Trying the Unemployed: Justification and Critique, Emancipation and Coercion Towards the ‘Active Society’

Hansen, Magnus Paulsen Doctoral Thesis Trying the Unemployed: Justification and Critique, Emancipation and Coercion Towards the ‘Active Society’ PhD Series, No. 10.2017 Provided in Cooperation with: Copenhagen Business School (CBS) Suggested Citation: Hansen, Magnus Paulsen (2017) : Trying the Unemployed: Justification and Critique, Emancipation and Coercion Towards the ‘Active Society’, PhD Series, No. 10.2017, ISBN 9788793483934, Copenhagen Business School (CBS), Frederiksberg, https://hdl.handle.net/10398/9465 This Version is available at: https://hdl.handle.net/10419/209018 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your personal and scholarly purposes. You are not to copy documents for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. If the documents have been made available under an Open Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ Doctoral School of Organisation and Management Studies PhD Series 10.2017 PhD Series 10-2017 TRYING THE UNEMPLOYED. JUSTIFICATION AND CRITIQUE, EMANCIPATION AND COERCION TOWARDS THE ‘ACTIVE SOCIETY’. A STUDY OF CONTEMPORARY REFORMS IN FRANCE AND DENMARK COPENHAGEN BUSINESS SCHOOL SOLBJERG PLADS 3 DK-2000 FREDERIKSBERG DANMARK WWW.CBS.DK ISSN 0906-6934 Print ISBN: 978-87-93483-92-7 Online ISBN: 978-87-93483-93-4 TRYING THE UNEMPLOYED Magnus Paulsen Hansen JUSTIFICATION AND CRITIQUE, EMANCIPATION AND COERCION TOWARDS THE ‘ACTIVE SOCIETY’. A STUDY OF CONTEMPORARY REFORMS IN FRANCE AND DENMARK TRYING THE UNEMPLOYED JUSTIFICATION AND CRITIQUE, EMANCIPATION AND COERCION TOWARDS THE ‘ACTIVE SOCIETY’ A study of contemporary reforms in France and Denmark PhD thesis by Magnus Paulsen Hansen Main supervisor: Ove K. Pedersen Co-supervisor: Peter Triantafillou Doctoral School of Organisation and Management Studies Department of Business and Politics Copenhagen Business School Magnus Paulsen Hansen  !"# 1st edition 2017 PhD Series 10.2017 © Magnus Paulsen Hansen ISSN 0906-6934 Print ISBN: 978-87-93483-92-7 Online ISBN: 978-87-93483-93-4 All rights reserved. No parts of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. The Doctoral School of Organisation and Management Studies (OMS) is an interdisciplinary research environment at Copenhagen Business School for PhD students working on theoretical and empirical themes related to the organisation and management of private, public and voluntary organizations. Abstracts ENGLISH Since the late 1980s, European welfare states and labour market regulation have gradually but radically been transformed into ways of underpinning a more “active society” where active usually entails paid work or activities, such as training and qualification, that aim towards work. The thesis investigates the transformation towards the ‘active society’ through the spectre of unemployment and how it is governed. Two puzzles in the transformations have motivated the inquiry: firstly, the co-existence of a plurality of different, and often contradictory, conceptions of who the unemployed are and why they are unemployed; and secondly, the co-existence of wills to emancipate the unemployed alongside the justification of using coercive measures towards them. This thesis argues that if we want to understand the varieties within the transformations, the “what?” question, it is necessary to address the “how?”; i.e., how transformations are legitimised. Here, ideas and morality are pivotal. Inspired by French pragmatic sociology (Boltanski and Thévenot), the ideas are approached as cities of unemployment that are mobilised to justify and criticise policies related to the governing of unemployment. In these situations where the question of what is the best way to govern unemployment is put to the test, cities of unemployment enable actors to prepare and qualify the reality of the situation for critique and justification. Each city of unemployment is founded on a principle with specific principles to try or test both those who govern and the subjects inhabiting each city, thus entailing a specific understanding of what emancipating the unemployed involves, i.e., what kind of moral subject the unemployed person is with what kind of needs and characteristics. The thesis thus asks which cities of unemployment are mobilised in contemporary reform processes of the governing of unemployment, how are the cities mobilised to justify and criticise, and how do the cities sediment into instruments and institutions governing the unemployed? The questions are operationalised through an in-depth comparative study of four key contemporary reform processes: two in Denmark and two in France. The thesis is the first systematic investigation into the test situations that unfold in the public debates with a focus on the plurality of ideas that are mobilised to qualify and evaluate existing policies and justify changes. The thesis shows how the governing of unemployment is the result of an ongoing sedimentation in the cities tied together in compromises. This makes the governing inherently composite and unstable. The thesis identifies and maps seven distinct cities of unemployment that are mobilised in all debates surrounding all four reforms: the cities of Demand, Redistribution, Insurance, Incentives, Mobility, Investment and the Paternal city. Regardless of differences between the four cases, all analyses show that reforms are particularly driven by justifications from the Paternal, Mobility, Investment and Incentives cities, which are all tied together in multiple ways. The other three cities do not vanish completely, but in the qualification of the unemployed they are increasingly put to the margins. Finally, the thesis shows how the tensions between the cities that are mobilised for justificatory purposes are mitigated in categorisations and various institutionalised tests that continuously evaluate the behaviour of the unemployed. The tests, such as triage, screening, interviews and contracts, thus question and settle what kind of subject the unemployed person is, i.e., what city he lives in, how worthy he is, and what instruments will bring him closer to emancipation (i.e., the ‘active society’). In this way, the possibility of requalifying the unemployed is made permanent. A similar experimentalist dynamic is identifiable in the public debates concerning justification and critique. Here unemployment is increasingly seen as a multi-causal phenomenon that, in the end, is a matter of how to make the unemployed act in certain ways. The result is a constant uncertainty as to how to attach particular causes to particular categories of unemployment. Hence, the demand for targeting or “personalising” the governing in order to make the unemployed respond to it results in increasingly intimate and often coercive instruments. DANSK Siden slutningen af 1980erne er de europæiske velfærdsstater og arbejdsmarkeder gradvist men radikalt blevet ændret i retning af at understøtte det ’aktive samfund’, hvor aktiv som regel betyder lønnet arbejde eller aktiviteter, som fx jobtræning og uddannelse med sigte på beskæftigelse. Afhandlingen undersøger vendingen mod det ’aktive samfund’ gennem fænomenet arbejdsløshed og hvordan det kan og bør styres. Undersøgelsen er motiveret af at nå til en bedre forståelse af to tendenser: For det første en samtidig tilstedeværelse af en mangfoldighed af forskellige, og ofte modstridende, forestillinger af hvem den arbejdsløse er og hvor han er arbejdsløs. For det andet, en samtidig tilstedeværelse af på den ene side en erklæret vilje til at emancipere den arbejdsløse fra hans passive tilstand, og på den anden side øget brug af tvangsmidler over for den arbejdsløse. Metodisk argumenterer afhandlingen for at hvis man vil forstå indholdet og forskelligheden i ændringerne (spørgsmålet om ”hvad”), er det nødvendigt at adressere spørgsmålet om ”hvordan”, dvs. hvordan ændringerne legitimeres. Her er ideer og moral afgørende. Med inspiration fra den franske pragmatiske sociologi (Boltanski og Thévenot) teoretiserer afhandlingen idéerne som arbejdsløshedsbyer, der mobiliseres når arbejdsløshedspolitikker retfærdiggøres og kritiseres. I disse situationer, hvor spørgsmålet om hvordan man bedst håndterer arbejdsløsheden er sat på prøve, sætter arbejdsløshedsbyerne aktørerne i stand til at kvalificere den komplekse virkelighed til konkrete kritikker og løsningsforslag. Arbejdsløshedsbyer er bygget op omkring et princip med en specifik forestilling hvad det indebærer at emancipere den arbejdsløse og ud fra hvilket styringen såvel som de styrede subjekter, der beboer byerne, kan evalueres eller sættes på prøve. Hver by tilskriver således den arbejdsløse et bestemt moralsk subjekt med særlige behov og karakteristika. Afhandlingens problemformulering er derfor hvilke arbejdsløshedsbyer der mobiliseres og i nutidige reformprocesser af styringen af arbejdsløshed, hvordan byerne mobiliseres til at retfærdiggøre og kritisere, og sidst hvordan byerne nedlejres i instrumenter og institutioner der udgør styringen af den arbejdsløse? Spørgsmålene er operationaliseret ved hjælp af et dybtgående komparativt studie af fire betydningsfulde reformprocesser – to i Danmark og to i Frankrig. Afhandlingen er den første til systematisk at undersøge de ’prøvesituationer’ der udspiller sig i den offentlige debat med et blik for mangfoldigheden af idéer, der mobiliseres til at kvalificere og evaluere de eksisterende politikker og retfærdiggøre ændringer. Analysen viser hvordan styringen af arbejdsløshedsproblemet er et resultat af vedvarende sedimentering af arbejdsløshedsbyer, forbindes med hinanden i kompromisser. Dette gør styringen grundlæggende sammensat og ustabil. Afhandlingen kortlægger syv forskellige arbejdsløshedsbyer, der alle blev mobiliseret i alle fire debatter: Efterspørgselsbyen, Omfordelingsbyen, Forsikringsbyen, Incitamentsbyen, Investeringsbyen, Mobilitetsbyen, og den Paternalistiske by. På trods af forskelle imellem casestudierne, er de alle karakteriseret ved primært at være understøttet af den Paternalistiske by og Mobilitets-, Incitaments-, og Investeringsbyerne. De resterende tre byer forsvinder ikke fuldstændig fra landkortet men er i kvalificeringen af den arbejdsløse i stigende grad marginaliseret. Endelig viser afhandlingen hvordan spændingerne inden for og imellem de mobiliserede byer afbødes ved hjælp af kategoriseringer og forskellige institutionaliserede prøver der kontinuerligt evaluerer den arbejdsløses adfærd. Prøver, som fx visitation, screening, interviews og kontrakter spørger og fastsætter hermed hvilket subjekt den arbejdsløse er, med andre ord hvilken by han beboer, hans status, og hvilke instrumenter, der vil bringe ham tættere på emancipation, det vil sige det ’aktive samfund’. Hermed gøres muligheden for at rekvalificere den arbejdsløse permanent. En lignende eksperimentel dynamik kan ses i retfærdiggørelsen og kritikken i den offentlige debat. Her er arbejdsløshed i stigende grad set som et multikausalt fænomen, der, i sidste ende, er et spørgsmål om hvordan man kan få den arbejdsløse til at handle på en bestemt måde. Resultatet er en konstant usikkerhed omkring hvordan bestemte årsagsforklaringer tilknyttes bestemte kategorier af arbejdsløse. Således skabes et behov for mere målrettet og ”skræddersyet” styring der skal få den arbejdsløse til at respondere samt mere intime, og ofte tvangsbetonede, instrumenter. FRANÇAIS Depuis la fin des années 1980, les États-providence et les marchés du travail au sein de l’Europe connaissent des transformations radicales quoique graduelles, les amenant à privilégier une société plus « active », où actif a généralement le sens de travail rémunéré ou d’activités rémunérées comme px la formation sur le tas ou la formation professionnelle. Cette thèse étudie ce virage vers la ”société active” à travers le phénomène du chômage et sa gestion, la motivation étant d’arriver à une meilleure compréhension de deux tendances : Premièrement, la coprésence d’une pluralité de conceptions différentes et souvent contradictoires sur le chômeur et les circonstances ayant causé sa situation. Deuxièmement, la coprésence d’intentions visant à émanciper le chômeur, d’une part, et de justifications de mesures coercitives à l’encontre du chômeur, d’autre part. La méthodologie proposée pour étudier et comprendre ces deux tendances suppose que pour savoir en quoi consistent ces transformations, il est nécessaire d’étudier comment les acteurs essaient de les justifier. À cette fin, une étude des idées et de leurs fondements moraux s’impose. S’inspirant de l’école française de la sociologie pragmatique (Boltanski et Thévenot), cette thèse propose une déclinaison du concept de cité du chômage pour rendre compte des idées mobilisées dans la justification et la critique des politiques de chômage. Dans de telles situations où la question de savoir comment gérer au mieux le chômage est mise à l’épreuve, des ‘cités du chômage’ permettent aux acteurs de préparer et qualifier la réalité afin de la critiquer et de la justifier. Chaque cité du chômage est fondée sur un principe particulier se référant à une conception spécifique de l’émancipation du chômeur, et à partir de ce principe tant la gestion que les êtres présents qui y sont soumis peuvent être évalués ou mis à l’épreuve. Chaque cité attribue à chacun des chômeurs un sujet moral défini par des besoins et caractéristiques spécifiques. D’où la problématique suivante : Quelles cités de chômage sont mobilisées dans les processus de réforme contemporains de la gestion du chômage ? Comment les cités sont-elles mobilisées pour nourrir la justification et la critique ? Et enfin, comment se sédimentent-elles sous formes de dispositifs et d’institutions de gestion du chômeur ? Ces questions sont traitées à travers une étude comparative détaillée de quatre processus de réforme importants – deux au Danemark et deux en France. Cette thèse est la 1 1 Introduction TOWARDS THE ‘ACTIVE SOCIETY’ Since the late 1980s, European welfare states and labour market regulation have transformed gradually, but radically. In this period transformations seem to follow a pattern that works its way regardless of previous paths. Regardless of whether welfare states are Bismarckian, social democratic or residual, (Esping-Andersen 1990), it has been argued that they are all being transformed into “competition states” (Cerny 1997; 1990; Pedersen 2011), “enabling states” (Gilbert 2002) or “Schumpetarian workfare states” (Jessop 1993; Torfing 1999a). Policies representing the transformations have been given many labels, such as “active social policies” (Bonoli 2013), “active labour market policies” (Hedegaard 2014; Bonoli 2010), and “activating labour market policies” (Dingeldey 2009). The new policies are concerned with “workfare” (Peck 2001; Lødemel and Trickey 2001; Torfing 1999b), “welfare-to-work” (Bonoli 2010), and “activation” (Barbier 2002; 2004; Serrano Pasqual 2007; van Berkel et al. 2012). The many labels illustrate a certain ambiguity in the transformations. However, what characterises the transformations is a will to construct policies that somehow underpin a more “active society” where active usually entails paid work or activities, such as training and qualification, that aim towards work. The term derives from some OECD visions of the late 1980s of what it would take to bring the welfare states out of the economic downturn (Gass 1988; OECD 1989; See also Dean 1995; Walters 1997). Since then, the term has come to be used to describe a direction of change that is, however, qualified in many ways. As I will try to show in the chapters to follow, “active” can in fact imply different and often contradictory meanings in the active society. Hence, the transformation towards it entails uncertainty, tensions and critique. The active society is permanently under construction and has been for the last 25 years. It never quite works as expected and never quite fulfils its promises. It can thus always be improved and always be more active; but why is it that the need to reform, despite radical changes, seems to persist? What is it that makes the ‘active society’ an attractive destination for the majority of political actors in Europe? 2 The thesis investigates the transformation towards the ‘active society’ through the spectre of unemployment. Unemployment is the labour market’s ‘other’. It is not simply a natural phenomenon. It is an invented and plastic category (Salais et al. 1986; Baxandall 2004); a paradoxical and contradictory result of historical struggles and attempts to control and govern the unemployed as well as the employed (Zimmermann 2001; Walters 2000). It defines a population of unemployed people that can be qualified and categorised further with thresholds set for the working population of the labour market and those who are not working, but for various reasons are not unemployed (children, retired, ill, etc.). The category makes the people behind the phenomenon, those who for one reason or another are not selling their labour, ‘governable’. However, the governing of unemployment not only concerns the unemployed; it also sends signals to the rest of society by underpinning why the population should work, what it takes to do it, and why someone fails to do it. The governing of unemployment is therefore embedded with both ‘grey’ numbers, technicalities and rules, as well as ‘colourful’ questions of morality, emancipation and what characterises the good or just society. Unemployment is a phenomenon that keeps disturbing the harmony of the active society; the thorn in the side that won’t go away. Its numbers oscillate, but never completely vanish. At the same time, the presence of unemployment reaffirms the need to make society even more active. The active society is permanently at war against unemployment. Unlike many other studies (e.g. Martin and Grubb 2001; Estevao 2003; Martin 2014), this thesis has no intention of criticising its failure or providing solutions as to how to make policies more “effective”. Rather, it takes a step back and asks a question similar to the one of why the “proclamation of the failure of the prison has always been accompanied by its maintenance”: [P]erhaps one should reverse the problem and ask oneself what is served by the failure of the prison; what is the use of these different phenomena that are continually being criticized (…). If so, one would be forced to suppose that the prison, and no doubt punishment in general, is not intended to eliminate offences, but rather to distinguish them, to distribute them, to use them. (Foucault 1977: 272) This is not to say that the unemployed are our inmates of today, although there are sometimes clear resemblances (Wacquant 2009). Rather, it is to say that the governing of unemployment does a lot more than just respond to a functional problem – it shapes the problem, and by doing so it shapes, or at least intends to shape, the lives and behaviour 3 of those who fall either inside or outside the immense categories that are tied to this abstract and statistical artefact of unemployment. In the active society, unemployment is not merely an abstract number; it is a matter of making the unemployed active, whether this is working inside or outside the ordinary labour market, participating in a job training course, educating oneself, getting up in the morning, applying for jobs, not receiving benefits etc. This cannot be reduced to an attempt to retrench or dismantle the welfare state, as in the UK in the 1980s (Pierson 1994). The active society does not govern the unemployed less; it governs them differently. In other words, this is not radical, neoliberal laissez-faire in action. In fact, it governs more intensely. It entails a “politics of behaviour” (Rose 2000) that insists on emancipating the unemployed, even if it takes coercive measures to carry it through. It insists on “targeting” and “personalising” the governing to identify who the unemployed are, and for this purpose develops and revises instruments of screening and continuous evaluation of the unemployed. The ideas driving the political reforms position themselves at the party political centre, beyond “left and right” (Giddens 1994) as a new “third way” or “new centre” (Giddens 1998; Blair and Schroeder 1998). A pragmatic, managerial and ‘realist’ approach that refuses the teleological language of old ideologies and the clash of classes, and in this way imagines a kind of “post-political” era (Mouffe 2005) in which interests are aligned towards the same goals (Hansen and Triantafillou 2011). Of course, these dynamics are not entirely new; (reformative) social democracy and the development of the welfare state has from the beginning been seen as a pragmatic “middle way” between capitalism and revolutionary socialism (e.g. Childs 1948; Marshall 1964). However, the transformation towards the active society is not located between socialism and capitalism, but displaced to somewhere between unfettered, deregulating and privatising neoliberalism and the post-war welfare state and labour market regulation. Today, social democrats have become the fiercest critics of the welfare state that their predecessors created, while the once revolutionary left have become its most loyal defenders and right-wing parties now insist on reintegrating rather than acting laisser faire towards the unemployed. 4 VARIETIES In asking how and what transformations are unfolding, the thesis is certainly not original. However, by taking a different perspective, the thesis claims that there are dynamics in the transformations that hitherto have been neglected in the literature. There are a substantive number of studies that have theorised the “what” of transformations, and they usually distinguish between two policy approaches that, to simplify, can be labelled the ‘hard’ and the ‘soft’ approach. Table 1 shows some of the most important dichotomies: Table 1: Varieties of policy approaches in transformations Hard Soft Torfing (1999b: 17) Defensive Offensive Larsen et al. (2001: 25) Social disciplining Social integration Barbier (2002: 316) Liberal Social democrat Torfing (2004: 41) Work first Human capital Serrano Pascual (2004: 502-507) Sticks Carrots Dingeldey (2007: 824-826) Workfare Enabling Dean (2007) Authoritarian Egalitarian Taylor-Gooby (2008) Negative Positive Bonoli (2013: 19-22) (Re-)commodification Active social policy Although the dichotomies have different focus points and emphasise different levels of analysis, some are more philosophical and some more instrumental and institutional, they largely seem to agree on the content of the two approaches. At the more philosophical/moral level, the ‘hard’ side entails an individualistic approach, valuing selfreliance, welfare-to-work (Barbier), re-commodification (Bonoli) and work as a moral requirement (Dean), while the ‘soft' side entails a universalistic approach (Barbier, Torfing 1999b), enhancing human capital (Torfing, Dingeldey, Taylor-Gooby), enabling active participation (Dingeldey) and “enhancing the productive potential”, and work is seen as an “ethical commitment amongst subjects of equal worth” (Dean). Back on the ‘hard’ side, the governed are treated as assisted and poor (Barbier) “rational utility maximizing individuals” (Torfing, 2004) who lack “incentives” (Larsen et al.), whereas 5 they are citizens (Barbier) and “actors with social resources to be empowered” (Torfing 2004) who lack “competences and skills” (Larsen et al.) on the ‘soft’ side. The two approaches also differ when it comes to instruments. In the ‘hard’ approach, benefits are short-term and low level (Barbier), shorter, time-limited and harder to get (Torfing, 2004), conditional (Dingeldey, Dean) and quid pro quo (Torfing 1999b), whereas benefits are on a high level and long term (Barbier), and based on reciprocity (Dingeldey, Barbier) and “balanced rights and obligations” (Barbier) in the ‘soft’ approach . When the ‘hard’ approach reforms, it reduces benefits (Torfing 1999b) and enhances the flexibility of the labour market (Dingeldey) as well as the mobility and jobsearching efficiency of the unemployed (Torfing 1999b), whereas the ‘soft’ approach “supplements welfare” (Torfng 2004) with activation (Torfing 1999b, Barbier), training, education (Torfing 1999b), up-skilling (Torfing 2004) and investing in human capital (Taylor-Gooby). Finally, the two approaches entail a ‘hard’ vs. ‘soft’ treatment of the unemployed, which makes it clear that there is a more or less explicit preference among the authors towards the latter side. The ‘hard’ side adopts “conditional obedience” (Dean) and uses “organized systematic use of sanctions”, whereas sanctions are “negotiated” and “marginal” in the latter (Barbier); “restrictions on benefits” in the ‘hard’ approach vs. “positive support” in the ‘soft’ approach (Taylor-Gooby), “sanctions” vs. “selfmotivation” (Larsen et al.), or penalties and ‘sticks’ vs. incentives and ‘carrots’ (Serrano Pascual). In the ‘soft’ approach the “coercive aspects (…) play a less central role than in the [‘hard’] approach, which uses “pressure” to re-enter labour market” (Dingeldey). The target group of the ‘soft’ approach needs “empowerment” , whereas the target group of the ‘hard’ approach is in need of “motivation, control and punishment” (Torfing 1999b, 2004). The findings of the thesis suggest that the existing attempts to describe and theorise the varieties of transformations are at best imprecise and at worst misleading. Firstly, there are more than two ideas that legitimise transformations. In fact, the thesis traces and maps a plurality of seven ideas that are mobilised to justify changes. While some shape transformations more than others, this implies that the transformations are not a matter of selecting between two choices. Secondly, by conflating ideas and instruments, the existing typologies assume that there is a ‘hard’ and a ‘soft’ approach. However, the thesis shows that the use of coercion transgresses the approaches. This does not only 6 question the conceptual validity of the dichotomies as analytical tools, but has broader normative implications since it challenges the idea of a ‘progressive’, ‘leftist’, noncoercive alternative within the transformation towards the active society. The thesis is thus motivated by providing a better and more nuanced understanding and a different critique that has not painted transformations in black and white and chosen sides from the very beginning. While the dichotomies are attuned to criticise the ‘hard’ type of transformations, their normative bias gives them blind spots with regards to the ‘soft’ side, as well as to how the two sides co-exist. LEGITIMATION AS JUSTIFICATION This thesis argues that if we want to understand the varieties within the transformations, the “what?” question, it is necessary to address the “how?”; i.e., how transformations are legitimised. It is only by addressing the dynamics of the processes that it becomes possible to understand the direction of transformations. This entails regarding the process of legitimation (i.e., how) as key for understanding the content of transformations (i.e., what). More broadly, the thesis argues that the role of ideas is pivotal. The thesis can thus be positioned within a broader “ideational turn” (Blyth 1997) in comparative political economy. This is sometimes labelled “discursive institutionalism” (Campbell and Pedersen 2001; Schmidt 2011b; 2011a) or “constructivist institutionalism” (Hay 2008). This strand (henceforth, discursive institutionalism) has emphasised that ideas matter not only because changes must be justified, but more profoundly, because ideas provide actors with the necessary “interpretive frameworks” (Blyth 2002: 11) for making sense of (Borrás and Seabrooke 2012), and putting value into, institutions and policies. At the risk of oversimplifying, discursive institutionalism has so far operated with two limited conceptions of ideas when it comes to addressing the interrelation between the what and the how. Firstly, ideas work as ideologies. This take usually goes hand in hand with an emphasis on (elite) actors and their capacity to “persuade” and “convince” the “mass public” by means of “rhetorical strategies” (Cox 2001: 498). Carstensen and Schmidt (2016: 312-22) term this “power through ideas”, describing the capacity of actors to persuade other actors to accept their views of what to think and do through the use of “ideational elements”. It is ideological because it emphasises the way in which ideas become ‘make-up’ instruments for certain privileged actors to legitimize political programmes. 