.1676569 5) Akinyi, M. P. (2023). Widowhood and coping strategies used by widows in Kisumu East Sub County, Kisumu County, Kenya. Journal of Research in Social Science and Humanities, 2(6), 30–35. https://doi.org/10.56397/jrssh.2023.06.04 6) Bashir, A. (2023). Culture as tool of Widow’s plight in Africa: A study of Bayo Adebowale’s Lonely Days. British Journal of Multidisciplinary and Advanced Studies, 4(3), 60–69. https://doi.org/10.37745/bjmas.2022.0234 7) Browne, L., Ayihounton, I. F., & Druetz, T. (2024). Nego-feminism as a strategy to improve access to abortion in subsaharan Africa. Reproductive Health, 21(1), 175. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12978-024-01914-x 8) Bungoma County Integrated Development Plan (CIDP, 2023-2027). https://www.bungomaassembly.go.ke/sites/default/files/Budget/CIDP%20Approved%202023%20- %202027%20Popular%20Version.pdf 9) Creswell, J. W. (2018). Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods Approaches (4th Ed.): Sage Publications. Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming: Internet Archive. (2014). Internet Archive. https://archive.org/details/methodology-alobatnic-libraries-creswell/page/n3/mode/2up?view=theater 10) Dillon, B., & Voena, A. (2018). Widows’ land rights and agricultural investment. Journal of Development Economics, 135, 449–460. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jdeveco.2018.08.006 11) Doss, C., Meinzen-Dick, R., Quisumbing, A., & Theis, S. (2017). Women in agriculture: Four myths. Global Food Security, 16, 69–74. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.gfs.2017.10.001 12) Dube, M. (2022). Isolation and Its Impact on Widows: Insights from Low-Resourced Communities in Binga District, Zimbabwe. Social Sciences, 11(7), 298. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci11070298 13) FAO. (2016). The Role of Social Protection in Protracted Crises Enhancing the resilience of the most vulnerable. Guidance Note. https://www.fao.org/3/i6636e/i6636e.pdf 14) FAO. (2021). Food insecurity crisis mounting in Africa. Retrieved from https://www.fao.org/newsroom/detail/foodinsecurity-crisis-mounting-africa/en 15) FAO. (2023). The status of women in agrifood systems. Retrieved from https://www.fao.org/3/cc5060en/online/statuswomen-agrifood-systems-2023/chapter1.html 16) Fasanmi, A., & Ayivor, S. (2021). Widows, Widowhood, and Society in Africa. In Springer eBooks (pp. 2269–2286). https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-28099-4_33 17) Filippov, V. (2020). System theory as the foundation of sustainable development ideology. Economics Finances Law, 2/2, 6–10. https://doi.org/10.37634/efp.2020.2(2).1 18) Gitahi, A. (2025). Legal Pluralism in Kenya. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=5227700 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.5227700 19) Gitau, L. (2023, May 11). Kajiado County: Solving the Food Security Puzzle with Livestock Production. APAA.https://www.actionprotectionanimalsafrica.org/post/kajiado-county-solving-the-food-security-puzzle-withlivestock-production 20) Government of Kenya, Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Fisheries. (2011). National Food and Nutrition Security Policy. Government Printer. https://faolex.fao.org/docs/pdf/ken140936.pdf 21) Government of Kenya, Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Development. (2011). National Social Protection Policy. Government Printer. https://libraryir.parliament.go.ke/bitstreams/ff5899b0-5f2b-4ea3-baa8-944a1bf9ef19/download 22) Government of Kenya, Ministry of Lands. (2009). National Land Policy. Government Printer. https://libraryir.parliament.go.ke/server/api/core/bitstreams/b92a4b89-e8f2-42e4-b4ca-a757d9bf1a4e/content 23) Government of Kenya, Ministry of Public Service, Youth and Gender Affairs. (2019). National Policy on Gender and Development. Government Printer. https://libraryir.parliament.go.ke/bitstreams/1911cad5-3263-4ccd-b24b-bbab001a4a67/download Sociocultural Factors Shaping Household Food Security Among Widows in the Bukusu and Maasai Communities In Kenya IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 12 December 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 9410 24) Government of Kenya. (2010a). Law of Succession Act, Chapter 160 (Revised Edition 2012). National Council for Law Reporting. https://www.kenyalaw.org/kl/fileadmin/pdfdownloads/Acts/LawofSuccessionAct_Cap160.pdf 25) Government of Kenya. (2010b). The Constitution of Kenya. National Council for Law Reporting. http://www.kenyalaw.org/kl/index.php?id=398 26) Government of Kenya. (2012). Land Act, No. 6 of 2012. National Council for Law Reporting. https://www.parliament.go.ke/sites/default/files/2017-05/LandAct2012.pdf 27) Government of Kenya. (2013). Matrimonial Property Act, No. 49 of 