7 Secondly, discursive institutionalism regards ideas as norms, values, sentiments, philosophies, etc. that are taken-for-granted (Béland 2009; Béland and Cox 2010b). A common denominator of this conception is that ideas work at a somewhat “deeper level” (Carstensen and Schmidt 2016: 329; see also Schmidt 2008). Thus whereas ideologies work on top of the transformations, background ideas work below. Within the community (epistemic or more often simply nations), ideas are shared and legitimate to such an extent that they are taken-for-granted. They are “public philosophies” (Schmidt 2011a), “background ideas” (Schmidt 2008; 2016), “public sentiments” (Campbell 1998), “doxa” (Carstensen and Schmidt 2016: 331), “common knowledge” (Culpepper 2008), “society’s cultural repertoire” (Béland 2009) or a “zeitgeist” (Mehta 2011). They are thus “shared beliefs” (Béland and Cox 2010b). Another capacity of taken-for-granted ideas is that they function as “institutional blueprints” that “dictate” and “tell agents which institutions to construct” (Blyth 2002: 40, 43). Taken-for-granted ideas thus do not demand much reflexivity from either actors invoking them or from those to whom the ideas are communicated. Ideas as ideology and as taken-for-granted norms and values are combined in a commonly used explanation of “ideational path-dependency” (Carstensen 2010: 850): the influence of ideas thus depend on how they become consistent with the existing prevailing discourse, e.g., how “rhetorical strategies (…) connect new proposals to an existing value structure” (Cox 2001: 498). The legitimacy of the new idea thus comes from already legitimate ideas that the new ideas are somehow connected with; for instance, by means of “frames” which make new programmes conform with already existing and legitimate paradigms and public sentiments (Campbell 2004: 98f). Introducing new ideas is thus a job for ‘framers’ and ‘brokers’ who, in processes of “bricolage”, dress up the new programmes by basically making the new ideas sound ‘old’ and familiar (Campbell 2004; see also Carstensen 2011b). Similarly, Béland argues that “ideological frames” serve as “weapons of mass persuasion” related to existing social and institutional forces. In such a constraining environment, political actors must master the institutional ‘rules of the game’ while manipulating the symbols available in existing ideological repertoires” (Béland 2005: 12). As fruitful as these theorisations have been, they have limited use for the purpose of this thesis. The conception of ideas as ideologies may unveil rhetoric and manipulation, but it also thereby underestimates a much more productive power of ideas, namely the 8 capacity that Blyth hints at when speaking of ideas as “interpretive frameworks” (see above). While ideologies mask reality, ideas also have the capacity to enable actors to qualify and evaluate it. When it comes to the conception of ideas as being taken-forgranted, this underestimates the contemporaneousness or co-existence of a plurality of ideas that may be used to evaluate unemployment policies. The co-existence of ideas implies that all ideas are somehow in need of legitimation and cannot simply rely on taken-for-granted norms and values. Hence, the conceptions are limited in providing analytical tools for how some ideas drive transformations rather than others, and how this matters to the institutional and instrumental changes in the governing of unemployment. A theoretical perspective that has more to offer in the understanding of the ‘direct’ capacity of ideas is Foucault’s perspective of governmentality and his genealogical method. Here, ideas work as “governmental rationalities” (Foucault 2008: 2), “regimes of truth” and “veridiction” (Foucault 1980; 2008; 2012). The point of departure of the thesis is thus these productive capacities of ideas as well the closely related issues of morality and politics, and knowledge and mundane governmental techniques, that Foucault has drawn attention to. However, similarly to the conception of taken-forgranted ideas mentioned above, the Foucauldian genealogical method has limitations when it comes to understanding the co-existence of a plurality of ideas. Foucault maps programmes (Foucault 1991: 75; cf. Dean 1988) rather than the tensions between them, and according to some he ends up “assuming too much coherence and order in the present” (Brady 2014: 24; see also Marston and McDonald 2006). This method thus tends to take the legitimacy of the programmes it studies for granted. Instead, this thesis has taken its primary theoretical inspiration from “French pragmatic sociology” – a strand founded in the late 1980s by the sociologist Luc Boltanski and the economist Laurent Thévenot. They initially developed a theory of the structures that enable people to justify and criticise in everyday situations of dispute (Boltanski and Thévenot 1987; 2006). However, the theory also has great, but largely untapped, potential for studying the interrelation of political ideas and political action (Eulriet 2008). The theory entails a conception of ideas as well as of processes of legitimation that can encompass the co-existence of a plurality of ideas and the tensions and uncertainty that this entails. The thesis thus approaches ideas as cities of unemployment that are mobilised to justify and criticise policies and changes related to the governing of 9 unemployment. In these situations where there is uncertainty regarding what is the best way to govern unemployment, the reality of instruments, institutions and people is put to the test. Cities of unemployment equip actors with the means to prepare and qualify the reality for critique and justification. Each city of unemployment is founded on a principle with specific tribunals to try or test both those who govern and the subjects inhabiting each city. Within each city there is thus a permanent search for improvement and to make the governing of unemployment aligned with its principle, as well as a constant questioning of whether, why and how the unemployed behave according to the guiding principle. This entails a specific understanding of what emancipating the unemployed involves and what it takes to do it, i.e., what kind of moral subject the unemployed is with what kind of needs and characteristics. The cities are not ideologies in the sense that rather than hiding what is going on, they equip actors with the means to attach worth to it. Cities are not taken-forgranted, because rather than providing actors with certainty at a somewhat sub-conscious level, they demand and work upon an uncertain reality by nourishing and formatting the critical capacity and reflexivity of actors. Finally, although the cities of unemployment have a lot in common with “governmental rationalities”, the cities differ by being prepared for engagement in disputes as well as compromises with other cities. The objects and subjects of each city can be, and are, combined in infinite ways, which also brings a certain fragility and instability to the governing of unemployment. RESEARCH QUESTION AND METHOD The key research questions of the thesis aim towards a better understanding of the transformation of the governing of unemployment into the active society by bringing together the what (the content of transformations) and the how (the legitimation of transformations) in a theoretical framework and research design. The locus of the research concerns neither rhetorical strategies and hidden interests nor intellectual thought or governmental techniques and programmes, but rather processes of justification and critique where the government of unemployment is put to the test. This requires a meticulous analysis of the dynamics between the governing of unemployment and the transformations of instruments and institutions, as well as the actors’ justification and critique of both through mobilising cities of unemployment. The thesis thus asks: 16 Part I Towards a grammar of cities of unemployment 17 2 Analytical grid Meta-concepts and methods In the following I will present the analytical grid of the thesis, that is, the key theoretical concepts and the methodological choices that follow from the overall aim of the thesis as well as from the theoretical frame. In the process of composing the thesis, the aim has been to develop an analytical grid that provides tools to map the plurality of moral and normative structures that are used to justify and criticise policies in processes that lead to reforms in the governing of unemployment, as well as the tensions, sacrifices and compromises between the normative structures. Furthermore, the analytical grid seeks to address the question of how normative structures are connected to the governing of unemployment and specifically what ideas and ideational dynamics are driving and shaping current transformations of the governing of unemployment. The chapter is structured as follows. The first section presents the key theoretical concepts, which mainly derive from French Pragmatic sociology. There is no canonical ‘text book’ (yet) of pragmatic sociology, but different and sometimes contesting views on how the theory should be interpreted and evolve. The following is thus based on my take on what I find to be distinct, original and productive in this sociology in development (Hansen 2016b; 2016a). Thus, rather than a strict adoption of a comprehensive framework, the concepts are, from the beginning, heuristically chosen and moulded to function as tools for the analytical purpose of the thesis. The key concepts are: -Reality test -Qualification -Plurality -Repertoires of evaluation 18 Section two further moulds the concept of repertoires of evaluation into the concept of cities of unemployment. The concept qualifies the thesis’ take on ideas in relation to the justification as well as the governing of unemployment. The section combines the concepts into a framework. The following three sections will present the key analytical concepts and finally outline a model that addresses the role of ideas, actors, instruments and institutions in practices of evaluation. The last three sections describe and justify the choices of case selection, data selection and coding. The final section presents some notes on how the material is read and analysed. KEY CONCEPTS FROM FRENCH PRAGMATIC SOCIOLOGY The point of departure for pragmatic sociology is that we live in a world with uncertainty and tensions (Boltanski 2011; Barthe et al. 2013). However, it is not a Hobbesian state of nature with a basic fear of getting killed by the neighbour, but more an ontological uncertainty and changeability with regards to what reality consists of, or with Boltanski’s words, an uncertainty about “the whatness of what is” (Boltanski 2011: 75). The reality is regarded as fragile, heterogeneous and composite (Thévenot 2001) rather than solid and homogenous. It is this dynamic and insecure point of departure that informs pragmatic sociology’s specific attention towards the coordination between the individual person and the environment, which is a difficult, non-predetermined and, at times, trying, process. Reality test: Fragile reality and its troublesome coordination is encapsulated in one of the key concepts of pragmatic sociology, namely the reality test. The multiplicity of meanings attached to the term (in French épreuve) is important. It firstly signifies an uncertain and fragile situation in which reality is “put to the test” (mis à l’épreuve) or tested by people in something that resembles a trial. Secondly, it signifies a state. It refers to a hardship or something trying and testing (éprouvant). Thirdly, it is a capacity: the verb éprouver can be related to experiencing or sensing. In such test situations or “critical moments” (Boltanski and Thévenot 1999), such as disputes, the reality is put to the test by means of the experiences and actions of people. Whereas the starting point of a test is some uncertainty with regards to the ‘whatness’ of what is, it also contains moments in 19 which certainty, at least temporarily, is established and agreement or compromises are reached; but only “temporarily” since the ‘noise of the world’ always threatens the situation to “get out of hand and to lead the parties involved to conduct another test, the way throwing a dice or drawing a card can start a game up again” (Boltanski and Thévenot 2006: 135). It is these test situations or critical moments that are the privileged research objects of pragmatic sociology (Dansou and Langley 2012). Pragmatic sociology is “pragmatic” by being oriented towards practices and concrete situations and by taking its departure in people’s own sense-making in these situations. The test is usually used to study everyday situations, for instance at the work place, but the term is equally applicable to the object of this study. The point of departure here is the fact that unemployment, or how to organise the relation between those who are regarded as employed and those who are not, is troublesome and constantly spurs test situations in which it is not entirely given for the actors involved (politicians, interest groups, unemployed, etc.) what the most appropriate way to handle them is. But how are people “equipped” (Thévenot 2002) in order to handle these test situations? When reality is not given and people are forced to coordinate their actions with others, they lean on and are constrained by surrounding objects that make the situations comparable to other situations. Pragmatic sociology speaks of “equivalence”; yardsticks that makes it possible to see differences and similarities, or simply to recognise or disregard what is relevant in a particular situation, (“what matters” in Boltanski’s words (2011)) and finally make a coordination of actions possible. These yardsticks can take a variety of “forms”, such as habits, conventions, statistics, technical objects or juridical tools (Thévenot 1986). This is where the fourth, more institutional, signification of test is relevant as a device for testing. People invest in these forms to enable coordination (Ibid.). “Investment” firstly signifies the binding of resources to a particular idea, thereby renouncing investing in something else. Put differently, investments entail “sacrifices”. For instance, the practice of statistics invests in categories. Categorisations are both simplifying, thus inevitably sacrificing nuances when generalising into categories, and indispensable in order to compare particular instances (Boltanski and Thévenot 2006: 2f). Moreover, categories have an in-built fragility since they are constantly put to the test by other overlapping categories or instances that do not fit the categories (Thévenot 20 1979). Secondly, the term investment is tied to “investiture”, originally referring to the installation of an incumbent (the insignia can be a garment, the ‘vest’) (Thévenot 2016: 238ff). When actors invest in particular statistical classification, it enables equivalence and coordination and people or things can be compared and actions can be made accordingly, but with this it is also clear that the classification can underpin certain power relations, establishing hierarchies, authorities and categories that enable and legitimise political actions and governing. The governing of unemployment, as will be shown in the coming chapters, is a case in point of being intimately tied to continuous investments in categories that spur ongoing tensions and ‘critical moments’. Qualification: The continuous investment in forms by actors qualify the surroundings. They “equip” reality with particular goods that render it possible to evaluate and value, or simply appraise, the objects in the surroundings as well as the actions actors carry out. Objects and actions are in other words ‘valorized’ (Boltanski and Thévenot 2006: 131). For example, the capability of a court of justice presupposes a number of qualified objects invested with value for pronouncing a sentence. Prosecutor and defender depend on evidence and witnesses that are qualified according to the accusations. However, the qualification of objects is highly dependent on the situation. For instance, in the court room, all objects and persons become part of a reality (of proofs, clauses, laws, justice, etc.) which is radically different from how they were qualified outside the room. The qualification, including the judicial authority of the judge, is further supported by invested objects in the court room, such as the judge’s robe and wig, the hammer and the bench, as well ceremonial practices, such as rising when the judge enters. As mentioned, the qualification also rests on particular goods, in the case of the court a number of principles settled in laws and legal practice. It is these goods, or moralities, that provide the binding material in the field of tension in the tests between people, their actions and the reality they act within and upon. Pragmatic sociology, in this sense, is a framework for understanding the qualified or ‘valorized’ relations between people and their surroundings (Hansen et al. 2016: 274f). Although these processes of qualification can be highly institutionalised (as in the case of the court), they are not simply structurally determined and given. They require investments in order to be established and maintained, especially given that the objects, or dispostifs as Boltanski and Thévenot 21 speak of them aggregately (Boltanski and Thévenot 1991), are rarely as homogeneously ordered and spatially delimited as they are in the court room. In the case of unemployment, it is much less straightforward as to what is relevant in test situations, such as reform debates, since the unemployed are already qualified according to a plurality of different and often opposing forms that constitute a patchwork of qualifications and actors. This means that a great many objects can be drawn into the test situations, from a variety of statistics (growth rate, unemployment rate, employment rate, consumption, poverty rate, wage levels, benefit levels, job turnover, education levels and so on) to a particular ‘successful’ programme and the statements and behaviour of individual unemployed people. While these objects hereby aim to fix the ‘whatness of what is’, they are also loaded with morality. Statistics, for instance, are on the one hand a radical requalification of social life into categories and numbers, and on the other they aim towards producing knowledge to improve society according to certain historically nested ideals of the good society (Thévenot 1990; 2011). Statistics, and qualification in general, fuse together the question of what reality is and the moral and political question of how it ought to be (Wagner 1999: 348; Boltanski 2011: 69). This “situated” morality makes it very different from philosophical wrestling with abstract principles, or the way a theory of principle-driven justice (e.g., Rawls) is applied to reality (cf. Boltanski and Thévenot 2000: 216). Plurality: A recurring argument in studies of pragmatic sociology is to show how the qualifications give rise to tensions and conflicts between a plurality of moral goods that become visible in these test situations. Tension lurks not only because the world is in constant “flux” (Boltanski 2011: 58), but because the goods fail to appreciate one another and are ultimately incommensurable (Centemeri 2015). The name of the initial research group, Le groupe de sociologie politique et morale, indicates that pragmatic sociology is positioned in a cross disciplinary field between sociology (social actions and coordination), philosophy (morality and goods) and politics (tensions, power and conflict). Pragmatic sociology shares this focus on tension with Actor Network Theory; in Bruno Latour’s terminology, “controversies” (Latour 2005). However, whereas the pragmatic in ANT (as well as American pragmatism) mainly refers to an applicationand problem-solving-oriented process in which objects and the social are assembled in every possible way, for pragmatic sociology it is first and foremost a moral practice in which 22 reality and goods are concurrently put to the test. A methodological consequence of this ‘muddle’ of morality and objects and practices is, as positively argued for in the preceding chapter, that the researcher’s account remains non-normative. REPERTOIRES OF EVALUATION: CITIES OF UNEMPLOYMENT Although the plurality provides permanent scope for tests, tensions and critique, there are limits to the ways in which reality can be qualified and actions can be justified and criticised (Boltanski and Thévenot 1987; 2006). In specific places and periods there exists a limited number of more stable structures that enable actors to qualify reality and establish equivalence (Blokker 2011). These “repertoires of evaluation” (Lamont and Thévenot 2000) follow a systematic grammar that can be mobilised to establish equivalence, hereby enabling critique and justification, i.e., evaluation. Repertoires are, however, much more than yardsticks or common goods that are simply inadequate to justify actions (outside forums of philosophical wrestling). They are situated. To borrow another term from Boltanski and Thévenot, they could be seen as “cities” (cités) (Boltanski and Thévenot 1987)i. Within the walls of the city, a certain order or moral harmony rules based on the yardstick or principle that cherishes a particular worth; but the cities are also full of objects and subjects that reinsure the order of worth (Boltanski and Thévenot 2006: 130-37). The cities are also ‘equipped’ with tests that make it possible to distinguish between more or less worthy objects as well as subjects. Finally, cities are not anarchic, but governed. There are instruments to ensure that the inhabitants live in accordance with the order of worth of the city, and within the city there is a constant quest for improving the governing of unemployment, and hence the worth of the city. Cities are thus never complete. This implies that cities are neither ready-made prescriptions with a complete blueprint nor utopias. They do not simply ‘dictate’ those who govern exactly what to change or what policy tool to introduce. They provide them with repertoires. Cities are thus like Foucault’s problematisations, “turning a given into a question” (Foucault 2003: 24; 2001). When mobilised, cities thus connect the concrete situation to a general problem and i The French term cité is more illustrative since it refers to the Greek city-states and hence signifies a society. In On Justification, cité is translated to “polity” (Boltanski and Thévenot 2006). 23 foster the preconditions for looking for, justifying or criticising possible solutions. By qualifying their reality, they are pointing towards what matters while deflecting what does not matter, thereby making up the imagination of the political actors and providing them with analytical grids that will guide their quest for identifying problems and finding solutions. They can be mobilised in order to justify as well as criticise, thereby evaluating actions and arrangements. They can be used to confirm or defend as well as challenge given orders, and can be mobilised in reformative and corrective actions and adjustments within the city walls as well as in radical or “existential” critiques of other cities by questioning the very principles that the arrangements are built upon (cf. Boltanski and Chiapello 1999: 77; Boltanski 2011: 103f). It is possible to find different types of cities with different levels of generality. The cities mapped by Boltanski and Thévenot can be seen as the ‘universal’ equipment for engaging in disputes and controversies.i However, in order to avoid taking certain ideas for granted, this thesis aims to develop a more contextual and inductive typology of repertoires that are directly related to the topic of the thesis – that is, the problem of how to govern the problem of unemployment.ii I term these repertoires cities of unemployment. All cities thus have their own ways of qualifying the phenomenon of people who, for some reason or another, do not commodify their time and effort on the labour market (Polanyi 1944). If one tries to specify this extremely generic, though historical phenomenon further, one basically risks entering the gates of one of the cities. The cities thus qualify the phenomenon by pointing out objects that influence it, by attaching particular behavioural characteristics to the unemployed subject and by providing tests by which one can evaluate and improve the governing to make it more just and efficient. The equipment of the cities thus sustain processes for the “subjectivation” (Foucault 1982; Revel 2010: 227f) of the inhabitants of the cities. Cities hereby interpellate the inhabitants as moral subjects. This, of course, entails the unemployed, but by specifying the thresholds between unemployment and employment, the cities are just as much about the employed as the unemployed. Finally, the cities also i Boltanski and Thévenot initially mapped six “orders of worth” mobilised in everyday situations of dispute that they associated with canonical texts from political philosophy. The six orders of worth are: inspiration (St. Augustine), domestic (Bossuet), fame (Hobbes), civic (Rousseau), market (Smith), and industrial (Saint-Simon) (Boltanski and Thévenot 2006). ii There are other theoretical suggestions within pragmatic sociology closer to the issue of government, such as Robert Salais’ “dispositifs of public action” (dispositifs d’action publique) (Chatel et al. 2005) or Vando Borghi’s “institutional regimes of justification” (Borghi 2011), but they neglect the moral dimension (and, thus, the subject) so crucial to the worlds, and instead focus mainly on ‘administrative’ effects. 24 interpellate all those who aspire to partake in the quest for governing the unemployed better. In other words, the cities expect particular capacities and knowledge in order to govern legitimately. Unemployment is a constant threat to employment, but at the same time it provides meaning for its value and legitimises particular forms of governing. The cities did not rise out of nowhere. They are historical constructs relating to the rise of the market economy whose infrastructure has been developed from tensions, tests, practices and struggles. Cities are thus not pure intellectual constructs. They entail laymen as well as experts, scientific knowledge as well as opinion and abstract as well as folk philosophy. Each city thus has a specific genealogy, but unravelling this is beyond the scope of this thesis. What the thesis does do, however, is provide a detailed account of the life of each city (chapter 3) and explore their respective roles in contemporary transformations of the governing of unemployment (part II and III). Finally, it may be appropriate to clarify what the cities of unemployment are not. Firstly, a study of cities is not a study of ideologies. Cities do not operate next to, or above, practices that hide their real character. Cities are means of legitimation that qualify rather than mask reality. Their power relies not in distorting reality by means of ideological veils, but in their capacity to tie moral and normative yardsticks to concrete practices, institutions, instruments and (un)employed human beings. Secondly, studying cities is not a study of given norms or values. Cities do not operate in an environment in which they are completely taken for granted and uncontested, but in one of uncertainty and tensions. They instigate and format rather than exclude critique. Thirdly, cities differ from studying ‘governmentalities’. Governmentality studies map (the genealogy of) programmes (Foucault 1991: 75; cf. Dean 1988) or “arts” of governing (Foucault 2008: 2), and to a lesser extent how they interplay. The meta-concepts from pragmatic sociology (test, qualification, justification and plurality) and the concept of cities provide the analytical grid for studying how these tensions unfold in situations where the dynamics are difficult to capture through simply studying governmental programmes as they are presented in their ideal form by intellectuals, for example. 25 SITUATING TEST SITUATIONS: COMPROMISES, SEDIMENTATION, INSTITUTIONS It is now possible to integrate the insights presented above into a model that deals with how the dynamics of the test situations in which the cities of unemployment are mobilised relate to the actual governing of unemployment. The question, in other words, is how this ‘realm’ of evaluation (in which justification and critique take place in public) influences and is influenced by everyday governing as well as the supporting institutions. The concept of compromise is key in understanding how and why the governing of unemployment is composed by a plurality of cities. Compromises, here, should not be understood as a balancing of the interests of various actors, but settlements where elements from several cities are concurrently recognised (Boltanski and Thévenot 2006: 275ff). Compromises make two or more cities compatible by establishing arrangements that assuage the tension between them. Compromises are fragile since they never completely fulfil the logic of one city and always risk being challenged by reality tests based on cities that are not recognised in the compromise. The repeated disputes and testing of a plurality of cities in reality tests sediment (Salais 2011). Sedimentation has at least two dimensions in this context. The first is a sedimentation of instruments, namely the hands-on decisions concerning how to govern the unemployed in laws, directives, recommendations, etc. Sedimentation here also points to how the policies governing the unemployed do not follow the logic of just one city. There is rather an often ambiguous and contradictory hybridisation and layering of the mobilisation of different cities over time. We can thus interpret the assemblage of instruments in place that govern the unemployed at a given time in a given country as the outcome of historical sedimentations that compromise on-going mobilisations of the cities of unemployment. The thesis thus zooms in on four instances of sedimentation. The second dimension of sedimentation is institutionalisation, where an institution is understood from the perspective of pragmatic sociology as a “bodiless being to which is delegated the task stating the whatness of what is”; i.e., “saying and confirming what matters” through repetitive reality tests (Boltanski 2011: 59). The tautological nature of institutions deprives them from basic human capacities of doubt and reflexivity. Institutions are thus non-human beings performing a qualification and evaluation of reality in a stable and repetitive manner. Institutions such as statistics, benchmarks, 32 in reforms.i Seeing cases as a “bounded occurrence of a phenomenon” (Miles and Huberman 1994), I temporarily limit my case analysis to the period from it is announced until it is officially and legally decided upon. For an overview of details of the cases (period, number of articles and search words), see Appendix A. CODING The coding of the data was a process of simultaneously developing and mobilising the typology of the cities of unemployment. In order to be able to begin coding, a tentative ‘grammar’ and typology of different worlds of unemployment was produced. In order to do this, I searched for conceptions of unemployment in the history of economic and welfare state ideas in normative literature on the welfare state and current debates. I chose the history of ideas and the normative literature since these are suitable places to find ordered, ‘pure’ and concise conceptions of my phenomena. The result was a tentative model of seven worlds of unemployment qualified through the construction of a common grammar (e.g., their conception of societal goods, the unemployed subject, how to govern best and how to test and evaluate policies). On the basis of my tentative typology, I developed a coding scheme that was gradually reconfigured throughout the coding process. When coding each case, a detailed timeline was constructed, noting controversies, changes in reform proposals etc. The coding units are statements that can consist of very short sentences or sequences of sentences, if these build an argument. I coded both direct and indirect quotes since the point is not whether the actor said precisely this or that, but how the reality of the governing of unemployment is qualified. The criteria for coding a statement was that it had to be somehow related to the specific reform and had to involve some kind of qualification that can be either descriptive or prescriptive. This entails that the statement explicitly qualifies one or more of the instruments that are part of the reform. When in doubt of whether a statement was to be coded to a certain code, the statement was still coded. This procedure assured that all relevant data was coded, including that which did not i Since the database of Infomedia had not registered Jyllandsposten electronically for the period of the first Danish case, it only contains articles from two newspapers However, since the reform was heavily debated over a long period of time, it nonetheless has the biggest sample of articles. Since, Jyllandsposten does not differ radically in its political position on welfare matters from Berlingske, it would most likely not lead to any new repertoires or qualifications. 33 immediately fit the tentative coding scheme. Hereby, incoherence is not disregarded, but treated as an occasion for adapting and revising the categories of the coding scheme. In the coding scheme, I distinguish between descriptive, interpretative and pattern codes (Miles and Huberman 1994). The descriptive codes describe who is enunciating and what the enunciation is about (solutions, evaluation of existing policies and how to organise governing between actors). The interpretive codes refer to the cities of unemployment that actors were mobilising to justify or criticise, as well as the cities they were denouncing. Initially a tentative grammar of seven cities was developed according to readings of normative literature and secondary literature from the history of ideas regarding unemployment. The idea was to establish the largest variety of repertoires in order to bracket the many qualifications of unemployment. The codes were defined according to the established grammar and operationalised with inspiration from Boyatzis’ five elements (label, definition, description, in/exclusion, and examples) (Boyatzis 1998). The often subtle difference between the repertoires of the cities called for a very contextual and attentive reading of the statements, in which the question is always whether and how there is a qualification of reality that prepares it for evaluation. Terms like “rights”, equality”, “inclusion”, and “active” may appear in several of the cities, but with significant differences in their meaning. This implies that methods of automatic and quantitative coding on the basis of lists of key words or “semantic descriptors”, which has gained popularity in studies applying the original orders of worth framework (See e.g. Boltanski and Chiapello 1999; Patriotta et al. 2011; Taupin 2012) would be misleading and at best superficial. Furthermore, every city was accorded an additional code documenting instances in which the worth of the world is denounced. The fact that repertoires can be mobilised in order to be denounced is again something that an automatic analysis of “semantic descriptors” would not be able to catch. The process of coding was characterised by “constant comparison” (Strauss and Corbin 1998) between the definitions of the interpretive codes and the coded material, sometimes causing changes in the coding of statements and sometimes changes in the definitions of the codes. The method ensured the internal coherence in each interpretive code (cities of unemployment) and overall consistency in the coding (Justesen and Mik-Meyer 2012: 36). All changes in the content of the codes, which were substantial, were documented in a logbook. Changes in the 34 coding scheme thus led to revisiting and sometimes re-coding the cases according to changes in the scheme (see Appendix B). Finally, the coding scheme comprised a number of pattern codes that related to the crosscutting grammar of all cities (common good, (un)employed subjects) and instances where the issue of coercion and the categorisation of the unemployed appeared. The pattern codes were partly informed by theory and partly evolved through the coding. The importance of coercion and categorisation became particularly clear in this process. The final coding scheme can be seen in Appendix B, which also includes some notes on the revisions the scheme underwent in the process of coding. Appendix C contains some concrete examples of how the data has been coded. The inductive and highly explorative development of the coding scheme made it difficult to operationalise ideals of intercoder reliability (Boyatzis 1998; Campbell et al. 2013) since the definitions of codes were constantly modified, making it difficult to engage others in the process. Instead, I ensure reliability – not in the sense of objective knowledge, but rather a coherent and consistent method (Justesen and Mik-Meyer 2012: 36) – in two alternative ways. Firstly, I have maintained intra-coder reliability by the abovementioned approach of clear and concise code definitions and constant comparison between coded material and the codes throughout at least three readings. Secondly, and perhaps most importantly, I ensure reliability through transparency (Ibid.) by exposing how the concepts came about and by presenting the findings in a form where the connection between the coding and the raw data is made visible to the reader. The following chapters thus contain more than 800 quotations from the coded data. ANALYSING The analysis, whose findings are presented in the following chapters, is based on two readings of the coded material, which consist of more than 3,000 statements. In the first reading, of which the outcome is presented in the next chapter, the content of the individual interpretive codes (the cities of unemployment) was analysed in order to present a grammar of each city of unemployment. Coding, categorising and finally presenting the grammar of the cities resembles the art of composing (Boltanski and Thévenot 2006: 158). It involves picking out those objects that are in “harmony” and confronting incompatible harmonies (Ibid.). Furthermore, it is not a simple and 35 objective matter of ‘documenting’ findings, but rather hermeneutically thinking along the harmonies and exploring the (infra)structure of each city. Part of this thinking involves integrating reflections of what I consider to be ‘grammarians’ of the various worlds. The composition and presentation of the coded data is thus supplemented by the normative literature and secondary literature from the history of ideas that was initially used to provide a tentative grammar before the coding process was initiated. Following the ethos of a non-normative critiquei, the reading and presentation of the material adheres to a principle of acceptability (Hansen 2016b). The principle entails practicing a “descriptive pluralism” (Bénatouïl 1999: 382), which is encapsulated in the following quote: [The] researcher is obliged, in her description, to adhere as closely as possible to the procedure the actors themselves use in establishing proof in a given situation; this approach entails paying careful attention to the diversity of forms of justification. (Boltanski and Thévenot 2006: 12). Thus, the operations of actors are not reduced to something hidden (e.g., intentions and interests) or unconscious (e.g., false consciousness) (Lemieux 2008), meaning that the researcher’s reports should, in principle, be acceptable to the actors (cf. Boltanski 2011: 25; see also Gros 2012: 157). The second reading of the material adheres to the same principle, but with a completely different objective. The focus is no longer harmony, but rather tension and conflict. In other words, it looks into the mobilisation of the cities of unemployment in test situations within each of the four cases, of which the findings are presented in chapters 4, 5, 6, and 7. It thus asks the question of how the co-existence of the seven cities of unemployment result in test situations and compromises. In this reading I first of all look for justifications and critique of the reforms. Secondly, I look for the ways in which specific instruments are evaluated. Thirdly, I look for test situations in which there is uncertainty as to how instruments should be qualified. Fourthly, I look for compromises, i.e., ways in which elements from several cities are put together. Particular attention in this regard is placed on categorisations and comparisons of the unemployed. In order to carry all this out, I depend on other types of data. In order to understand the historical context of the reform, I rely heavily on secondary literature on the history of i Cf. chapter 1, p. 11. 36 Danish and French labour market policies, and more specifically the history of the systems that each reform transforms. The historical context also supports the argument of the thesis that the ideas mobilised in the reform processes do not come out of the blue; most have played a part in shaping the ongoing changes. The historical coexistence of a plurality of contradictory ideas is thus visible in the highly composite government of unemployment. However, this contextualisation proved insufficient to fully understand what was going on in the reform debates. Debates are heavily influenced by the public memory, including slang-like lingua and implicit references to past affairs. The reading, especially of the French cases that I am less familiar with, involved a lot of ‘snowballing’: backtracking the meaning of these historically loaded colloquial references that were obviously important to the actors’ qualification and evaluation of existing instruments and reforms. The importance of understanding the historical and institutional context of the reforms is accentuated by the fact that the justification of the reforms is as much about criticising ‘what is’ as it is about justifying ‘what should be’. Finally, in order to engage more directly with the question of sedimentation, the legal output of the reforms was analysed in detail. 37 3 Cities of unemployment A grammar of tests, governing and subjects In the following, the grammar of seven “cities of unemployment”, which are mapped and composed on the basis of condensing the coded material of the four cases, will be presented. The cities are: Demand Insurance Redistribution Incentives Paternal Investment Mobility The chapter is structured around four key dimensions. Firstly, I outline the overall principle and normative foundations of a city. Secondly, I describe how the city qualifies the reality of unemployment and how policies are put to the test. Thirdly, the role of governing in the city is presented: what does it take to govern best and what kind of governing should be avoided, and when is it necessary (and legitimate) for the ‘governor’ to exercise his authority by means of coercion? Lastly, I show what it implies to be unemployed in each city. In other words, what characterises the unemployed subject and what is his path towards a state of emancipation, and on the other hand, what conduct is making him less worthy? While all the cities provide answers to the abovementioned questions, their radically different qualifications imply that they sometimes (prefer to) operate on different levels, from macro-economic policy and taxation to workfare schemes and the counselling of the unemployed individual. Along this line of reasoning, the cities may appear ‘incomparable’ and, hence, unfit for a typology like the one that will be presented. 38 However, as will be shown in the following, the cities all induce different moral subjects that are mutually exclusive. This means that although it is possible to identify more or less stable compromises (such as the Golden Age compromise) with what appears as a stable division of labour between various cities, they are exactly compromises with in-built tensions. To understand the tensions and compromises, it is initially necessary to bracket and categorise the processes of justification and critique into various normative yardsticks forged by a city of governing, tests and subjects. The primary source of the statements from the four cases is occasionally supplemented by secondary literature from canonical texts of ‘grammarians’. This serves mainly two purposes. Firstly, it makes clear that the cities do not respect the epistemic boundary between technical and layman discourses. Secondly, and somewhat relatedly, it provides the basis for the examination in parts II and III of how the abstract transcendental principles face dilemmas and tensions in the ‘muddy’ practices of governing the unemployed; something which grammarians can (and often do) neglect, but which those engaging in the justification and critique of the instruments are forced to deal with somehow. The rest of the chapter presents a condensed extract of what ‘goes on’ inside the cities of unemployment in the selected debates on Danish and French reforms of the unemployment system. Short quotations from the data, which appear several times, are cited with reference to the case they derive from, whereas longer quotations are referenced with the specific article. All cities have been present in all cases, but with varieties between reforms and countries that will be addressed in parts II and III. I hence treat the cities as transcendental, or at least European rather than national. Although the governing of unemployment has been and remains primarily a national question where national policy makers are held accountable, the occurrence of all cities of unemployment in both countries confirms that ideas do not respect national borders to the same extent. Governing unemployment has always been a comparative endeavour where policy makers, since the very first insurance scheme in Ghent in 1900, have sought inspiration from other countries (Edling 2008; Rodgers 1998). The Open Method of Coordination in the EU and the OECD has provided such fora in recent times (De la Porte et al. 2001; Triantafillou 2011; Hansen and Triantafillou 2011; Esmark 2011). 39 Finally, the chapter is concluded and a condensation of the grammar of the cities is presented (see Table 2). CITY OF DEMAND The grammarian par excellence, though not the inventor, of the city of Demand is evidently John Maynard Keynes. The starting point here, then, is that market mechanisms, even in equilibrium, do not lead to full employment (Galbraith 1987: 233). In the city of demand, unemployment is firstly a question of where the economy is situated in the business cycle between “upturns”1 and downturns. “In a free market economy, the economic trends fluctuate (in more or less good times) – and with them so does employment”. However, secondly, unemployment is not to be considered “inherent in nature”2. It can and should be minimised politically. The state is the primary actor since, being subject to the market mechanisms, neither the unemployed nor the employers have the capacity to exit economic stagnation by themselves “when the market mechanisms do not work”3. If the economy is in a recession, resulting in a lack of demand for labour, it is the responsibility of the state to intervene more or less directly in the economy in order to balance the supply and demand for labour by either raising demand, or reducing the supply. Conversely, if unemployment is low, the governmental interventions should either decrease demand or increase the supply of labour. The common good is centred around the benefits of a society where “full employment is re-established”4 and where the “wheels are turning”5. It is a place where “everyone who wants to can get a job”6 and do “useful work”7. Everyone has a “right to work” as it is “unworthy to begin life by being brushed aside as a redundant”8. In this way, the city of Demand ensures an ever “growing economy”9, which “restores trust”10 and promotes “progress”11, “enterprise”12 and “optimism”13 . It is also a society in which people consume since consumption is “the main engine of growth”14. Qualification and Test: Although the city of Demand tends to take actions outside what is normally considered part of the unemployment system, it does have the means to qualify and evaluate certain parts of the system and the unemployed. First of all, unemployment benefits have an “impact”15 on consumption or the “purchasing power” 16 of the 40 population. In Keynesian language, benefits thus serve as counter-cyclical “automatic stabilisers”i. They “maintain consumption”17 in times of high unemployment, and are “automatically” reduced as unemployment decreases18. Benefits, thus, also mitigate the effects of stagnation on the level of unemployment. Although governmental intervention is needed at both ends of the business cycle, it most often justifies its relevance in “recessions” and “crises” since these are the situations in which the common good of the city is really put to the test. In the city of demand, it is therefore important to qualify the reality as a situation with little or no jobs offered in order to justify intervention. Tests vary in abstraction, from observing the “the ever thinner job advertisement supplement”19 in a newspaper and personal experiences, such as the “150 rejections I have received during the last two years”, “the number of vacant positions must be no more than a few thousand” 20, “where are the jobs? (…) There are simply no jobs to get”21, to references to “such a difficult economic situation”22; the “recession”23, the “stagnation of the job market”24 and “the absence of job offers constitutes the principal obstacle”25. More statistical evidence is also brought in: “65,000 young people under 30 have lost their job in the first two years of the crisis”26. Policies are tested according to whether they “create jobs”27, or “stimulate the demand for jobs”28. Without job creation all politics is uphill.29 In other words, the policy test asks whether a given policy benefits jobs creation and employment. “Economic results” should not be “assessed on their own”; they are rather the “basis for fighting unemployment”30. Likewise, rather than caring about benefit expenditures, one should “spend the energy on creating jobs, then the unemployment benefit expenditures will decrease automatically”31. Governing: Governing hence comes with a responsibility for countering the negative tendencies of the market. This is first and foremost the responsibility of the state: i Cf. Zimmermann (2006: 33). 41 The state must accept its responsibility for the high unemployment levels. Only the economic policy influences whether consumption and, hence, production must be raised or lowered.32 Governing also implies being “pragmatic” beyond the disturbances of “ideology”33. Governing should “learn” from history’s previous recessions, such as carrying through new “New Deals”34 and being efficient and effective. Countering also means spending when few have the means to spend (and vice versa). We have to ‘lift the lid’ and invest, even if it is with borrowed money.35 Likewise, the government should “courageously” hire when businesses do not.36 Governing in the city of Demand means being cautious with timing and adjusting the policies according to the phase of the business cycle.i A particular phase calls for the “right medicine”37 at the right dose since too much can cause “overheating of the economy”38. Policies therefore tend to be “temporary” and are supposed to act on the situation “right now”39. It is, for instance, unwise to reduce benefits in “a period of feeble growth”40 or when the economic situation is “unfavourable to long term saving”41. On the other hand, one can “profit from the prosperous economic situation”42. Once the business cycle reverses, e.g., “once growth comes”43, the countercyclical actions will be unnecessary. These changes in action can be built into the policies so that expansionary actions will “automatically” decrease once exiting the current phase. Government should then “pull back, because the hole will be filled up by businesses”44. There is, however, also a lot of bad governing that is not discretionary, but based on an “ideological doctrine”45, “blunted by overspending46, “unreflective”47 and only addresses “symptoms”48. In situations of recession, inappropriate actions include “austerity policies”49 and “cuts in government spending”50, which do nothing but “strengthen the supply of labour, i.e., creating more unemployed people”51. In the same manner taxation that decreases the disposable income of the population “has a negative impact on consumption, and hence on growth”52. Coercion against the unemployed is generally considered inappropriate in downturns: It is not fair to punish them for the fact that there are no jobs at the moment.53 i It is in this sense that Keynesians speak of a “discretionary policy” (Sandmo 2011: 419). 