2013. National Council for Law Reporting. https://new.kenyalaw.org/akn/ke/act/2013/49/eng@2022-12-31 28) Government of Kenya. (2016). Community Land Act, No. 27 of 2016. National Council for Law Reporting. https://new.kenyalaw.org/akn/ke/act/2016/27/eng@2022-12-31 29) Hines, D. (2023, July 2). How Were Widows Treated in Ancient Times? History Disclosure. https://historydisclosure.com/how-were-widows-treated-in-ancient-times/ 30) Human Rights Watch. (2018). Widows, Land and Power. https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/03/19/widows-land-and-power 31) Husin, S. S., Rahman, A. a. A., & Mukhtar, D. (2021). The Symbolic Interactionism Theory: A Systematic Literature Review of Current Research. International Journal of Modern Trends in Social Sciences, 4(17), 113–126. https://doi.org/10.35631/ijmtss.417010 32) Joseph, R. (2019). The theory of empowerment: A critical analysis with the theory evaluation scale. Journal of Human behaviour in the Social Environment, 30(2), 138–157. https://doi.org/10.1080/10911359.2019.1660294 33) Julius, L. W. (2025). Navigating the Crossroads: Patriarchy and Women’s Rights in Kenya’ Legal Landscape. Beijing Law Review, 16(01), 201–226. https://doi.org/10.4236/blr.2025.161010 34) Kajiado County Integrated Development Plan (CIDP 2023-2027). https://kajiadoassembly.go.ke/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/KJD-CIDP-3-DRAFT_21st_June_.pdf 35) Kameri-Mbote, P., International Environmental Law Research Centre, & International Environmental Law Research Centre. (2018). Constitutions as pathways to gender Equality in plural legal contexts. Oslo Law Review, 20–40. https://www.ielrc.org/content/a1803.pdf 36) Kathenya, L. K., Nyamongo, G., PhD, & Muthami, J., PhD. (2024). Empowering Widowed Women with Sustainable Food Security in Tunyai Location, Tharaka Sub-County, Tharaka Nithi County, Kenya: A Qualitative Analysis of Their Roles, Challenges, and Resilience. International Journal of Social Science and Human Research, 7(08). https://doi.org/10.47191/ijsshr/v7-i08-101 37) Kehinde, M. O., Shittu, A. M., Adeyonu, A. G., & Ogunnaike, M. G. (2021). Women empowerment, Land Tenure and Property Rights, and household food security among smallholders in Nigeria. Agriculture & Food Security, 10(1). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40066-021-00297-7 38) Kihiu, E. (2021). Gender, Access to Agricultural Resources and Food Security in Kenya. Kenya Institute for Public Policy Research and Analysis KIPPRA Discussion Paper No. 267 2021 https://repository.kippra.or.ke/bitstream/handle/123456789/3864/DP267.pdf?sequence=1 39) Kodiyo, K. K. (2023). Historical Analysis of Women’s Inheritance Rights in East Africa (Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania) and the Influence of Colonialism. DKī, 6(2), 116–140. https://doi.org/10.15170/dike.2022.06.02.09 40) Lutomia, C. K., Obare, G. A., Kariuki, I. M., & Muricho, G. S. (2019). Determinants of gender differences in household food security perceptions in the Western and Eastern regions of Kenya. Cogent Food & Agriculture, 5(1), 1694755. https://doi.org/10.1080/23311932.2019.1694755 41) Makanga, R. (2022). Lived experiences of widows in Kabula Ward, Bungoma County, Kenya. [master’s thesis]. http://erepository.uonbi.ac.ke/handle/11295/162587 42) Mama, A. (2019). African Feminist Thought. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History. https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.013.504 43) Manala, M. (2015). African traditional widowhood rites and their benefits and/or detrimental effects on widows in a context of African Christianity. HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies, 71(3). https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v71i3.2913 44) Momanyi, J. N., Getui, N. M. & Ojore, A. O. (2021). Socio-Economic empowerment of widows for sustainable selfreliance in Kajiado West Sub-County, Kenya. Journal of African Interdisciplinary Studies, 5(4), 24 – 46. 24. https://www.academia.edu/48571525/Socio_economic_Empowerment_of_Widows_for_Sustainable_Self_reliance_in_K ajiado_West_Sub_County_Kenya 45) Munala, L., Harris, M., Mwangi, E., Okunna, N., Hohenshell, E., Ong’ombe, M., & Musa, M. (2022). Submit to survive: an exploration of sexual cleansing as an act of violence against widows in the Luo community of Kenya. Culture Health & Sexuality, 25(6), 698–710. https://doi.org/10.1080/13691058.2022.2091797 46) Nnaemeka, O. (2004). Nego‐Feminism: theorizing, practicing, and pruning Africa’s way. Signs, 29(2), 357–385. Sociocultural Factors Shaping Household Food Security Among Widows in the Bukusu and Maasai Communities In Kenya IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 12 December 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 9411 https://doi.org/10.1086/378553 47) Nnaji, A., Ratna, N. N., & Renwick, A. (2021). Gendered access to land and household food insecurity: Evidence from Nigeria. Agricultural and Resource Economics Review, 51(1), 45-67. https://doi.org/10.1017/age.2021.13 48) Nnoko, J. (2020). Securing women’s property rights in Kenya. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/03/07/securing-womens-property-rights-kenya 49) Oduyoye, M. A. (2019). African Women's Theologies, Spirituality, and Healing: Theological Perspectives from the Circle of Concerned African Women Theologians. https://www.google.com/books/edition/African_Women_s_Theologies_Spirituality/6oTPDwAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1 50) Ojore, A. (2017). A new model of pastoral care: resources from Luo widows in Kisumu Archdiocese. www.academia.edu. https://www.academia.edu/109292300/A_new_model_of_pastoral_care_resources_from_Luo_widows_in_Kisumu_Archdiocese 51) Omondi, E.O., Odipo, G., & Agwanda, A. (2015). Livelihood and Food Security Situation among In-migrant and NonMigrant Communities in Kajiado County, Kenya. International journal of innovative research and development, 4(13). SciSpace - Paper https://typeset.io/papers/livelihood-and-food-security-situation-among-in-migrant-and-3ggpiy8p5u 52) Perrig-Chiello, P. (2019). Widowhood. In: Gu, D., Dupre, M. (eds) Encyclopedia of Gerontology and Population Aging. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69892-2_330-1 53) Ragasa, C., Aberman, N., & Mingote, C. A. (2019). Does providing agricultural and nutrition information to both men and women improve household food security? Evidence from Malawi. Global Food Security, 20, 45–59. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.gfs.2018.12.007 54) Roberts, B. (2021). Securing Women’s Land Rights: Challenges and Solutions. https://www.landesa.org/securingwomens-land-rights-challenges-and-solutions/ 55) Shoko, R., & Danke, S. (2024). The Violent Aspect of Widowhood Rites in the South African Context. Social Sciences, 13(2), 115. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci13020115 56) Steady, F. C. (2005). African feminism. Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Routledge. https://www.rep.routledge.com/articles/thematic/african-feminism/v-1 57) Tamale, S. (2020). Decolonization and Afro-Feminism ([edition unavailable]). Daraja Press. Retrieved from https://www.perlego.com/book/2575922/decolonization-and-afrofeminism-pdf (Original work published 2020) 58) Ude, P. U., & Njoku, O. C. (2017). Widowhood practices and impacts on women in Sub-Saharan Africa: An empowerment perspective. International Social Work, 60(6), 1512–1522. https://doi.org/10.1177/0020872817695384 59) UN Women Kenya. (2020). UN Women Kenya Annual Report 2020. https://africa.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Field%20Office%20Africa/Attachments/Publications/2021/07/UN%20Wo men%20Kenya%20Annual%20Rep%202020.pdf 60) UN Women. (2021). Explainer: What you should know about widowhood. https://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2021/6/explainer-what-you-should-know-about-widowhood [Google Scholar]. 61) United Nations. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). New York: United Nations; 1979. http://archive.ipu.org/pdf/publications/cedaw_en.pdf 62) Van De Walle, D. (2013). Lasting welfare effects of widowhood in Mali. World Development, 51, 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2013.05.005 63) Wabwoba, M. S. (2021). Food and nutrition security status of households in Bungoma County Kenya. Journal of Food Science & Nutrition. https://www.heraldopenaccess.us/openaccess/food-and-nutrition-security-status-of-households-inbungoma-county-kenya 64) Wekesa, D., & Ahaya, O. (2020). Christianity and Widowhood Rites in Africa: An Audit of The Effects of Ababukusu Indigenous Culture on Widows in The Context of Friends Church in Western Kenya. The International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, 10, 182-190. https://doi.org/10.6007/IJARBSS/V10-I10/7925. 65) WFP. (2019). Food Consumption Score. https://resources.vam.wfp.org/data-analysis/quantitative/food-security/foodconsumption-score 66) WFP. (2022). Climate crisis threatens food security for women and girls. Retrieved from https://www.wfp.org/news/climate-crisis-threatens-food-security-women-and-girls 67) World Widows Report. (2015). World Widow Report – The Loomba Foundation. https://www.theloombafoundation.org/world-widow-report/ There is an Open Access article, distributed under the term of the Creative Commons Attribution – Non Commercial 4.0 International (CC BY-NC 4.0) (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/), which permits remixing, adapting and building upon the work for non-commercial use, provided the original work is properly cited.