48 cutbacks”45 and “gigantic cost-saving programmes providing tax reliefs for the employed and with an extra profit for those with the highest incomes and largest houses.”46 Embedded in the issue of socialisation is not just the distributional effect of policies, but also the way they are financed and what role they play in budgetary struggles: Financing the RSA by collecting income taxes from low-incomes seems to me to be a serious political mistake. It has to be seen in conjunction with an increasingly polarised redistributive system [in which] some contribute massively, whereas others benefit massively.47 Unemployment benefit claimants, recipients of cash benefits and early retirees have their conditions of life deteriorated in order to make room for reliefs in top taxes.48 Qualifying policies are hence a question of who gains and loses in a zero-sum game. The reduction of fees for employers “is 40 pct. higher than the anticipated reduction for workers”.49 They dare handing over resources intended for social protection to the hungry financial institutions.50 The zero-sum game also qualifies the issue of the distribution of work. Getting a job for the insured unemployed will result in “the cuckoo in the nest effect pushing the marginalised on cash benefits even further back in the queue of unemployment”.51 Likewise, “inciting the unemployed to accept a job will only rob Peter to pay Paul.”52 Whereas the city of Insurance sees the negative consequences of a capitalist society as a shared responsibility, the city of Redistribution blames agents with egoistic interests for abusing and exploiting their privileged position, such as employers “forcing down wages outcompeting those that play by the rules”.53 This can also result in disloyal behaviour among workers. If we firstly take a pay cut, it will spread to the rest of society leading to a society with far greater inequality.54 The same goes for the unemployed person if his labour (by means of subsidies) starts competing with the regular labour force.55 Not only is he then exploited, he becomes a “scab”.56 49 Governing: The influence of private interests often manifests itself in “secret reunions”57. There is a certain civic demand of representation that suspects the governors of considering particular interests rather than the general interest. A political elite, on paper representing millions of people, has lost the ability to receive reports from below. The elite has become rootless.58 In the same civic spirit, the city grants more legitimacy to those representing the many as opposed to those representing the few. However, representing the many can also be denounced by the unmasking of unions engaging in the “betrayal of unemployed persons”.59 The clash of interests between the many and the few sometimes leads to a confrontational struggle in which, contrary to the city of Investment, for instance, employers can never be found in “the same boat as the workers”.60 We are not social partners. We are social adversaries.61 In order to politically change things, employers should “fear that workers lift their heads”.62 There is a tension in the city of Redistribution between, on the one hand, the abovementioned mistrust towards governing authorities for serving the interests of the few, and, on the other hand, that the government of the state “should pursue a redistributive policy”.63 Unlike Insurance, where measures are based on shared social risks that favour the members, it is only the state that can “warn against a two speed system”.64 The state is “the guarantor of social cohesion and the common good.”65 However, to ensure support for redistributive policies, it is inappropriate to simply distribute from rich to poor and disregard the layer in between. The more benefits one removes, the larger the risk that substantial parts of the population loses ownership (…). One risks short-circuiting the acceptance of the middleclass to contribute to the community, if it does not experience getting a little back.66 The question of whether the benefits and services provided should be “targeted” or “universal” is thus key in this city, leading to a preference for the latter (cf. Korpi and Palme 1998). Ultimately, the city of Redistribution, in a classic social democratic way, imagines a city in which class struggles and private interests are suspended. In line with the universal spirit, the city of Redistribution denounces the “division of unemployed persons in groups”67 while advocating a “unified system”68. The use of coercion against 50 the unemployed is problematic because it tends to make people accept the exploiting structures that produce inequality: Within the new logic of rights and duties there will be more pressure on the candidates to accept pauperising jobs.69 Sanctions, however, can be introduced against those who benefit from those structures, such as “employers that will profit from the [scheme] in order to multiply the number of unworthy (indignes) jobs”.70 Further, the important function of taxation as the prerequisite of redistribution legitimises the need for control, for instance of people (including the unemployed), who “earn their money from moonlighting”:71 If you introduce a tax, you also introduce control, otherwise it does not make sense. If there is a speed limit on the motorway, someone has to see if it is respected.72 Subjects: The universal preference fits with the overall aim of less material inequality in so far as the unemployed are neither considered subjects of alms (Paternal) nor victims hit by chance (Insurance). They are rather citizens that, due to power struggles, have become exploited, oppressed or “indignant”.73 Echoing T.H. Marshall, it is a citizenship which is not simply liberal, but social (cf. Marshall 1964). Inequality is “unworthy against our fellow citizens, making their existence more economically miserable and humiliating for them”.74 Redistribution thus plays the role of restoring “dignity”75. By being “equal fellow citizens”76, the city of Redistribution grants the unemployed a legitimate political voice. Many organisations and experts were asked about their opinion. But did they listen to the ones that each day feel their self-esteem go down while watching longingly all those taking the train or the car to the ‘heavenly’ job?77 The voice is, however, restricted by the overall goals of material equality and the fight against private and market interests, spurring a tension within the city of what is a proper political voice. Nevertheless, the issue of dignity opens up scope for criticising “control of the way of life of claimants”78, as well as for instruments that “disenchant”79 the unemployed. 51 CITY OF INCENTIVES The principle of the city of Incentives is perhaps the most straightforward and directly applicable of all the cities: it “believes in economic incentives”1 and aims to “render the return to employment more incentivising”2 and “attractive”3. Hence, it seeks to ensure that every unemployed person has an incentive to work so there is no longer the “absurd moment in which one regrets working because it implies losing revenues”4. With its roots in neoclassical thinking (e.g., Pigou, 1933), labour supply always tends to generate its own demand in this city. A lack of incentives decreases the disposable supply of labour, which again increases wage levels, thus decreasing productivity and the competitiveness of firms. Being unemployed must be “costly, in order to settle for a dynamic of employment”.5 Not only do incentives reduce unemployment, they also “reduce public expenses for public assistance”6 by moving people from “passive assistance to actively contributing to the national economy”7. More incentives do increase inequality, “but we all become richer when people enter the labour market”.8 It is only by allowing the rich to become richer that one gives the poor the desire to become rich one day too.9 As much as they are targeting the unemployed, the incentives also send signals to the employed that guarantee the incentives to remain in the job. In a system with a lack of incentives, “one is punished” if taking a job will “undermine trust to the system, and create undue suspicion towards the recipients”10. If incentives are back in place, “there will be nothing to worry about, since you know you will gain more money when working.”11 Qualification and test: The lack of incentives is qualified in a number of ways. For instance, every third single parent earns “500 DKK or less by going to work” and “every fifth will lose money” 12; or, it is a “sign of failure” that immigrant workers are taking the “least attractive jobs, despite having thousands on benefits”13. But a single person can also be exemplary: 52 The special thing about him was that he openly admitted that he said no to all jobs with a salary of less than 130 DKK an hour [because] the pay was lower than the daily allowance.14 The city of Incentives does not approach unemployment benefit as such in absolute terms; what matters is the relationship between benefits and the productive city (Oliviennes 1994). It addresses “problems of interaction” between benefits and the labour market”15, asking whether “it is more profitable to work than staying on benefits”.16 One of the earliest guides to test policies in accordance with the city of Incentives was written by the French economist Lionel Stoleru’s in Vaincre la pauvreté (1974). In responding to the question “how to avoid idleness”, the solution is to “make work profitable” (Ibid: 143), and the book contains a detailed cross-country analysis of various ways in which policy makers can establish continuous incentives to work by means of a so-called “negative tax”.i Although the benefits are always regarded with suspicion, they are not to be eradicated completely. Poverty is generally considered inappropriate since it hinders people from even responding to incentives. Reducing cash benefits only has a motivational effect on those with nothing but joblessness as their problem. For the rest it only has poverty-creating effect that demotivates participating actively. Hence, a sanctioning policy should take into account that economic sanctions must never have the consequence that people are put on the street and hereby further societal exclusion.17 In hindering them from playing the economic game of the labour marketii, the city of incentives thus identifies “poverty traps”18, “inactivity traps”19, “financial brakes”20 or “perverted effects”21 that “disable the poor by confining them in ‘traps’”22 . Governing: It is hence the responsibility of the governor to strike the right balance between the monetary thresholds of ‘poor vs. able to get along’ and ‘unemployed vs. employed’, with the latter always getting first priority because the benefit itself so easily i The negative income tax plays a key role in the case of RSA in France. See chapter 7. ii On the game metaphor in relation to the negative tax, see (Foucault 2008: 201). 53 becomes part of the problem. The governor hence acts upon the “motivation effect”23 of each individual. This makes the governing in the city of Incentives much more complicated and active than a matter of (neoliberal) deregulation. The city of Incentives is suspicious when evaluating the governing of the unemployed since it always has a potential effect of being too “generous”24 and hereby “excluding people from employment”25. The city of Incentives thus denounces all “measures that reduce the supply of labour”.26 “Unemployment-inducing system errors” (levels of benefits or high taxes on wages) are “our time’s cynical crime”27. Not only can they become a “pretext for doing nothing”28, they also risk putting the country on “the city map of attractive countries for immigrants who do not want to contribute to society”29. Another barrier can be the complexity and opacity of the system caused by “interrelated rights”30. If “the accumulation of benefits remains complex it does not incite people to resume work.”31 The use of coercion in the city of Incentives is limited since whether the individual wants to behave rationally and respond to incentives is “optional” and based on “voluntary adherence”32 and “voluntariness”33. It is in this sense, and only in this sense, that the city of Incentives is liberal, since it formally leaves the choice of working or not open to the unemployed.i It does not formally “oblige” the unemployed to work (Stoleru 1974: 140f). However, while direct coercion is excluded from the city, governing through incentives nonetheless works upon the threshold of pleasure and pain, and whether instruments are considered “carrots”, “bonuses”34 or “monetary stimuli”35, or “sticks”, “whiplashes”, “sanctions”, “nudges”36 or “squeezing the wallet”37, this really only depends on what side of the threshold it addresses. Regardless of whether the unemployed chose to act accordingly to the incentivising environment, it is not supposed to be pleasurable for those who “do not play the game”.38 i See also Foucault (2008: 207): The negative tax “leaves possibility of not forcing [the unemployed] to work if they have no interest in doing so”. 54 Subjects: The subjects in the city of Incentives are all homines oeconomici who are responsive to and act on economic stimuli. They seek out where the monetary reward is highest with as little effort as possible. This is, in the end, what will “motivate”39 them to take a job or do nothing. The reasons for being unemployed thus lie outside the individual. One cannot blame the persons involved for thinking economically rationally.40 If it implies being unemployed, “why should one work?”41. The unemployed person simply says “if I resume work, I lose”42, which means that people would be “idiots if they go from an economically safe life (based on support and benefits) to a more doubtful situation on the labour market”43. The unemployed must “never be tempted to depart from the right track”44. Hence it is important that the unemployed know about and “appropriate” the incentivising schemes.45 The “motivation effect” is not only targeted at the unemployed subject; if there are no incentives to work, the employed “feels foolish”46: I get up every day and make an effort every day: one could almost wish to become a social security claimant.47 Why slave when there is nothing to strive for? We might as well wallow in misery.48 Incentivising is the guarantee for those who “get up early to work” as well as a message to those who don’t: “one does not work for nothing”49. Incentives to work thus “moralise” the labour market,50 which, on this subject, make them a compliment to the city of Mobility’s appreciation of activity. As with the negative tax scheme, it means that the city of Incentives does not make a clear threshold between the unemployed and employed. There is more of a continuum throughout in which the incentive to work (more) should be encouraged economically. THE PATERNAL CITY The paternal city aims towards “larger personal responsibility for the welfare of each individual”1: Everybody must be able to support oneself.2 The capacity to support oneself must be promoted because it strengthens people’s satisfaction with their lives – and that is more important than the economic bottom line.3 55 The alternative is “the risk of creating a large assisted population.”4 Moving people away from a state of assistance (assistanat) equals moving people from “survival to life”5. We must transfer the responsibility of people’s lives back to those who can carry that responsibility. We must dare to demand that everybody contributes and takes responsibility for themselves and the community.6 “It is no good lugging a big and growing group of people incapable of taking care of themselves, let alone others”.7 Taking responsibility is hence a precondition of becoming worthy and competent in the behavioural sense of the term. Qualification and Test: Being (ir)responsible is closely linked to the inner characteristics and self-perception of the individual, but there is, however, heavy influence from external factors. Following this logic, unemployment is an outcome of a lack of responsible behaviour by the unemployed, which again can be influenced by political intervention. It is thus a question of whether policies “responsibilise”8 or ‘de-responsibilise’ the behaviour of the unemployed and the labour force in general that policies are tested: What the blazes can be done to give more people a real opportunity to regain their authority (myndighed)?9 This is a test that is applicable to the overall “system” governing unemployment: We must get rid of the social system’s stifling effect that works counter to self-worth, participation and initiative, which are exactly the qualities that make a human being capable of fending for himself.10 But it can also qualify policies beyond the system, such as the reduced liability to compulsory military service: Society has hereby deprived half of the lost generation, the eligible young men, from the possibility of (…) learning order, precision and cooperation. Virtues that are valued on any labour market.11 Although the Paternal city shares the problematic of inner behavioural characteristics with social Darwinist ideas (e.g., Spencer), it differs in recognising that the characteristics can be changeable and politically produced, for instance, by the “practitioner’s language”.12 Since the city is behavioural, it has a direct interest in how the perception of 56 unemployment is qualified culturally and by the governing authorities. The attitude and culture surrounding the phenomenon, which is often related to the socialisation of risks in the city of Insurance, is part of the problem. If there is a social risk in the Paternal city, it is the “social risk (…) of dependence”.13 It was the attitude of ‘We feel so sorry for ourselves’. We were victims and hence had a right to help. No one said that it could one’s own fault that you had troubles. But the truth is that these people abdicate the responsibility for their own life.14 The societal acceptance of such attitudes hence bears the risk of spreading a “culture of dependency”15 or a “provision culture” (forsørgelseskultur)16. In the Paternal city, one is “appalled by a new generation of young people that experiences no connection between work and honey (yde og nyde) [and by] the way the breadwinner has become such a vague concept”.17 Governing: Governing unemployment in the Paternal city, that is, being the pater, always involves the danger of misguided kindness and “playing good Samaritans”18. This resembles the city of Incentives, but in the Paternal city it is not a matter of leading the economic man in inappropriate directions, but simply a matter of inhibiting the unemployed from becoming competent in the same way a child becomes an adult. Contrary to a ‘maternal’ education, the pater educates by providing “structure”19 and “making demands”20 in order for the unemployed to “learn or learn again the rules of the world of work”21. The Paternal city is hence characterised by scepticism towards this particular ‘maternal’ state intervention, which serves as a key explanation of unemployment: The current system, in which the state pays the bill and initiates some polite services, is in reality a weakening of responsibility. It deprives the labour market parties their natural coresponsibility. And it deprives the individual from creating his own existence.22 It denounces the “all-powerful nannies of the unemployed – employment arrangements, activation services, wage subsidies.”23 The same goes for simply allocating money to the unemployed: We do these people a disservice (bjørnetjeneste), because you do not get a happier life by being on cash benefits. You do not get more freedom, you do not get more responsibility, you do not get the basis for uprooting your own life in order to move on.24 57 The employment system is therefore “not supposed to be a comfortable place to be. It is a misunderstanding that employment initiatives should involve lemon pies (citronmåne) and wickerwork.”25 An effect of this misunderstood care is that people who would otherwise be able to provide for themselves remain provided for. I would gladly carry for someone who cannot. However, when I look around, I feel too often that I carry, in fact drag, for a lot of people who, from this point, can do just fine by themselves.26 Benefits should therefore be restricted to “he who cannot provide for himself and who’s provision does not lie with anyone else”.27 Rather than redistribution or compensation, benefits are seen as charity depending on the threshold can/cannot provide, ensuring those who cannot a “worthy and adequate provision”.28 However, the governing in the Paternal city has no laissez faire intentions for the unemployed. This, firstly, is because it is never really worthy to be on the ‘cannot’ side of the threshold, and secondly because people will not automatically or voluntarily pass the threshold. Incentives, for instance, “have not shown much power to alter the behaviour of the unemployed” (Mead 1997: 24): You can neither wave financial carrots nor kick them into work or education by reducing or completely removing their benefits since a lot of people in this group have not the least idea of how to administer money.29 Hence, it proposes a variety of instruments that are enacted to (re)install the responsible behaviour of the unemployed to make the unemployed leave the system “with a straightened backbone”30. Governing, in other words, aims to correct the lack of upbringing and virtue of the unemployed. On the one hand, this process necessitates the participation of the unemployed: We know it from bringing up our own children. It is not right to not include our children in the cleaning and cooking in our homes.31 Most people become proud when their children bring in a Christmas tree they have cut down themselves.32 On the other hand, the use of coercion is completely integral to bringing up the unemployed. The use of coercion and discipline is firstly a means of making the unemployed pass the threshold of incompetent/competent. The instruments of the 64 The qualification in terms of risks and opportunities prepares the governing of unemployment for tests. Whereas the notion of “active” also plays an important role in the city of Mobility in the sense of movement and work, it relates to the question of how to prioritise and “activate expenses” in the city of Investment.92 It is in this sense governing is either “passive” or “active” and always aims towards a “utilisation that is more effective and active”.93 In these cases, government expenditure should no longer be “considered expenses but investments”.94 In the end, they won’t cost society a thing, among other things because the preventive strategy against long term unemployment works and saves a lot of money – in other words, there is no longer the need for spending as much money in order to raise people up from the swamp.95 The policy test is thus essentially asking whether a given arrangement or policy is active, that is, whether it “enhances the opportunities for the unemployed to become employed.”96 Is the unemployed person “given better opportunities for perfecting her skills and hereby improving her position on the labour market”?97 The question one absolutely has to ask is: has the instrument “improved their employability?98 The test can be mobilised to compare the effect of various instruments, for instance, what does an enrolment to a particular up-skilling programme do to “the chances of finding a job in the 21 months following his enrolment?”99, but also to compare countries, such as France vs. the Nordic countries, in how much of the labour force participates in training.100 Governing: What does it take to govern in the city of investment and “combat against exclusion”101? First of all, the governor must know the risks and opportunities, that is, the employability of the population, in order to “prevent”102 these negative dynamics from growing. The “hard core of unemployment” must be attacked by getting the long term unemployed people’s “feet back on the ladder in order to avoid the core from forming by detecting very fast the least employable.”103 Secondly, the governor must also be able to disregard (and sacrifice) immediate effects of instruments, whether these are redistributive or budgetary, and think “long-term”, just “like when investing in shares”.104 65 Thirdly, since each unemployed person has a particular set of (or lack of) skills, governing must “personalise”105, “individualise”106, “target”107 and “tailor”108 its instruments. In the city of Investment, there “is no standard menu, no fast-food for returning to employment, but a personalised action plan”109.i The governor, embodied in the social worker, hence “listens to the needs of each individual.”110 This takes a “systemic effort” in which “all good capacities work together.”111 Accordingly, the effort must not only be “specialist” based on “genuine social work”, but also “interdisciplinary” across “occupational groups and administrative departments so that case workers, teachers and health visitors are not sitting in each their silo speaking each their language.”112 Finally, the governor, when listening to the needs of the unemployed, should have his eyes on opportunities and “resources rather than limitations”.113 It is about “making the dreams come alive”.114 Hence, although, the unemployed are not really to blame, the social worker ought not to “feel sorry for” them.115 Bad governing is “unproductive”116 public social spending. Although it does not exclude the possibility of insurance and re-distributional instruments, these should always be subordinated to “active” spending.117 Inappropriate governing does not respect these priorities. Government should “invest in human resources rather than repair.”118 Attempts of “cutting the cake in more equally sized pieces”119 are hence faced with great scepticism, since it is a “delusion to think that the public sector can pick up and give the excluded a decent and full life if only they gave them sufficiently high benefits.”120 Likewise, the city denounces the way unemployed people are “sluiced from one futile activation offer to the other without any education or life qualifying perspective.”121 Since the problems of unemployment lie in the way society is divided, and because the city of Investment is one of win-wins, it is also sceptical towards the role of unions and employers’ organisations since they do not care much about the marginalised. What calls for an even more multifarious governing is the variation in potential. Whereas the necessity of a “personalised” treatment makes the city sceptical towards perspectives that do not pay attention to the individual situation of the unemployed, it is intuitively open towards compromising with cities in order to target and tailor whatever is needed for a particular group. The tailored treatment may involve rights that are universal in principle, but whether the unemployed individual is granted those rights is conditional i This resembles what Robert Castel has termed a “logic of positive discrimination” (Castel 1995: 676). 66 on her specific needs and situation. This is why the first obligation of the unemployed is often to “participate in the evaluation of her professional capacities.”122 The right to investment hence takes a peculiar form. Whereas, for instance, in the city of Insurance the right is conditional on the duty to pay a membership fee, the duty is not really a duty in the city of Investment. It is taken as self-evident that the unemployed will take advantage of the right (to investment), for the sake of society as well as for the sake of the unemployed since, as noted earlier, helping the unemployed to realise their potential is in essence emancipatory. When governors speak of “rights and duties” in the city of Investment, the two things are aligned, or rather fused and rectified towards the joint emancipatory goal of increasing the employability of each unemployed person and the population in general: This is the essence of right and duty. We give them an obligation to get an education. Conversely they get the right to complete an education.123 From society we must meet them with the clear message that our expectations are high. They must begin an education. This is what we will introduce a right and duty to.124 In this sense, the investment in human capital establishes a creditor/debtor relationship in which the unemployed is indebted, also morally, to the investor and “expected” to act accordingly.i This is perhaps why coercion is not alien but rather integral to the governing, and statements like the following seem self-evident in this city: We are doing the young a disservice if we are not hard on them. It is disabling in itself being on passive benefits. As a young person, your competences and opportunities are weakened by being on benefits.125 The Paternal city also speaks of competence; however, it does not refer to the acquisition of skills (necessary to compete on the knowledge-based labour market), but rather the capacity of self-control. Hence, coercion answers a different problem in the city of Investment. It is a necessary means to make sure the unemployed firstly accept, and secondly manage, the investment properly. For instance, the authority has the possibility of “suspending the unemployment benefit, if the jobseeker does not pursue the training that is offered to him with diligence.”126 The coercive measures are not only targeted at the unemployed individual: i This point is inspired by Lazzarato’s work on debt (Lazzarato 2011: 15ff; Charbonneau and Hansen 2014). 67 Too many young people are decoupled from the machinery of society. Therefore, we think that it is necessary to introduce mandatory youth education programs for all young people.127 They are mandatory in order to “send a signal to the young and their parents that you do not get around getting an education.”128 A “penal action” thus “may be used to give the very young who think the benefit system is a municipal cash dispenser a quick fright so they understand the value of education.”129 Subjects: The subjects in the city of Investment find themselves with various degrees of potential that are also realised to various degrees. For society there is the problem of how to handle the unequal distribution of potential, but for the unemployed it is really only about realising these potentials by “learning”130 and acquiring skills. The unemployed as well as the employed should always “become smarter”, and hence it is wiser, in the long run, “to work for a low salary in a place where you learn something, than working for a high salary with something that is of no use later.”131 A worthy individual is thus not only someone with skills and employability, but also someone with an inexhaustible will to “acquire new skills”.132 The term is rarely uttered in the cases, but human capital (cf. Giddens 1998: 117) is nonetheless illustrative of the value of skills in the city of Investment.i Investing in any kind of capital implies an expectation of accumulation that is sacrificed in the present but gained in the future; in this case the development of skills. It also illustrates the way the investment is two-fold. The investor, either the state or a company, comes from the outside, but it is up to the person being invested in to activate the investment. The unemployed person should thus see herself as a kind of enterprise constantly “seizing chances”133 for accumulating capital and improving the chances of selling its commodity, namely her skills. It is in this sense that the unemployed individual is turned into “an actor in the construction of his own project.”134 The individual and personalised governing of the city of Investment is closely related to the way the degree of potential as well as the degree of realisation varies. The unemployed “constitute a more and more fragmented population with a variety of paths i The equivalent term of ”human resources” is, however, widely used in RSA, and LAAP 68 and needs.”135 This includes “young people that have missed the beginning of their lives, professionally unqualified people 50 years old and above, mothers solely raising their children, former inmates who want to start a new life.”136 Some are capable of getting an education, others “have substantive abuse problems or mental illnesses”.137 The fragmentation of unemployed people entails that in order to ensure equal opportunities, they should be treated differently, and ideally as differently as possible. The city of Investment is hence more willing than any of the other cities to divide and classify the unemployed according to the immense variables that may have hindered the realisation of their full potential. CITY OF MOBILITY The city of Mobility concentrates all attention to the question of (in)activity. It “encourages activity”1 while denunciating everything that “keeps [persons] in inactivity”.2 The ‘I’ (Insertion) in RMI is passive, while the ‘A’ (Activité) in RSA is active, and this is what makes all the difference.”3 The city of Mobility hence echoes and reignites the Calvinist ethic to whom “[n]ot leisure and enjoyment, but only activity serves to increase the glory of God”i; however, ‘god’ is replaced here with the aim of society’s needs, such as “maintaining social cohesion, that is, avoiding the whole of harmful consequences of inactivity: the despair, the social violence and the insecurity.”4 The most worthy state of activity is work. “The exit route is work, again work, always work.”5 Regaining activity is a matter of “getting a place within the community of workers.”6 The principle idea […] is that as few young people as possible must take root on public benefits, that everybody can contribute with something, and that it would do every child good to experience their parents saying ‘I am going to work’ with pride in their voices.7 Mobility underlies the common good of activity as the necessary capacity of the labour force to move itself to where the work is located. Qualification and test: This precondition of mobility qualifies and problematises the labour market, and the policies surrounding it, in terms of flexibility and barriers. A policy i (Weber 2003: 157). On the protestant view of the unemployed specifically, see Zoberman (2011: 89f). 69 could hence be justified for “accelerating the flow of resumptions of employment by the unemployed.”8 The mobility of the labour force is deemed increasingly important due to structural changes affecting the labour market. For instance, “globalisation does not kill jobs, but it imposes changes and adaptations.”9 The full employment we promise does not resemble the one of ‘les trente glorieuses’, with permanent contracts and working full-time. It is becoming much more precarious along with the development of temporary contracts and, recently, of part-time work.10 The mobility and “flexibility of the labour force” can be limited by a number of barriers, such as “means of transport, health condition or difficulties of childcare”.11 Policies are hence tested in terms of their ability to enable flow, or “rotation”12, in the labour force and thus reduce “frictional unemployment”13 while avoiding “bottleneck problems”14. The goal is to galvanise the labour market by privileging the adjustment of offer and demand.15 However, contrary to the city of Incentives, mobility is not a simple matter of making work pay, but of “making transitions pay” (Schmid 1998: 10). Hence, one cannot “rely on the market to resolve the dysfunctions mechanically.”16 Governing: Due to the variety of barriers, it takes government intervention to match the supply and demand of labour effectively. One example is the labour exchange services, where the unemployed were brought into contact with employers.i Governing, in this case, aims to “match businesses’ and public authorities’ need for labour.”17 This entails providing job offers to the unemployed, accelerating the job searching process and making it more efficient, and knowing the needs of employers to avoid “mismatches”.18 Secondly, governing implies ensuring flow among those already on the labour market, hereby making it accessible, for example, by means of “job rotation arrangements”19, “leave-of-absence schemes”20, promoting temporary work arrangements and child care provisions, as well as investments in transportation and infrastructure. Finally, governing implies making sure that the unemployed are “at the disposal (stå til rådighed) of the labour market”21. A prerequisite for this is that the unemployed are “active”. This is important because of a kind of self-reinforcing dynamic that relates to being passive: i On the historical origin and dissemination of the exchange services, see Edling (2008); Garraty (1978: 130). 70 There is a great risk that they are left to themselves and get stuck on cash benefits. The idea with the cash benefit system was to create a springboard for people, but we have to recognise that some of the threads in this trampoline have become tripwires. We have to get people off cash benefits as soon as possible, otherwise there is a risk they take root.22 For this reason it is imperative “to stir the cooking pot of unemployment.”23 “Activating” the unemployed involves making sure they are “active”24, “positive”25 or “serious”26 in their job searches and “efficiently and permanently looking for a job”27. However, if there are, for whatever reason, no jobs for the unemployed, being active might as well entail working in “artificial jobs”28 within the benefit system. For the citizen this makes more sense than mandatory job applications that are never read. It’s the opportunity for including, qualifying and creating an active citizenship.29 Whatever the instrument, the governing of the city of Mobility thus aims at “rehabilitating work”.30 Whereas, for instance, the explanatory logic of the city of Incentives is predominantly structural and the Paternal logic predominantly individualistic, the city of Mobility, like the city of Investment, is unsettled on the question. However, as in the city of Investment, the handling of the structural causes inevitably magnifies explanations that point towards the unemployed individual since below the structural barriers lurks the issue of idleness; the (often hypothetical) question of whether an unemployed person “is willing to take on a job”31. If he is on the right side of the threshold, i.e., one of “those who want” a job, governing is a matter of “more targeted actions in order to find the job openings”32 and reinsure him that “society is held liable to provide [him] a job.”33 However, if he is not, then the inactivity of the unemployed person becomes an occasion for punishment since it breaches society’s common good of activity and work: The necessity of accepting a job returns to the central measure of national solidarity.34 The rules concerning being available (rådighedsregler) must be tightened so as to make it impossible to avoid work and hereby avoid solidarity (fællesskabet).35 Coercion thus becomes a means to “fight the attitude: ‘I don’t want to take a vacant job”36. Hence, it is “normal to sanction unemployed persons (…) who’s job search is not genuine and serious.”37 The threshold marking the possibility of forcing the unemployed to work for his benefit here serves a double purpose. It both punishes the unemployed for inadequate job search efforts, and it emancipates him by making him active: 71 It has fundamental value to work. We meet people with trust and, to begin with, we give them half a year to find a job themselves. After that, they must work for their benefit.38 As in the ‘protestant ethic’, work in the city of Mobility has this ambiguous character as both emancipating and a sacrifice of (immediate) pleasures, such as relaxation or even pay. Subjects: The least worthy of all subjects is the idle – the antithesis to the active. He is struck by “the danger of relaxation” and as such his “unwillingness to work is symptomatic of the lack of grace”.i Although the idle person, who “is not set for work”, may be a minority, “it’s a minority that shocks.”39 They are those who “prefer to laze around at society’s expense (regning).”40 He also “lacks professional flexibility as well as a desire to travel to where the job is.”41 He can, in other words, be “recalcitrant”42; but in general his laziness results in immobility. Too many recipients live their lives as Robinson Crusoe stranded in a two-roomed apartment with TV dinners and shitty TV.43 If the unworthy unemployed are lazy, the worthy unemployed person is in fact not “unemployed”, but a “job seeker” (chercheur d’emploi)44 or “available” (ledig)45. As opposed to the subjects of Insurance, he is a “risk taker” (riscophile) rather than a “riscophobic”46. This implies that although there may be structural dangers and limits to the mobility of the unemployed, these matters should not occupy the mind of the unemployed subject, since it can do nothing but making him less flexible. The worthy unemployed person is above all someone who is willing to do (whatever kind of) work. I like it, it gets me moving.47 It is almost of no importance what I do as long as I have my hands full. I don’t want to laze the day away.48 The unemployed should be “proactive” by “searching uninvited”49 and by “appearing in person”50 at the potential employer, as well as “flexible” by “being ready to move to another part of the country to get a job and take a job in a supermarket even if you want to work in a clothes shop.”51 The governor in the city of Mobility, hence, becomes i (Weber 2003: 157, 159) 72 “steely when someone questions whether a jobless academic should clear up the woods or whether an immigrant woman give a hand in a public kitchen”: I have nothing but scorn for those excuses. If you are prepared for the labour market (arbejdsmarkedsparat) you must have a job that is of use for society.52 In the city of Mobility, there is thus very little sympathy with the city of Investment’s respect for skills. CONCLUSION: ANALYTICAL GRID AND CRITICAL MAP The grammar of the seven cities is condensed and structured in Table 2 below. It outlines the key principles, their ways of qualifying unemployment and testing policies, how it should be governed and when and why coercion can be necessary and legitimate; and, finally, what the qualities of the unemployed subject are and towards which state of emancipation he should be led. What can be concluded from the grammar of cities of unemployment presented above? First of all it implicates that there is a plurality of repertoires of evaluation that share some degree of legitimacy in contemporary debates in France and Denmark in the sense that they can be mobilised in criticism and justification. This says little, if anything, about the content of the transformations that the governing of unemployment is undergoing. However, in itself, it says a lot about the dynamic of the legitimation of reforms. It indicates that ideas in public debates do not simply work as a coherent set of norms, paradigms or “background ideas” that are taken-for-granted throughout society and hence inform and shape policy changes in a quasi-unconscious manner.i Furthermore, it challenges existing typologies of transformationsii by firstly showing there is a greater plurality and a larger degree of co-existence and tensions in the processes of transformations; secondly that the repertoire of ideas is present in both France and Denmark and is thus indifferent to national borders and does not designate a specific deterministic path for a country; and thirdly that the justified use of coercion cannot be confined to a singular approach, but rather appears in all cities. i See chapter 1, p. 6f. ii See chapter 1, p. 4. 73 The second conclusion is that the grammar of the cities bring to light the politics and morality embedded in the justification, as well as the governing, of the unemployed. It shows that there is a lot more at stake in the debates than masking interests and dodgy intentions, or simply finding pragmatic solutions to existing problems. What is at stake are substantially different ideas about what society and people are made of and in what direction both should be heading in terms of governing and behaviour. The morality of the cities therefore not only leads to seven right and most rational ways to govern unemployment, it also leads to seven paths towards the emancipation of the unemployed. However, the politics and morality of the cities is not confined to the phenomena of unemployment; by qualifying unemployment and the unemployed, the cities simultaneously qualify the worthiness of the labour market and the engagement of the employee. The third conclusion the grammar highlights is how emancipation and coercion are not necessarily contradictory, but rather reciprocal. Coercion, in the many forms it takes in the governing of unemployment, is perhaps increasingly seen as integral to governing. Coercion, in other words, is not a phenomenon that is hidden behind ideologies – it is legitimised – and this is one of the reasons why immanent critiques of current reforms for being coercive simply tend to miss their mark. In no other place is the issue of coercion more clear than when actors are forced to evaluate concrete problems, instruments and situations, which is the case when it comes to the data used in this thesis. By contrast, ‘grammarians’ or intellectuals are usually decoupled from hands-on and everyday governing and are therefore not forced to deal with the issue of coercion. For the same reason, an analysis of the intellectual history of ideas or ‘governmentalities’ of unemployment would have difficulties grasping this issue. Furthermore, they would most likely overlook cities that do not currently have strong intellectual support, such as Mobility, Insurance, Paternal and Demand, even though they play an important role in practice. Finally, the grammar is a tool, or rather a tactical map, for “those who want to struggle” (Foucault 2007: 3). A map that can be used to navigate within the ‘map’ or to clarify what it takes to think beyond. 80 81 4 ‘Help plan for the return to employment’ The French unemployment insurance system put to the test The process and controversies leading up to the reform of Plan d’aide et de retour à l’emploi (‘Help plan for the return to employment’, henceforth ‘PARE’) was officially launched in early 2000 by the major French employers’ organisation Medefi and coincided with the upcoming negotiations of the next three-year convention of the unemployment insurance system. Figure 3 below provides an overview of the key events during the debate up to the passing of PARE. The instruments of PARE included an individual contract that would oblige the unemployed to engage in “personalised” job search activities while getting access to support such as training courses. Further, PARE strengthened requirements to accept job offers from the job exchange service as well as sanctions upon refusals and contractual infringements. The trade unions were divided in their stance towards this, causing intense debate, which in the end resulted in the adoption of the reform with the support of the government. The instruments of PARE did not replace the existing scheme, but by installing various tests they fundamentally changed the way the unemployed were qualified. Hence, PARE marks a tipping point in the governing of the French insured unemployed. With PARE, the unemployment insurance system is first and foremost a wheel in the machinery of the active society. The chapter is structured as follows. The first two sections introduce the historical creation and development of the French unemployment insurance system. The aim is to provide a brief picture of what cities have shaped the i Mouvement des entreprises de France 82 system and have sedimented in its institutions and instruments. The sections thus also pay attention to the intellectual movements qualifying the problem of unemployment. The next four sections present the justifications, test situations and compromises in the reform debate. Finally, the last section analyses the institutional and instrumental changes in the adopted legal convention. Figure 3: Timeline PARE CREATION AND REFORMS OF ASSURANCE CHÔMAGE It was not until 1958 that a nationally governed system of unemployment insurance was established in France. Since the end of the 19th century, unemployment was handled by local insurance funds organised by workers and employers and delimited by professional borders alongside local, but publicly funded, schemes of assistance involving extensive control and workfare schemes to counter “voluntary idleness” (Daniel and Tuchszirer 1999: 85, 161). Even though the insurance schemes had been subsidised by the state since 1905, they played a marginal role (Ibid.: 89). Jan Mar. May Jul. Sep. Nov. Jan. 2000 2001 Medef launches Refondation sociale First round of negotiations. Medef presents Care Government refuses to approve accord. Employers, CFDT and CFGTC suspend their p artici p ation in Unedic Negotiations between Medef and government New convention takes effec t Accord sent to approval by government. Old convention expires New version of accord. CGC joins si g natories Government approves revised accord Employers (Medef, UPA, CGPME), CFDT and CFTC sign PARE agreement 83 Although the post-war reforms initiating the French welfare state were heavily based on the principle of Insurance (cf. Palier 2002: 55f), the governing of unemployment was not. The major reform of Sécurité sociale in 1945, marking the beginning of the trente gloriouses, can be seen as a compromise between Demand, Mobility and, to a lesser extent, Investment, emphasising a strategy of full employment. According to Pierre Laroque, the founding father of Sécurité sociale, it “permits the constant and as perfect as possible adaptation of offers and demand of labour, by a coordinated policy focused on professions, occupational training and placement” (Laroque in Palier 2002: 94; see also Daniel and Tuchszirer 1999: 162f). The strong corporatist beliefs at the time resulted in a system orchestrated by the employers and employees’ representatives where entitlements were contribution-based and hence tied closely to the worker (in practice, the male breadwinner), rather than the citizen (Palier 2005: 136-137). Accordingly, Redistributive issues were subordinated to that of guaranteeing full employment (Palier 2002: 73f). The success of this compromise pushed demands for a nationally coordinated system based on Insurance into the background (Daniel and Tuchszirer 1999)i. In 1958 the compulsory system of Assurance chômage (unemployment insurance) was established by the employers’ organisation CNPFii and the labour unions FOiii, a reformist defector fraction of the revolutionary labour union the CGTiv, the Christian labour union CFTCv and finally the CGCvi, who represented the particularly French managerial class of cadres. The system was created under a shared fear of a recession (Ibid.: 185). The aim was both, in accordance with Insurance, to provide employees with “stable resources” and, in accordance with Mobility, to “facilitate redeployment” (Ibid.: 187). i The introduction of a scheme based on insurance was also challenged by the actuarial problem of predicting the risk of unemployment (Daniel and Tuchszirer 1999: 187) ii Conseil national du patronat français iii Force ouvrière iv Confédération générale du travail v Confédération française des travailleurs chrétiens vi Confédération générale des cadres. Cadres are a (legally recognised) group of skilled managers and executives such as engineers, technicians and consultants. On the historical formation of the class, see (Boltanski 1982). Demand / Mobility / Investment Insurance / Mobility 84 The scheme was institutionalised in the corporatist body of Unedici in which the employers and employees’ representatives negotiated the convention of Assurance chômage every second or third year. Below Unedic, a number of local offices, so-called Assedicii, were set up to collect contributions (from employers and employees, and since 1979, also from the state (Tuchszirer 2001)) and pay out compensation. Although Unedic was established outside the system of Sécurité sociale, the state was always involved as a third party with authority to intervene in the negotiations (Daniel and Tuchszirer 1999: 185-86). In 1967, the close ties with the state ware intensified when the government established the ANPEiii, who worked alongside Unedic with the specific aim of facilitating the transmission of information between employers and unemployed people (Ibid.: 225f), hereby complementing Insurance with Mobility. Until the early 1980s, the involvement of the state resulted in a constant improvement of social rights attached to Assurance chômage (Tuchszirer 2001), reaching a rate of coverage of 76 percent in 1976 (Daniel and Tuchszirer 1999: 249). In the 1980s, well past the trente gloriouses of close-to-full employment, the rising number of unemployed put the Unedic under financial pressure. This led to a number of reforms of Unedic itself: within Insurance thinking, contributions were raised in order to increase resources and balance the funds, which, however, made it too expensive for some to pay the fees and were thus excluded (Ibid.: 257ff). However, the financial difficulties also spurred more radical criticisms of Insurance. The so-called Deuxième gauche, a movement within the Socialist party and the labour union CFDTiv and led intellectually by Pierre Rosanvallon (Béland 2007: 132).v In the 1970s and 80s, the Deuxième gauche was anti-statist (as opposed to the CGT and FO), advocating governing beyond the welfare i Union nationale interprofessionnelle pour l'emploi dans l'industrie et le commerce ii Association pour l'emploi dans l'industrie et le commerce iii Agence nationale pour l'emploi iv Confédération française démocratique du travail. The CFDT was the newest of the five trade unions legally recognised by the state and emerged in 1964 from the Christian CFTC as a secular non-communist alternative to the CGT v The five recognised unions participating in the negotiations of Unedic are hence the FO, CGT, CFTC, CGC and CFDT. Insurance Investment 85 state with a key role for the labour market parties (see e.g.Rosanvallon 1981). Later, the critique turned into a critique of a “passive” way of spending resources while advocating an “active welfare state” (Ètat actifprovidence) (Rosanvallon 1995). In the 1980s and 90s, Investment inspired policies were introduced along these lines to “activate the expenses” of Assurance chômage, such as the Conventions de conversion, offering vocational training, internships, and preparation for job interviews for people hit by lay-offs for economic reasons (Daniel and Tuchszirer 1999: 320-24). In 1982 the criteria for compensation were changed. In line with the city of Mobility’s appreciation of work and activity, compensation was made to depend on the period of contribution rather than the circumstances related to the event of unemployment (Tuchszirer 2001). Out of these institutional changes, combined with increasing unemployment, a new group of unemployed came to the fore. These people were not entitled to compensation because they had not contributed sufficiently as a result of long-term unemployment. In 1984, this group was separated from Unedic and included in a state-governed régime de solidarité (Ibid.; Eydoux and Béraud 2011: 44-45). In the same period, a number of policy evaluations mobilised the city of Incentives to problematise the “generosity” of the compensation as disincentivising work (Béraud and Eydoux 2011: 132) as well as highlight the negative impact of (employers’) contributions on employment (Palier 2005: 136). As a result, entitlement conditions were hardened and the duration of compensation was reduced (Béraud and Eydoux 2011: 132). The most important change was the introduction of AUD (Allocation unique dégressive), reducing the level of compensation every four months while the entitlement was reduced to 30 months (Palier 2010a: 84). While AUD was supported by the employers and the CFDT, the CGT, together with the FO, refused to sign the accord, thus marking a line of tension that would reemerge in the debate on PARE. AUD succeeded in balancing the budget of the funds of Unedic, but it also reduced the share of unemployed being compensated, which bolstered the demand for policy reform to target the groups that were not entitled to, or Mobility Incentives 86 had lost the entitlement to, unemployment insurance due to long-term unemployment, as well as the rise of work-forms (such as fixed-term contracts) which did not grant the same entitlements as traditional permanent contracts (Palier 2002: 224-225). Importantly, this, alongside inspiration from the ideas of the Deuxième gauche, led to the creation of the RMI (Revenu minimum d'insertion, ‘Minimum income benefit of insertion’) in 1988. The RMI replaced the old system of social assistance and aimed to reinclude the rising group of people hit by the dynamics of social exclusion.i Another outcome of the increasing number of unemployed who found themselves outside of the shield of Assurance chômage was the mobilisation of the unemployed in various protest movements and organisations (Chabanet 2012). Some were supported by labour unions such as the CGT-chômeurs and AC !ii, while others, importantly, MNCPiii and Apeisiv, came from civil society movements. None of the organisations were, however, legally recognised by Unedic. LAUNCH OF THE DEBATE: MEDEF’S REFONDATION SOCIALE It was the French employers’ organisation that launched the debate leading to the introduction of PARE. The initiative grew out of the major restructuring of CNPF in the late 1990s, renaming itself Medef, and a largescale political programme named Refondation sociale (Social restructuring). The offensive new strategy arose from a profound discontent with the government’s decision to pass the so-called “Aubry law”, named after the then socialist minister of Employment and Solidarity, which, within Redistribution thinking, aimed to create jobs for the unemployed by reducing the working week to thirty-five hours. The passing of the bill was seen as authoritarian and as harmful to French enterprises because it was to i On the particular discourse of ”social exclusion” in France, see Béland (2007). The trajectory of RMI will be described in more detail in the case of RSA (see p. 86f). ii Agir ensemble contre le chômage iii Mouvement national des chômeurs et précaires iv Association Pour l'Emploi, l'Information et la Solidarité des chômeurs et des précaires Redistribution 87 be partly financed by the social protection funds of social partners (Palier 2002: 404). At the beginning of 2000, Medef convinced the other social partners to gather and discuss the eight “building sites” (chantiers) of the refondation sociale. The first ‘site’ concerned Assurance chômage (Ibid.: 407). The ideas behind Refondation sociale were created by Medef’s new vice-president Denis Kessler together with his ‘right hand’ Francois Ewald, Foucault’s former assistant, whose work on insurance and the welfare state (Ewald 1986) had somehow curiously led him into the private insurance industry (Behrent 2010). The Refondation sociale has a lot in common with the Deuxieme gauche. It shares, and probably accentuates, its scepticism towards state intervention, seeking to reclaim some of the initiative from the state to the social partners (Vail 2008: 343). The choice is between “reorganisation (refondation) or stratification (étatisation)” (Medef in Palier 2002: 405). The programme of Refondation sociale was also qualified according to the city of Investment in order to qualify the critique of the state. In particular, this resulted in a denunciation of the city of Insurance. In a city of globalisation, the national state, according to Medef’s president Ernest Antione Seillière, “does not function as a reducer of risks (…), but as a producer of risks” (Seillière in Ewald 2000: 4). Similarly to the diagnosis of Rosanvallon, Kessler and Ewald criticised the current system for being incapable of adapting to the “new risks”, which are not social risks but “risks of existence” such as social exclusion (Ewald and Kessler 2000: 61): Today’s biggest injustice relies less in the unequal distribution of revenues than in the inequality when confronted with risk. Traditional social risks (…), the risk for an employee of finding himself deprived from revenue (accident, illness, old age) is progressively substituted by the risk of not being ‘employable’, of not being able to integrate. (Ewald and Kessler 2000: 71) At the same time, Refondation sociale had clear references to Mobility. It was concerned with “dismantling French rigidities”, causing “labour shortages in certain sectors, which, at some point, can be an obstacle for growth.”1 Investment / critique of Insurance Mobility 88 Developing the suppleness of companies, Medef hopes to remove the recruitment obstacles and provide the persons far from the labour market with an experience.2 Refondation sociale hence aimed to ”galvanise the labour market by favouring the adjustment of supply and demand”.3 Lastly, refondation sociale also had a particular Paternal aim to install a “new culture of responsibility” where social protection is about giving people a “second or a third chance, and not taking responsibility definitively, in a de-responsibilising way, for people” (Kessler 1999: 620, 630). THE EMPLOYERS’ PROPOSAL The policy proposal of Medef coincided with the negotiations concerning the renewal of the convention of Assurance chômage for the coming three years, which were about to expire July 1st 2000. Because Medef threatened to leave Unedic, the whole institution of Assurance chômage was therefore put to the test. Without a renewal, Unedic would have no mandate to manage the system. Medef’s calls for reform were supported by the two other (minor) employers’ organisations, the craftsmen’s union UPAi and the small and medium-sized enterprises’ CGPMEii. The corner-stone of the proposal was the so-called CARE (contrat d'aide au retour à l'emploi) contract, an individual arrangement specifying “the reciprocal commitments of the regime of compensation and the job-seeker”4 that each unemployed person would sign, and keep, in order to be compensated. The elements of the contract combined the cities of Investment and Mobility while clearly privileging the latter. The contract includes an “assessment of competences and aptitudes” of the unemployed person ending in a “plan for personalised support”, outlining the job categories corresponding to his competences or the training needed to access an available job.5 After signing the contract, the unemployed individual will meet for an interview every two weeks to follow i Union professionnelle artisanale ii Confédération générale des petites et moyennes entreprises Mobility / Investment Paternal 89 up on the plan and check whether he participates in “the effective and permanent search for a job”.6 From the other side, Assurance chômage commits itself to proposing job offers, or if necessary, a qualifying training course. In order to further favour mobility, the unemployed individual would get an additional benefit if he took a job in another business area than his own. If the unemployed “within a certain period” has not received any job offers, his integration into a company will be privileged by Unedic, contributing to the salary paid by the employer”.7 This also had an element of Investment: One jobseeker out of two does not have an education. We will offer jobs with short-term training programmes.8 When launching CARE, Medef was very explicit on the binding and ultimately coercive nature of the contract. While Medef promised to “adjust the degression of the allowance” of AUD, it would have “consequences for the terms and conditions of the compensation, which would be revised” if the obligations of the contract were not met.9 This was basically to strengthen obligations related to Mobility: There are vacant jobs. The job seekers have to take them.10 This would be the case if the unemployed person does not show up for the assessment, it he refuses to take the training course he was offered or does not follow it “with diligence”, if he practices non-declared remunerated work, and, finally, if he refuses a job offer “even though they correspond to his professional competences and are remunerated in accordance with a salary normally practised in the profession and in the region.”11 Despite the details regarding the obligations of the unemployed, many questions were left unanswered in Medef’s proposal, such as who would undertake the authority to sanction as well as train (Assedic, governed by the social partners, or the ANPE of the state?); how to fund the cost for training as well as adjust AUD; and what the content of sanctions would be in case of non-compliance with CARE. 96 (Lyon-Caen 2001: 379). Finally, the CGC joined the non-signatories (the FO and CGT), calling the new scheme “an electroshock of the poor”.59 TESTING LIMITATIONS AND AUTHORITY TO COERCE Despite opposition from the non-signatories, the agreement was sent for approval in June to the government, who had to ratify the convention in law.i However, the government, represented by the minister of Employment and Solidarity Martine Aubry, was highly critical of the proposal (see e.g. Aubry and Fabius 2000). Finally, after three weeks of intense debate, the government disapproved the accord. The government’s refusal was celebrated by the FO, CGT and organisations of the unemployed as a “victory of democracy”.60 In a letter, about fifty leading figures from various factions of parties, unions and civil society from the leftii urged the government to ensure better compensation for the unemployed, “the effective equality of rights for everyone” and the “freedom to choose employment and training in place of a principle of imposed employment”.61 They also recommended the government to include all concerned actors in the debate, including the organisations for the unemployed and “democratically elected representatives”.62 Part of the criticism was supported by the government. Aubry questioned the agreement based on the already existing Insurance demand regarding increasing the number of compensated unemployed. The agreement’s extension of the period during which compensation entitlement accrues from the existing four months’ work during the last 8 months to 14 months was judged as “weak” and only cost 4 billion out of the expected surplus of 75 billion francs.63 The minister reminded everyone that the proportion of i The negotiation and voting procedures are extremely complex and follow more or less official codes of conduct. While it initially demanded the signatory from all social partners, after 1989 a minority can sign an accord. However, non-signatories can demand a new round of negotiations. Further, regardless of whether the accord is unanimously agreed upon, the state (the Conseil d’État) ultimately has to approve the accord (Lyon-Caen 2001: 378-79). ii The figures came from the socialist party, PCF, LCR (La ligue communiste révolutionnaire), CGT, CGC, SUD (Union syndicale Solidaires), a minority from the CFDT, and the organisation of the unemployed (MNCP, Apeis, CGT-chômeurs and AC !). Insurance / Redistribution 97 those compensated had dropped from 52 percent to 42 percent over the last ten years, and that the extension would cause an increase of only 0.2 percent.64 However, it quickly turned out that not all of the government’s criticism coincided with the alliance of the left. While the government strengthened the weight of Insurance in the financial allocation of the convention, it did not mobilise any substantive critique based on Redistribution. Rather, it stressed the importance of Investment vis à vis both Mobility and Insurance in the conditions of PAP. Aubry had earlier expressed her concerns with CARE: If the accord is in accordance with the interests of the unemployed, I have no reason to oppose it. If it’s a question of, in a period of recovery, to help the unemployed, especially the ones in the most difficulty, integrate and educate themselves, I can only be pleased. It will be a more effective and active utilisation of the spending of assurance chômage. By having this role, the public utility of employment could be mobilised even more. However, if it’s a question of setting up a private placement office only for for the unemployed ‘in shape’, I can obviously not agree. If it is also a question of offering a contract that puts a lot of pressure on the unemployed while leaving the fragile to the ANPE, which will become a social office, it’s out of the question. This will result in removing the ANPE and its beneficiaries away from the labour market, confining them within a logic of assistance and subsidised jobs.65 While qualifying the instrument as an extraordinary measure of Demand relating to a “period of recovery”, the evaluation based on the city of Investment led to two different critiques: one criticising PARE for being unequal and another for it being too equal. In the former case, which is visible in the quote above, PARE was creating a system “in two speeds” where the Investment and Mobility related services are only accessible to those entitled to Assurance chômage thus problematising Insurance’s membership criteria as it inhibits the Investment principle of equal opportunities: On the one hand, the unemployed who are the least cut off from the world of work are benefitting from the best job offers in virtue of the new agreement by the Assedic (until now, only the ANPE, a public organisation Investment / critique of Mobility, Insurance 98 and guarantor of equal opportunities before the return to employment, had the monopoly of employment offers). And, on the other, we have the longterm unemployed who, in large numbers, tip into the [systems of] solidarity and assistance of the state.66 Along the same lines, the government criticised the agreement for removing existing successful Investment schemes run by the ANPE, such as the Conventions de conversion.67 The latter critique of PARE of being too equal, in a sense, denounced PARE for not subordinating the demands of Mobility to what makes people worthy in the city of Investment, that is, skills. The agreement referred to “competences” and, after 12 months of unemployment, “aptitudes”, which, according to Aubry, would “oblige the unemployed to accept certain jobs that do not correspond to their qualifications”.68 “Under these conditions”, Aubry remarked, “tomorrow, was fit for being a cashier”.69 For the same reasons, the CGC, representing the cadres, wanted to insert the notion of “classification” in order to be certain that one cannot “move an employee down the scale (déclasser)”.70 Whereas the critique founded in Insurance and Redistribution of the FO and CGT had questioned the use of coercion as such, the question for the government and CGC was when it was legitimate. Aubry reminded people that as a minister in 1992 she had already introduced the possibility of sanctioning the unemployed if their job search was inadequate or if they refused a job proposal, and hence saw it as “normal to sanction the unemployed”.i However, in order for the sanctioning to be “impartial, the decisions should remain the responsibility of the state”, i.e., the ANPE.71 In July, as a response to the government’s disapproval, the signatories (employers, the CFDT and CFTC) decided to leave the institutions of Unedic. Meanwhile the government had provisionally extended the i Ibid. In practice, however, the sanctions were rarely used, and when they were, it was in cases of nonpresence because the unemployed had found a job without giving notice. According to Le Figaro, the rare use of sanctions was a result of their disproportionate severity, and hence the opposition to the sanctions of PARE from the FO and CGT was to be found in them being “graduate and less tough”, hereby becoming “realistic and applicable”. Taupin, B. (2000, June 14) ‘Des sanctions depuis 1992 Contrôle des chômeurs : des textes à la réalité’. Le Figaro. 99 convention of Assurance chômage to the end of 2000. Despite the symbolic act, the signatories also engaged with the government’s criticism. While Medef led bilateral negotiations with the government (Lyon-Caen 2001: 380), the CFDT justified PARE and the stance of the signatories in public. To accommodate the Insurance-based criticism, the signatories emphasised the significance of removing the degression of AUD.72 Yet, Insurance in itself was problematised as completely inadequate, and almost inhuman, leading to a situation where “the unemployed were left alone with their difficulties”.73 Hence, assurance chômage could not simply be a “counter for allowances”.74 The idea that Unedic should be limited to compensate “was a static conception of the mission of assurance chômage that contributed to exclusion”.75 Regarding the authority to decide on sanctions, the signatories simply agreed that this ought to be the responsibility of the ANPE. However, the signatories completely dismissed the criticism of PARE, leading to a system with “two speeds”. Rather, the French system of unemployment insurance had “in fact” been running in two speeds for the last twenty years, and PARE allowed people to combat this rather than expand it.76 The signatories stressed that PARE was also intended for the long-term unemployed within the state-governed regime of solidarity, provided that the state would contribute (financially).77 Another important element of PARE that countered the danger of a “two speed” system was in fact its obligatory character. The CFDT’s justification and response to previous criticism mobilised a Paternal qualification of the unemployed person as someone who perhaps does not know his own true interests: Many doubts would be raised if PARE had been optional. If guaranteeing compensation and services at the same time is good, it’s good for everyone. (…) We think that offering the two at the same time is an advancement for the unemployed, not a step back. It is by leaving PARE optional that one approaches a system in two speeds: On the one side, the well educated and well informed unemployed profit from all their rights; on the other, those to whom entering a training course is not self-evident, or those who are already on the road to exclusion, continue to lose hope of their chances. But the Investmen t Paternal / Investment critique of Insurance Insurance 100 content of PARE is adapted to the needs of each individual. There is no standard model for everyone.78 The obligatory nature of PARE hereby forces those who, irrationally, would not sign it if they had the choice. Hence, the need for a coercive element in the “emancipatory approach” of PARE, an approach that “turns the unemployed person, by the help of professionals, into an actor in the construction of his own project”.79 The Paternal qualification is in this case closely tied to the city of Investment’s need for a targeted (i.e., unequal) treatment in order to ensure equal opportunities. This also accommodates the criticism of PARE that it leads to excessive Mobility. Everyone knows that the [personalised] plan of a qualified computer engineer, a laid-off worker in the textile industry or a young person without a professional project will not be identical. There will only be a presentation of job offers for the first, an evaluation of the level of competences (…) perhaps followed by a complementary training course for the second, and a complete assessment of competences for the third.80 This leads to a composition where the Paternal qualification underpins the use of coercion in relation to Investment, ensuring that the unemployed make use of the rights which will provide them with better opportunities. But the Paternal qualification has the same potential in relation to Mobility. This was clear in Henri Vacquin’s, a sociologist and consultant with close ties to the CFDT, justification of PARE. Sanctions imposed on those who refuse a job within their qualifications are already better than a gradually decreasing allowance which punishes all the unemployed indifferently. And the instrument will make visible to the jobseeker that they often have capacities that they didn’t expect. Regardless of personal preference for a profession, who knows whether the required qualities for practicing it are not similar to other professions? Who knows if a hairdresser would make a good assembly-line worker of electronic chips? (…) PARE is an act of mediation. If an employer seeks an assembly-line worker of chips, it’s up to the mediator, ANPE, to get the hairdresser to understand that he is qualified for that position and will benefit from it. It all depends on the way of presenting it. If tomorrow I am obliged to take a job of one million francs per day, I’m up for it.81 Paternal / Mobility / critique of Incentives 101 While Vacquin denounced sanctions based on Incentives as too ‘equal’, they were legitimate when based on qualifications (Investment) and the aim of ‘getting the unemployed to understand’ (Paternal), which again would make them more flexible (Mobility). During the final negotiations, the Paternal qualification was integrated into PARE, which ultimately made the CGC join the signatories. Besides replacing “competences” and “aptitudes” with “validated qualifications” and “professional capacities”, PARE would also take into account the “degree of autonomy” of the unemployed.82 The accord was finally approved by the government in October, involving several modifications and concessions accommodating the critique of the government. The FO and CGT, however, were excluded from the negotiations and remained in opposition to the final accord, condemning “the obligatory PARE” for “preparing for forced underpaid work” and being “social eugenics”.83 SEDIMENTATION: TESTS, SUBJECTS Having mapped the qualifications and justifications of the changes that PARE makes to the French contribution-based system, it is now possible to identify the sedimentation of the various cities into the assemblage of instruments governing the unemployed. The result is a complex patchwork of institutionalised tests that (e)valuate and categorise the unemployed according to a number of cities. Some of the tests set clear thresholds between being worthy or not worthy, whereas others set up continua. Some look backwards in time, some plan ahead, and some do both. They also appear at different moments in the unemployed person’s trajectory in the assemblage. The tests are visible in the accord of the new convention of Unedic, which describes all the criteria for receiving an allowance, including PARE (Unedic 2000). Initially, when addressing Unedic the unemployed individual is evaluated both according to the city of Insurance, that is, as a victim in need of compensation, and according to the city of Mobility, as someone who’s Insurance / Mobility 102 worthiness depends on his past level of activity. Regarding the former, an instance of unemployment is tested with a focus on a number of criteria that define what “involuntary” unemployment is (art. 2). Furthermore, it checks whether the individual concerned has paid his contributions to the scheme. If the first criterion is not met, the regime of social assistance will take over (at the time RMI, today RSA). If the second is not met, he may be eligible for an allowance in the regime of solidarity. When it comes to Mobility, the unemployed person is tested with respect to his past “affiliation periods”, which is calculated by the number of working hours in the period leading up to the event of unemployment (art. 3). In the new convention, the basic criterion of 4 months of work during the last 8 months was changed to 4 months during the last 18 months, hereby accommodating the Insurance-based criticism of extending the number of compensated persons. The test determines whether the unemployed person is eligible to compensation, or, instead, should address the regime of solidarity. However, while passing the threshold, the “duration of compensation” is dependent on how many hours the unemployed person has worked. The more working hours and the longer the period, the longer the duration of compensation (a five-step scale from 122 to 1825 days) (art. 12). Finally, if the unemployed individual passed the foregoing tests, he is once again evaluated in the city of Insurance by a number of rather complex tests based on past wage levels (the ‘damage’), which govern his entitled compensation (art. 21, 22, 23, 24). However, once eligible, the qualification of the unemployed person as a victim falls into the background as a number of tests related to the instrument of PARE requalify him.i With PARE, the unemployed individual must sign the ‘personalised project for action’ (PAP), which establishes a new set of “rights and obligations” while he receives his compensation. The PAP is dependent on a test, the “in-depth interview”, which evaluates the unemployed according to three cities. The first is Paternal. The interview, is i In the document the change is almost symbolically identifiable. While the first part, defining the initial criteria, the unemployed person is named an “employee deprived of employment” (salarié privé d’emploi) within the first paragraph introducing PARE, he is henceforth named a “jobseeker” (demandeur d’emploi) (art. 14, §1). Paternal 103 “the occasion” for the agent from the ANPE to “appreciate the degree of autonomy of the jobseeker in his search” (art. 14, §2). The PAP must “take account of the degree of autonomy” (art. 15). It is not specified how, but seeing it in the light of the past debate, it is likely that a low degree involves more rights and obligations. Meanwhile, the interview must also “take stock of his qualifications and compare it to available or potential offers on the labour market” (art. 14, §2). The unemployed person is hence firstly tested in the city of Investment in terms of his employability. If it is sufficiently high, he can remain in the city and the PAP will describe the job types that correspond to his qualifications (art. 15). However, if it is low (again this is a continuum) the PAP includes two paths: one based on Mobility, which suggests “the job type(s) towards which he may like to convert”, or one based on Investment, which outlines the “services and training” that are necessary to “access a job in compliance with the project” (art. 15). Finally, the PAP must also take into account the “personal and family situation” which will set limits to the “potential geographical mobility” of the unemployed (art. 16, §3). While this test sets limits to the city of Mobility, it also legitimises demands to move if the personal situation does not inhibit it. Throughout the whole period after signing the PAP, the unemployed person must be active in the city of Mobility. He must “carry out positive actions of job search” and be “available and genuinely involved in the move towards the return to employment” (art. 16, §3). On the other side of the threshold, one faintly sees the idle subject who does not search “genuinely”. All non-compliance is followed up by sanctions (as described above in the signatories’ proposal). The period after signing the PAP is characterised by a continuous intensification of evaluation as well as of rights and obligations. Concurrently, as time passes, the ‘degree of autonomy’ of the unemployed decreases. In the first phase, the unemployed person is qualified as capable of finding his own job. It is not until six months after signing that the “actualisation” of the PAP is carried through (art. 17, §1). In addition, the balance between Investment and Mobility changes as time passes. While at Investment / Mobility Mobility Paternal / Investment / Mobilit y 104 the beginning the unemployed person is obliged to accept an offer that “corresponds to his professional capacities, his qualifications as a result of his diplomas, knowledge and professional experience”, after 6 months the offers should only “be part of the field” of the same professional capacities (art. 17, §1,2). Finally, after twelve months, the ANPE should “accentuate their efforts in order to redeploy those concerned or favour his occupational integration and ensure that he acquires a professional experience”, possibly by means of “regressive assistance” (aide dégressive) allocated to the employer (art. 17, §3). In addition, in order to broaden the ‘field’ of interests the unemployed person is offered an “in-depth assessment of competences” (art. 17, §1). Finally, “if, despite all these measures, the beneficiary still has not found a job, his allowances will be retained within the duration of the rights” (art. 17, §4). By bracketing what was previously, first and foremost, a homogenous group of ‘victims’ with a legitimate need for compensation into a variety of subjects that may change as time passes, but whose primary goal is to somehow once again become part of the ‘active society’, PARE marks a tipping point. As shown above, it does not wipe out the Insurance instruments, but rather works upon them and limits their capacity to qualify the unemployed. Furthermore, it consolidates that the primary aim of Assurance chômage is to bring the unemployed back into ‘active society’. The same confrontational lines between actors have continued to influence the reform processes. However, and again similar to the unfolding event of PARE, the criticism has been able to postpone or bring to a halt some reforms, but has not managed to provide an alternative path. The criticism thus remains defensive. Subsequent reforms have consistently focused on the flexibility of the labour force (Mobility). Whereas massive protests in 2006 managed to bring to a halt the Contrat première embauche that aimed to make it easier to hire and fire young employees (Cole 2008), the controversial “El Khomri law”, loosening working time and layoff regulations, was adopted as recently as 2016 by the socialist government despite massive protests. Thus, although changes seem to happen at a 105 slower pace than in Denmark, for instance, there seems to be no sign that they will be rolled back or take a radically new path in the near future. 112 compensation was extended. Also, contributions from both employees and employers were again raised (Ibid.: 552-564). However, the problem with speculative behaviour also provided scope for Mobility’s critique since they accentuated the obligation to work a priori and be at the disposal of the labour market in order to receive dagpenge (unemployment benefits) The second example illustrates an instrument that was mainly justified in accordance with the city of Insurance, but could also be glimpsed in other cities. When the social democrats in 1978 proposed the so-called “job offer plan” (jobtilbudsordningen), it qualified it as a way to inhibit the growing number of long-term unemployed who were about to lose the right to compensation from entering the state’s cash benefit system for uninsured unemployed – kontanthjælpssystemeti (Christensen 2013: 549). By granting the unemployed 9 months of subsidised work, they would regain their right to another 2½ years of compensation, which would be succeeded by a second offer (Kolstrup 2013: 201). This was also the main function the job offers came to serve up until the 1990s (Christensen 2013: 551). However, the job offers contained other qualifications that would later be mobilised to criticise the same instrument. Firstly, the most obvious was also the most implicit: by offering a job, the unemployed were put to work and hence worthy in the city of Mobility. They would be “activated”; a term that would gradually become common in connection with the offers.ii Secondly, the offers were also qualified in Paternal terms. DA, the employers’ confederation, supported the job offers; but only in their capacity as “rehabilitation positions” (genoptræningsstillinger) (Christensen 2013: 550). Thirdly, the job offers had a distinct Investment element, since the jobs had to fit the qualifications of the unemployed. An element which was strengthened later by replacing the second job offer with a (re- )education offer (Kolstrup 2013: 201). i Directly translated to ‘the cash help system’ ii The usage of “activation” as a collective designation for the instruments aiming to bring the unemployed from support to employment gained a footing in relation to the introduction of the so-called Youth allowance (Ungeydelse) in 1990 (Torfing 2004: 171; Kolstrup 2013: 214ff). See also chapter 7, p. 167. Insurance Mobility Paternal 113 Fourthly, the job offers were seen as a strategy of job creation to increase Demand. Hence the jobs should be “productive and useful for society” (Christensen 2013: 557). Finally, the arrangement prepared dagpengesystemet for a redistributive qualification which would later serve as both a justification and object of critique. First of all the job offers had to be paid according to the collective agreements and should be “extraordinary” in order not to push wages down. However, the job offers also had an unintended consequence. The job offers had extended the total compensation period to around 9 years, making it resemble something like the ‘utopian’ idea of a guaranteed “citizen’s income” (borgerløn), which had gained intellectual and public impetus since the publication of the bestselling book Oprør fra midten (‘Revolt from the centre’) in 1978. Criticising one of the core dimensions in the city of Demand, the three authors, a poet, a politician and a scientist, predicted the coming of the “zero growth society” and called for a “society of economic equality” based on a minimum guaranteed citizen’s income (Meyer et al. 1978; see also Petersen et al. 2013: 100f). The job offers were, thus, embedded with tensions: they should be productive (Demand) but at the same time extraordinary while rewarding equally (Redistribution); they should provide the unemployed with new rights to compensation (Insurance) while matching their qualifications to increase their employability (Investment); and they should activate the inactive (Mobility) and rehabilitate the incompetent (Paternal). THE BLACK BOX OF “STRUCTURAL UNEMPLOYMENT” Apart from the specific Insurance-related problems, dagpengesystemet became part of a more general debate questioning the capacities and goals of the welfare state in relation to the labour market, which would frame the work of two governmental commissions leading up to the reform of LAAP. In contrast with France, the Danish economy was booming in the mid-1980s. Nevertheless, unemployment only modestly decreased to around 8 percent in 1987, when the economy abruptly returned to recession. 1987 was also a year with radical wage rises. Leading economists were interpreting the Demand Redistribution 114 events as a problem of “structural unemployment” (Larsen and Andersen 2009). This explanation entailed a radical questioning of Keynesian Demand policies’ narrow focus on conjectural unemployment. The reason why unemployment had remained relatively high was because it had reached the threshold of what two economists earlier had labelled the NIRU (noninflationary rate of unemployment) (Modigliani and Papademos 1975)i. In a situation like this, Demand and consumption oriented policies would only lead to increasing inflation and hence to a situation of co-existing economic stagnation, often labelled “stagflation” (Torfing 2004). In 1989, structural unemployment became a central concern for the centre-right government in its white paper on the “structural problems of the labour market” (Ibid.: 181). While the structural unemployment explanation was clear in its criticism of the city of Demand, it was unsettled on what kind of ‘structures’ were causing it. Besides Demand, the new qualification of unemployment rested beyond the scope of, and often in contradiction with, the cities of Insurance and Redistribution. Yet, as will be evident in the following sections, the cities of Investment, Incentives, Mobility and Paternalism could all be mobilised to identify unemployment-producing structures. In 1991 two governmental commissions were set up to look into how to tackle the problem of structural unemployment. The first, named the Social Commission (Socialkommissionen) and chaired by Aase Olesen, the former minister of social affairs from the Social Liberal Party, Radikale Venstre, was given the task of evaluating the role of benefit levels, including dagpenge, with the aim of getting more of the adult population included in the labour market. The second commission, the so-called Zeuthen Committe, would address the “structural problems” specifically with regards to dagpengesystemet concerning the “activation” of the unemployed and the financing of the system. i Modigliani and Papademos’ theory was a refinement of Edmun Phelps and Milton Friedman’s theories of a “natural rate of unemployment” that radically questioned the Philips curve’s alleged inverse relation between the rate of inflation and unemployment (Phelps 1968; Friedman 1968). critique of Demand 115 Much of the existing analyses of the Danish labour market reforms have focused on the construction of this need to reform through the discourse of structural unemployment (Cox 2001; Torfing 2004; Larsen and Andersen 2009). Without questioning its importance, it is only by analysing the process in which the broad discourse is turned into specific changes in instruments and institutions that the moral consequences and plurality of the shift become visible. Further, the idea of structural employment is inadequate for understanding the debate leading up to LAAP. Firstly, as mentioned above, the city of Demand was not only questioned by the idea of structural unemployment, but also from ideas predicting zero-growth, thus countering the belief that unemployment could be effaced. In accordance with the city of Redistribution, ideas of zero growth would advocate the sharing of labour or a citizen’s income and thereby allow people to remain outside the labour market. Secondly, the idea of reducing unemployment by increasing Demand was still alive. The idea of structural unemployment did not exclude the presence of conjunctural unemployment, but rather relativised it. Finally, the scholarship on the “discourse” of structural unemployment tends to overlook that, as seen in the previous section, a lot of ‘structural’ explanations of unemployment were sedimented before the discourse entered. The following four sections highlight key test situations evolving from the debate surrounding the initial law to the adoption of the final law around a year later. Hence, the following will zoom in on four test situations with differing pivotal points. The first concerns a dispute around the Social Commission’s proposal of a ‘third labour market’. The debate concerns the role of wages and labour in relation to the threshold to the labour market. The second test situation concerns the problem of financing dagpengesystemet that followed the publication of the findings from the Zeuthen Committee. The third concerns how the intermediary periods of job offers are criticised and gradually re-qualified. The final test concerns the use of leave schemes in order to create entry points for the unemployed. Redistribution / critique of Demand 116 QUALIFYING LABOUR AND WAGES INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE LABOUR MARKET As mentioned above, Demand qualifications were not excluded from the debate. For instance, an economist from the Social Commission estimated that “the use of traditional economic policy could, as a matter of course, reduce unemployment from the current level, 11 percent, to somewhere between 7 and 8 percent”.1 Likewise, the centre-right as well as centre-left recognised the city, but whereas the Social Democrats would use “longterm investments in the societal infrastructure and expand employment in selected parts of the public sector”, the government recommended increasing consumption through taxation and credit policies2. In the temporary law, the city of Demand sedimented in the setting up of ten socalled geographical “enterprise zones” (erhvervszoner) where businesses creating jobs would be rewarded with favourable conditions, such as tax reductions and faster case work by authorities.3 The government justified the measure as a “saline injection to particularly exposed areas” and emphasised that it was a “temporary measure (…) to immediately add renewed growth”.4 Meanwhile, unions and social democrats were criticising the “enterprise oases” from the city of Redistribution for making employees “outlawed” by “suspending all labour market laws so businesses can do as they please with employees and the environment”.5 The city of Redistribution was also mobilised to justify a solution to the lack of jobs, namely distributing work better. For instance, the newly established “Unemployment Party” argued that all the “resources that were spent on the remedy of unemployment and repairing the damage” should be used for compensating the wage loses caused by work time reduction (see also Jensen 2008: 303).6 Unlike in France, reduced work time would not be used as an instrument in Denmark. However, the temporary law did include an instrument that aimed towards distributing work. The so-called “jobrotation scheme” would expand the rights of wage earners to take leave on the condition that the leave-taker was replaced by an unemployed person. The leave, on the other hand, should be used for either education (Investment) or child care, hereby freeing day care resources (Mobility).7 Demand Redistribution Redistribution / Investment / Mobility 117 The central concern of the debate, however, was the question of “structural unemployment”. Concurrently with the negotiations of the temporary law, the Social Commission would publish its first discussion paper, entitled “Selection for life” (Sortering for livet) (Socialkommissionen 1992). The commission presented a somewhat sociological explanation that went well beyond its primary task of investigating the impact of benefits. The report diagnosed a “polarised society with a soaring group of marginalised and excluded people”.8 The commission qualified the group mainly through the Investment, Incentives and Paternal cities. Firstly, the group had an educational deficit compared to the included (Investment). Statistics showed that the risk of unemployment for the unskilled was twice as high as for those with a vocational education, and argued that “a life with unemployment and benefits is inherited”.9 It also spoke of a “lost generation” of young people in the early 1980’s recession that had never managed to get a hold in the labour market.10 Although they were victims of stagnation, Demand policies had failed to re-include the group. Social democrats were worried: Also, we must do something for their children. Elementary school teachers already speak of new behaviour from children from homes where none of the parents have ever had a job. It’s a family pattern never seen before in history.11 Along Investment thinking, the Commission proposed a special education for the “non-academic” students.12 However, according to the Social Commission, as well as the government and employers, the identification of an educational deficit was not necessarily an Investment problem. Rather, on the one hand it was a problem of the level of benefits (Incentives), and on the other hand a Paternal problem related to wage levels. With regards to the former, the question of whether benefits were reducing the incentive to work was extensively put to the test by the commission. The general conclusion, however, was that lack of Incentives was not a problem for the large majority of the population receiving benefits. However, for certain “marginal groups”, young people and single parents, employment could result in reduced income.13 The government mobilised the findings as proof Incentives / critique of Insurance 118 of an unemployment insurance system that was “very generous” and where the “high degree of coverage (…) deprives the lowest-paid the economic incentives to work”.14 Unions, here the LO (Landsorganisationen)15, would radically criticise the Incentives premises: Believing that by making the lives of people sufficiently miserable they will get themselves a job does not hold water.16 With regards to the Paternal qualification, it was not (primarily) benefit levels, but rather wage levels on the other side of the (un)employment threshold that explained unemployment. Many of them are tempted, after ending secondary school, by the fair wages of an unskilled worker and thereby do not even consider placing themselves in the danger zone of unemployment.17 The idea of the unknowing Paternal subject was thus aligned with the Investment common good of education. However, the Paternal qualification also involved a more radical solution that would run counter to the idea of Investment. The Social Commission was sceptical of the capability of the education system to prevent exclusion and produce equal chances. While 8o percent of children from parents with superior positions would get a qualifying education, the same would only apply to one third of children from unemployed parents.18 And even if you become a lucky break from family tradition and get an extended education, there’s a still a larger risk of becoming unemployed if your parents don’t have one. So even if you initially overcome the social heritage, your parents still rub off.19 Further, the problem of this group was not simply external mechanisms of exclusion, but certain self-reinforcing mechanisms within the group. The chairman of the commission had insisted on a “No work, no money (yde-forat-nyde) attitude”, which was somewhat ineffective with this group of people, who “were incapable of taking care of themselves, let alone of others”.20 The commission would hence raise the Mobility good of becoming active as a means to encourage responsibility in the Paternal sense. Since the commission did not see any demand for this group on the labour market, there was no reason for them to be at its disposal. Further, the commission Paternal / Investment Paternal / Mobility / critique of Investment 119 did not see much potential for investing in their employability. Hence, again combining Mobility and Paternal ideas, it proposed the establishment of a “third labour market”: The advantage of the alternative or third labour market is that the passively supported become active and hereby increase the welfare for themselves and society, gain larger self-respect and relieve the system from a number of control functions, such as whether the unemployed are at the disposal of the labour market.21 Similarly, the centre-left newspaper Politiken recommended a labour market in “several speeds” with “special zones” of “jobs where the payroll costs and demands make room for the weakest”.22 Instead of increasing the employability (the Investment solution), the unemployed would get a job as well as a wage that would fit their low competence and function in nonmarket conditions. They would be active (Mobility) and even though their lack of competence would not be rewarded, it would somehow be accepted (Paternal). Later in the reform process, the new centre-left government pursued this idea of “how groups without full work capacity, and hence are not at the labour market’s disposal, can get the opportunity in well-defined employment areas to take on minor tasks without deductions in their benefits”.23 Everyone must have the chance of a life where you experience that there is a need for you and that you are good at something. But – the responsibility for how you want to live is your own.24 The problem, hence, was no longer that the unemployed were excluded from the labour market, but that they were excluded from working and from being responsible. When the idea of a third labour market was introduced, it was considered highly controversial because it breached with the premises of the diagnosis of structural unemployment. The Economic Council, for instance, warned “expressly” against a “permanent ‘third labour market’ where jobs are protected against the regular market economy”25: Paternal 120 Such an artificial labour market (…) risks creating a situation where the two sides of industry neglect the real size of unemployment and hence agree on untenable wage increases.26 In other words, the ‘third labour market’ would not increase the supply or ‘reserve army’ of labour and lower the NIRU. The ‘third labour market’ was also criticised on moral grounds, mainly for not living up to the responsibilising requirements of the Paternal city. For instance, a politician from the social liberal party Radikale Venstre wrote: People with a lack of skills and opportunities for matching the requirement of the labour market of 37 hours of intensive and high-skilled work a week put to one side. The situation now is so absurd that everybody talks about an alternative or third labour market - in reality a second-rate labour market where the deviants are placed under the responsibility of the public authorities.27 Hence, the solution, still within the Paternal city, was to somehow adjust the wages so that they would correspond to the productivity of the group. An example of such an instrument, which all centre-right parties and the employers justified, was the so-called “phase-in salary” (indslusningsløn); a minor wage targeting unemployed youth in particular.28 The lower wage was first and foremost a matter of emancipating the unemployed according to the Paternal city. DA thus argued that “the phase-in salary should be introduced for the sake of the weaker groups, such as the young or longterm unemployed with little attachment to the labour market – not for the sake of businesses.”29 Proponents of both the ‘third labour market’ and the ‘phase-in salary’ typically wished to create non-skilled jobs for the supposedly non-skilled, marginalised groups of unemployed people. As in the case of the jobrotation scheme, training was only an instrument for the wage earners. Both were thus disregarding the value of Investing in the unemployed. If the unemployed were to increase their worth, DA argued, it ought to be through their own actions: What you can do is be decisive for what you get. It is that simple when you are young and about to enter the labour market. ‘What you can do’ is a combination of natural preconditions, wisdom and experiences. The latter is Paternal / critique of Investment 121 especially important when you want to carve a place on the labour market. Experiences grow and alongside you become more worthy to the enterprise that has bought your labour.30 The Paternal tension with the city of Investment was exemplified in a comment from the minister of education from Venstre, who criticised the “misunderstanding that unemployment is the result of the unemployed not being sufficiently talented”: It is not education that creates jobs but rather the other way round.(…) Of course the two sides of industry would like the state to take care of an increasing part of the labour force and ‘look after’ the young at the taxpayers’ expense. (…) Better by far if the labour market demanded a bit more work by reducing the wage increases for vulnerable groups and limit educational and professional barriers as well as rigid wage systems.31 Mobilising the city of Redistribution, the ‘phase-in salary’ was strongly criticised by social democrats who “refused to support a policy of increasing wage inequality”32, as well as by LO: If we lower the wage in the extreme and take away all social goods, we could create an underground economy that would flourish as nicely as in Hong Kong. But I don’t feel inclined to believe that shoe shiner jobs and other unqualified jobs ought to contribute to solving the problems of Danish society.33 As a way of accommodating this criticism of the ‘phase-in salary’ and make it more “digestible”, an economist proposed to use “tax subsidies; when businesses pay salaries according to qualifications, it is replenished by the tax system so the result is a socially acceptable total income.”34 Despite the fact that none of the concrete proposals of the ‘phase-in salary’ or ‘third labour market’ were implemented, the temporary law introduced instruments that corresponded to their logics. For instance, employers were given the opportunity of getting a long-term unemployed person “on probation” for two weeks, while the said person would still receive dagpenge.35 In addition, all insured unemployed people under 25 would be offered a job after six months with a salary corresponding to their dagpenge.36 The law also introduced a so-called “foals scheme” (følordningi) where the Redistribution 128 perhaps no demands were made on them. Yes, of course, we too have a responsibility here, but I believe that the reorientation to quid pro quo (noget for noget) is a timely arrival.71 The lack of responsible behaviour was thus rooted in the lack of conditions and requirements. Not only would the ‘new’ job offers ‘mobilise’ the unemployed by giving them “a reason to get out of bed”, they would also serve the Mobility of the working population by carrying out tasks such as “service personnel at train stations or ‘fever patrols’, nursing sick children for parents with a job outside the home”.72 It was not only the Mobility and Paternal cities that provided justification for the further use of coercion. If the activation ought to be “tailored”, the rights not only had to be less “rigid” (firkantede) but also become “duties”: First of all we must set in much earlier and the offers must be targeted at the labour market-related needs of the unemployed individual. Not all have the same needs. In my opinion it must be a right for the unemployed individual, but also a duty to ensure that the individual receives the targeted offer.73 The fusion of rights and duties would thus answer the Investment problem of how to ensure that the unemployed invest in themselves and make use of their (equalising) opportunities. The plurality of the qualification of job offers took it very far from the initial function of requalifying the unemployed for compensation. Although the government still justified the ‘non-abolishment’ of the scheme with the city of Insurance, the new qualifications would gradually sediment and turn them into something else. The final LAAP is the first proof of this dynamic and thus marks a ‘tipping point’. THE AMBIGUOUS WORTH OF JOBROTATION As mentioned above, the temporary law had introduced various leave schemes, named jobrotation, to provide entry points for the unemployed. A year after, only a fraction of the expected participants had made use of the schemes. Unions still saw a great potential to turn the question of activation into a matter of labour Redistribution: Investment 129 If only five percent of the labour force is permanently in jobrotation, we can create 100,000 new jobs.74 Earlier a Social Democrat mayor had also argued for the use of jobrotation as a way of “better distributing the remaining labour”75. In addition, it would “reduce the number of people who ought to have a job offer”.76 According to the government, the brake holding back widespread usage of the scheme was the employers’ requirement to replace the employee on leave with an unemployed person. Although it was still justified for Redistribution, the abandonment of the requirement displaced the scope of the scheme. Its target was no longer necessarily the unemployed, but to “prevent layoffs”.77 Hence the scheme was decoupled from the unemployed while providing Investment in the further training of employees, or possibly for an unconditional “Sabbatical leave”. The latter would function as a kind of Mobility reward that was only granted to those with at least three years of employment. The Mobility qualification was also evident in the overall justification of the new jobrotation: We must try to make the labour market more flexible (smidigt), thus getting more rotation and increasing dynamism in society.78 But the sabbatical leave was also problematic to the work ethic of the city of Mobility. An employment consultant provided a curious solution to this problem: For better or for worse, work is at the centre of an adult life. Outside of it - in weekends and holidays - are short periods in which one, pure and simple, is ‘off duty’. If you have the same conception of leave, it is understandable that a leave of 13 weeks instead of 3 is no longer that attractive.79 The consultant hence suggested establishing “leave counselling” with the unemployed advising people in work on “how to set up goals and plan how to create growth and development in a period of leave”.80 The solution, however, did not sediment in the final LAAP legislation. Investment / Mobility / Redistribution 130 SEDIMENTATION: TESTS, SUBJECTS By encompassing the four tests presented above, it probably comes as no surprise that the final reform adopted by the majority governmenti consisted of a rather complex set of instruments and laws. Regarding financing, the ideas of strengthening the Insurance elements were abandoned in favour of a tax reform. Whereas the state’s contributions to the insurance funds had been part of its core budget, they were now separated into three funds dealing with dagpenge, activation and sick pay respectively. The contributions would be collected by a special “labour market contribution” (arbejdsmarkedsbidrag) from the gross earnings that would be adjusted every two years (Folketinget 1993a). It would hence accommodate the wish of LO for an “economic connection between dagpenge and activation”. In this way, the costs of unemployment were made visible, but at the same time it would also, from the perspective of the working population, allow further scrutiny and tests concerning the effects of activation. The pivotal elements of the reform, however, concerned activation, job offers and leave. With regards to the latter, the modification of the scheme was much less a matter of distributing labour between people in work and the unemployed, and more an instrument to increase “dynamism” (Mobility), qualifications (Investment) and labour distribution with the aim of preventing people in work from becoming unemployed. Only the “Sabbath” obliged the employer to replace the employee with someone unemployed (Folketinget 1993c: § 9). However, the leave schemes of education and child care were also granted to the unemployed. The educational leave gave the unemployed an Investment of up to a year’s participation in a programme. While they still i The reason why Venstre and the Conservative Party rejected the reform, although it contained an array of their own proposals, was primarily because they were never invited to the negotiations, which only took place between the four parties in government (Torfing 2004: 206). Investment Mobility / Investment / Redistribution 131 received dagpenge, the period would not count within the period of entitlement (Folketinget 1993d: § 55). The former two instruments, activation and job offers, would be integrated in a set up where, much like the French PARE, the enrolment begins with the formulation of an “individual action plan”. The plan describes the “employment goals of the unemployed”, outlining “activities to achieve the goals” by taking its departure “in the wishes and qualifications of the unemployed, considering the needs of the labour market” (Folketinget 1993b: § 11). At the same time, if the unemployed “without satisfactory reason refuses to participate in the preparation of the action plan, or refuses an offer with reference to the action plan”, they cannot receive dagpenge (Folketinget 1993d: § 16). Next to the Insurance-based tests that look backwards (whether unemployment is self-inflicted) (Folketinget 1992: § 63), the LAAP introduces instruments that are “continuously revised” and hence with the permanent possibility of putting the present and future actions of the unemployed to the test; as did the already existing Mobility obligation to be “at the disposal of the labour market” (Folketinget 1992: §62), although the action plan allows a larger variety of instruments related to both the Paternal and Investment cities, and always involves the possibility of sanctions in case of refusal. There are basically three possible “activities” within the action plan. The first is “job training”, which is similar to the existing job offers scheme, but with the difference that it can be introduced from day one and not only once the right to compensation is about to expire. Another notable change is that whereas the subsidised work previously requalified the unemployed for compensation, the job training now became part of the entitlement period (Folketinget 1993d: § 12, 21). The job training accommodates the city of Mobility, but in response to Redistribution criticism, the salary must be “according to collective agreements” and not “anti-competitive” (Folketinget 1993b: § 13, 14). The second activity is education, which can be either “ordinary educational activities” or a “specifically arranged educational programme” (Ibid.: § 16). The third activity is a “specifically arranged job training course”, which is only for the unemployed “who can Mobility / Redistribution Investment Paternal / Mobility 132 only obtain employment under normal wage and working conditions with difficulty” (Ibid.: § 22). In other words, these are jobs for the incompetent of the Paternal city, consisting of work “which would otherwise not be carried out by ordinary paid labour” (Ibid.). LAAP also changed the periods of entitlement. At first sight, the change from a total period of around nine years to seven appears less radical. The changes with regards to what takes place within the period are radical, however. Firstly, the distinction between periods of compensation and periods of work (e.g., job offers) that requalify the unemployed for compensation is dissolved. Instead, the entitlement period is divided into two “part periods” of four and three years. The first period should consist of at least one year of the abovementioned activities, based on the action plan. In contrast, in the second period, “efforts are made for (…) full time activities” (Ibid.: § 33). If this is not possible, the unemployed should “receive an offer of employment of an average of 20 hours” (Ibid.: § 34). This plain condition of working takes away the Insurance qualification of the unemployed in this period. They are no longer compensated, but exclusively rewarded for their behaviour, which is evaluated according to how they are qualified. Do they have Investment potential, are they simply having difficulties putting themselves at the disposal of the labour market (Mobility), or are they unemployable with little potential (Paternal)? Hence, the unemployed are continuously put to the test; a test that, as the law states, is based on “judgement” (skøn) (Ibid.: § 3). If an instrument fails, the unemployed are requalified, action plans are revised, and another instrument, or “combination” of instruments (Ibid.: § 25), is tested. The experimental character of the new arrangement is underlined by the fact that the unemployed may be offered other “trial and development initiatives” apart from the activities listed above (Ibid.: § 26). Hence, by requalifying a few instruments with relatively minor adjustments, LAAP tipped the whole dagpengesystemet towards the ‘active society’. This is not to say that dagpengesystemet from one day to the next was ‘active’ or ‘activated’, but rather that it was now staged for consecutive tests and 133 transformations that brought it, and the unemployed, closer to the ‘active society’. This has certainly been the case in Denmark after LAAP. Since 1993 all talk about job sharing and a guaranteed citizen’s income have died away (Kolstrup 2014: 228). Rather, consecutive reforms have increased Incentives by shortening the entitlement period to two years, strengthening obligations to be available and geographically mobile, and speeding up and intensifying activation measures (Christensen and Petersen 2014). Reforms since 2003 have toned down the educational possibilities in favour of Incentives and Mobility (Ibid.: 644, 662). The reduction of the entitlement period was seriously put to the test in the aftermath of the North Atlantic financial crisis, but it only resulted in minor changes and intensifications of other cities that drove the path towards the ‘active society’. Although a reform in 2012 temporarily increased the entitlement period by half a year, its main ‘solution’ to the unemployed in danger of losing the right to entitlement was more intense and personalised instruments (from the city of Mobility) in the form of a “job alert”, giving the unemployed a right to fast and extraordinary help finding a job (Ibid.: 705-7). 134 135 Part III Intensification, displacements 136 This final part of the thesis presents two reforms that address the problem of unemployment in different ways, but reach beyond the scope of the insurance and contribution-based systems. Whereas the two reforms in part II could be seen as ‘tipping points’ within these systems, the reforms in part III are rather modifications of systems that have already adjusted towards being more ‘active’ for several years. Both sets of reforms thus contain very little radical critique of the aim to make the governing/unemployed more active. The reforms thus intensify some of the dynamics that sediment in previous reforms. By intensifying, I mean a governing with more scope for the use of sanctions and coercion, an increasing will to avoid a laissez faire approach to the unemployed, an increased attention towards the behaviour of the unemployed (both in evaluations of the governing and in the governing itself), and finally the institutionalisation of tests that are used to further diversify the governing of the unemployed and to sanction inappropriate behaviour. While the reforms intensify the path towards the ‘active society’, they also exemplify different displacements within the path. The two reforms provide an interesting comparison between a reform that was mainly driven by ideas relating to the city of Incentives (the French case of RSA), and a reform driven by the city of Investment. However, none of the reforms are examples of a ‘pure’ mobilisation of a singular city; both cities shaped both reforms, alongside mainly the Mobility and Paternal cities. The ‘intense’ reforms exemplify dynamics that were less visible in the reforms of part II. Firstly, the city of Insurance is not, and has for obvious reasons never been, sedimented to the same degree in the systems that target the uninsured, and hence does not shape and limit the qualification of the unemployed to the same degree. Instead, justifications of reforms in both cases entailed rather fierce criticism of the city of Redistribution as constraining or even inhibiting the emancipation of the unemployed. Although the city did not evaporate, it was marginalised in both cases to qualify issues beyond the actual governing, such as questions of financing. Secondly, the reforms also exemplify a dynamic in which the governing of unemployment is simultaneously a question of how to emancipate the 137 unemployed and a spectacle that suspiciously compares the behaviour of the unemployed to the morality of society in general. Intensification is thus reflected in an increasingly intimate governing with increasing and continuous attention towards the behaviour of the unemployed, both in order to emancipate and control them – the two aims often being impossible to separate. This dynamic is evident both in new instruments of screening, categorising, support, coercion and control, as well as in public attention towards the intimate life of the unemployed. AKGN is in this regard an extreme case of how the unemployed became ‘affairs’ of ‘intimate spectacles’. Finally, the cases show how poverty among the uninsured unemployed can be qualified and put to the test in the ‘active society’. The threshold of poverty is highly ‘qualifiable’ by the Paternal, Mobility and Incentives cities, but on the other hand tend to exclude the morality of the city of Redistribution. Whereas the city of Redistribution would intervene directly in the phenomenon, poverty in the ‘active society’ becomes something that should be governed with attention to its effects on other dynamics. It can be governed too much and too little. Governing poverty in the city of Incentives is on the one hand a matter of ensuring that the unemployed are capable of playing the game of economic men on the labour market, and on the other ensuring that there are still sufficient incentives to work. In the Paternal city, governing poverty is about striking a balance between charity and not caring too much, which would fail to responsibilise the unemployed. In the city of Mobility, eradicating poverty may infringe upon society’s work ethic by accepting a lack of will to work. In the city of Investment, poverty is a potential problem to the idea of equal opportunities, especially for children, but it also raises the question of when inequality becomes an illegitimate matter of unequal opportunities, or a legitimate outcome of unequal talent as well as the will to use it. 240 118 Tassel, F. (2008, May 13) ‘Emploi, tout se joue dès l'enfance’. Libération. 119 Burhøj, P. Nielsen, JB. (2012, December 31) ’Danskerne frygter for fremtiden’. Berlingske Tidende. 120 Auken, G. (1992, November 21) ’Alle svigter de svage’. Politiken. 121 Jensen, OV. (1993, February 21) ‘Uddannelse til alle’. Politiken. 122 Nathan, H. (2000, June 2) ‘Vers une nouvelle forme d'indemnisation du chômage. Ne dites plus demandeur mais chercheur d'emploi.’. Libération. 123 Gjertsen, MN. And Cordsen, C. (2011, December 4) ’Skyklapper og ideologiske dogmer skal væk’. Jyllands-Posten. 124 Dannemand, H. (2012, January 16) ’Minister vil skrue bissen på over for unge på kontanthjælp’. Berlingske Tidende. 125 Ibid. 126 Mandraud, I. and Monnot, C. (2000, June 6) ‘Martine Aubry et Laurent Fabius mettent en garde le patronat et les syndicats au sujet de l'Unedic. Le CARE inscrit l'indemnisation dans un contrat individualisé’. Le Monde. 127 Borg, O. and Vestergaard, M. (2012, January 8) ’Unge, der bekymrer’. Jyllands-Posten. 128 Ibid. 129 Madsen, K. (2013, March 13) ’Er der nytte i et nyttejob?’. Politiken. 130 LAAP 131 Borg, O. (2012, June 18) ’Årets studenter får svært ved at få job’. Jyllands-Posten. 132 ’Fakta: Den nye regerings grundlag’ (1993, January 23) Politiken. 133 PARE 134 Notat, N. (2000, September 30) ‘Le PARE sans fard’. Le Monde. 135 Beuve, AM. (2000, August 15) ‘L'IGAS relève des failles dans le fonctionnement de l'aide aux chômeurs L'inspection a remis son rapport annuel’. Le Monde. 136 Maestracci, N. and Pliez, E. (2007, September 13) ‘Pas touche aux contrats aidés !’. Le Monde. 137 Borg, O. et al. (2013) ’Disse mennesker har mange forskellige typer af barrierer og problemer, og der er ingen nemme løsninger’. Jyllands-Posten. CHAPTER 3, CITY OF MOBILITY 1 RSA 2 Bertrand, X. and Hirsch, M. (2008, September 10) ‘Priorité à la valorisation du travail Le revenu de solidarité active va permettre de décloisonner, à la fois, marché du travail et solidarité’. Le Monde. 3 Stoléru, L. (2008, June 7) ‘Le RMI a 20 ans, place au revenu de solidarité active’. Le Figaro. 4 Maestracci, N. and Pliez, E. (2007, September 13) ‘Pas touche aux contrats aidés !’. Le Monde. 5 Auffray, A. (2008, August 29) ‘Sarkozy taxe à rebrousse-poil. Envoyé spécial à Laval’. Libération. 6 Hirsch, M. (2008, January 21) ‘Pour une solidarité efficace étienne’. Libération. 7 Madsen, K. (2013, May 6) ’' Dovne Robert' er mere Cepos end socialisme’. Politiken. 8 Nathan, H. (2000, June 6) ‘Unedic: front syndical face au Medef’. Libération. 9 Boucher EL. (2007, November 26) ‘Le bon combat de Martin Hirsch’. Le Monde. 10 Laronche, M. and Lebaube, A. (2000, September 5) ‘Nouveau credo, le plein-emploi fait sa rentrée’. Libération. 11 RSA 12 LAAP 13 PARE 14 LAAP 15 Nathan, H. (2000, June 1) ‘Medef: un emploi de gré ou de force’. Libération. 16 Notat, N. (2000, September 30) ‘Le PARE sans fard’. Le Monde. 17 Rasmussen, SV (1993, May 11) ’Brug de højtuddannede’. Politiken. 18 AKGN 19 LAAP 20 LAAP 21 LAAP, AKGN 241 22 Gjertsen, MN. And Kaae, M. (2013, January 6) ’En reform for børnene af Carina og Robert’. Jyllands-Posten. 23 Christensen, F. (1992, March 15) ’Værksted for spildt energi’. Politiken. 24 LAAP, AKGN, PARE, RSA 25 PARE 26 PARE 27 Mandraud, I. (2000, September 25) ‘Le patronat, la CFDT et la CFTC proposent une version remaniée de leur convention Unedic’. Le Monde. 28 AKGN 29 Olsen, R. (2013, March 31) ’Afskaf kontanthjælp’. Jyllands-Posten. 30 RSA 31 LAAP 32 Thobo-Carlsen, J. et al. (2012, September 21) ’S varsler skrappere krav til Dovne Robert’. Berlingske Tidende. 33 ’V vil fjerne al hjælp til unge’. (1992, March 1) Politiken. 34 De Kerdrel, Y. (2008, June 24) ‘Les chômeurs ont des droits... et enfin des devoirs !’. Le Figaro. 35 Frederiksen, M. (2013, March 9) ’Vil vi de udsatte grupper godt, kan vi ikke fortsætte som nu’. Politiken. 36 Jensen, J. (2012, September 12) ’Robert er et samfundsmæssigt sygdomstegn’. Jyllands-Posten. 37 Mandraud, I. et al. (2000, June 22) ‘Le gouvernement et le PS refusent le " tout ou rien " du Medef’. Le Monde. 38 Borg, O. et al. (2013, February 23) ’Der skal arbejdes for pengene’. Jyllands-Posten. 39 ‘L'essentiel de l'entretien du président Nicolas Sarkozy a abordé, dans un entretien télévisé jeudi 24 avril, des sujets ayant trait à l'économie, au travail, au social, à la fiscalité, à l'éducation, à la politique internationale et à la politique intérieure’. (2008, April 26) Le Monde. 40 Bundsgaard, J. (2012, September 9) ’Dovne Robert er speciel’. Berlingske Tidende. 41 Jakobsen, J. (1992, June 9) ’Helhedsløsning skal sikre økonomisk opsving’. Berlingske Tidende. 42 PARE 43 Madsen, K. (2013, March 13) ’Er der nytte i et nyttejob?’. Politiken. 44 PARE 45 LAAP, AKGN 46 Lebaube, A. (2000, September 28) ‘M. Seillière, le risque et la lutte des classes’. Le Monde. 47 Sabéran, H. (2008, September 25) ‘«Le RSA, ça vous remet dans le bain»’. Libération. 48 ’Bedre end ingenting’. (1992, June 21) Flittige unge på Københavns produktionshøjskole’. Politiken. 49 LAAP 50 AKGN 51 Borg, O. (2012, June 18) ’Årets studenter får svært ved at få job’. Jyllands-Posten. 52 Bonde, A. and Søndergaard, N. (2011, May 1) ’Ingen skal lades alene’. Berlingske Tidende. CHAPTER 4 1 Nathan, H. (2000, April 16) ‘Comment le patronat dessine une France flexible. A travers la «refondation sociale», le Medef construit un projet de société qu'il veut en phase avec la mondialisation’. Libération. 2 Daniels, N. (2000, May 3) ‘Patronat et syndicats se retrouvent aujourd'hui pour refonder l'Unedic Ce qui va changer pour les chômeurs’. Le Figaro. 3 Nathan, H. (2000, June 1) ‘Medef: un emploi de gré ou de force. Rudes négociations sur le contrat d'aide et de retour à l'emploi’. Libération. 4 Nathan, H. (2000, June 2) ‘Vers une nouvelle forme d'indemnisation du chômage. Ne dites plus demandeur mais chercheur d'emploi.’. Libération. 5 Taupin, B and Daniels, N. (2000, April 5) ‘L'Unedic prévoit 613 000 chômeurs de moins fin 2001 Retour à l'emploi : le schéma du Medef’. Le Figaro. 6 Nathan, H. (2000, June 2) ‘Vers une nouvelle forme d'indemnisation du chômage. Ne dites plus demandeur mais chercheur d'emploi.’. Libération. 242 7 Taupin, B and Daniels, N. (2000, April 5) ‘L'Unedic prévoit 613 000 chômeurs de moins fin 2001 Retour à l'emploi : le schéma du Medef’. Le Figaro. 8 Nathan, H. (2000, June 1) ‘Medef: un emploi de gré ou de force. Rudes négociations sur le contrat d'aide et de retour à l'emploi’. Libération. 9 Taupin, B and Daniels, N. (2000, April 5) ‘L'Unedic prévoit 613 000 chômeurs de moins fin 2001 Retour à l'emploi : le schéma du Medef’. Le Figaro. 10 Nathan, H. (2000, June 1) ‘Medef: un emploi de gré ou de force. Rudes négociations sur le contrat d'aide et de retour à l'emploi’. Libération. 11 Mandraud, I. and Monnot, C. (2000, June 6) ‘Martine Aubry et Laurent Fabius mettent en garde le patronat et les syndicats au sujet de l'Unedic. Le CARE inscrit l'indemnisation dans un contrat individualisé’. Le Monde. 12 Nathan, H. (2000, April 5) ‘Unedic: les excédents de la discorde. Les bons chiffres risquent de compliquer les discussions sur l'assurance chômage’. Libération. 13 ‘L'accélération de l'embellie sur le front du chômage laisse subsister des poches de résistance’ (2000, May 31) Le Monde. 14 Mandraud, I. and Monnot, C. (2000, April 5) ‘Que faire de la " cagnotte " du régime d'assurance-chômage ?’. Le Monde. 15 Nathan, H. (2000, April 5) ‘Unedic: les excédents de la discorde. Les bons chiffres risquent de compliquer les discussions sur l'assurance chômage’. Libération. 16 Taupin, B. (2000, May 5) ‘Nouvelle négociation syndicats-patronat aujourd'hui. Retraite à la carte : divergences sur le menu’. Le Figaro. 17 Nathan, H. and Wenz-Dumas, F. (2000, May 24) ‘Assurance chômage: la réforme sur la table. La dégressivité des allocations est au centre des négociations à l'Unedic’. Libération. 18' ‘Les communistes et les Verts contre le Care’ (2000, June 3) Libération. 19 Ibid. 20 ‘Le PCF propose « sept pistes » pour contrer le Medef’. (2000, April 14) Le Monde. 21 Ibid. 22 Wenz-Dumas, F. (2000, June 16) ‘Hue dans l'antre des patrons’. Libération. 23 Taupin, B. (2000, May 24) ‘Quatre syndicats s'approchent d'une ligne commune face au Medef Unedic : phase décisive de la négociation’. Le Figaro. 24 Mandraud, I and Monnot, C. (2000, April 6) ‘Le Medef propose un contrat individualisé de retour à l'emploi Les syndicats se montrent réservés sur la réforme de l'assurance-chômage’. Le Monde. 25 Mandraud, I and Monnot, C. (2000, April 5) ‘Que faire de la " cagnotte " du régime d'assurance-chômage ?’. Le Monde. 26 Monnot, C. (2000, June 16) ‘Le président de la CGC refuse de signer l'accord sur l'assurance-chômage Jean-Luc Cazettes ne veut pas "siéger entre Denis Kessler et Nicole Notat"’. Le Monde. 27 Blondel, M. (2000, April 27) ‘Vers la dictature du patronat?’. Libération. 28 ‘Chômage : les syndicats présentent leurs propositions face au Medef’ (2000, May 5) Le Monde. 29 Ibid. 30 Nathan, H. and Wenz-Dumas, F. (2000, May 24) ‘Assurance chômage: la réforme sur la table. La dégressivité des allocations est au centre des négociations à l'Unedic’. Libération. Mandraud, I and Monnot, C. (2000, May 19) ‘Unedic : la CFDT esquisse des pistes d'entente avec le Medef’. Le Monde. 31 Daniels, N. et al. (2000, June 6) ‘Alors que nombre de questions restent encore à régler, dernière ligne droite sous pression pour patronat et syndicats Unedic : négociations sur les « détails »’. Le Figaro. 32 Mandraud, I and Monnot, C. (2000, April 5) ‘Que faire de la "cagnotte" du régime d'assurance-chômage ?’. Le Monde. 33 Ibid. 34 ‘Chômage : les syndicats présentent leurs propositions face au Medef’ (2000, May 5) Le Monde. 35 Wenz-Dumas, F. (2000, May 25) ‘Assurance chômage: la sanction en question’. Libération. 36 Taupin, B. (2000, May 24) ‘Quatre syndicats s'approchent d'une ligne commune face au Medef Unedic : phase décisive de la négociation’. Le Figaro. 37 ‘Nicole Notat répond au Medef’. (2000, May 15) Le Monde. 38 Ibid. 39 Monnot, C. (2000, May 24) ‘La CFDT nuance son approbation du projet du Medef sur l'Unedic Nicole Notat se range aux arguments de la CFTC’. Le Monde. 40 Ibid. 41 ‘Assurance chômage : la CGC optimiste’ (2000, May 16) Le Figaro. 42 Wenz-Dumas, F. (2000, May 25) ‘Assurance chômage: la sanction en question.’. Libération. 243 43 Monnot, C. (2000, May 24) ‘La CFDT nuance son approbation du projet du Medef sur l'Unedic Nicole Notat se range aux arguments de la CFTC’. Le Monde. 44 Taupin, B. (2000, May 24) ‘Quatre syndicats s'approchent d'une ligne commune face au Medef Unedic : phase décisive de la négociation’. Le Figaro. 45 Taupin, B. and Daniels, N. (2000, June 19) ‘Le secrétaire général de la CFDT explique pourquoi elle signe Nicole Notat : « L'accord est bon pour les chômeurs »’. Le Figaro. 46 ‘La tirade de Blondel contre le Medef. Le secrétaire général de FO a rencontré Nicole Notat’ (2000, May 16) Le Figaro. 47 Wenz-Dumas, F. (2000, June 14) ‘Unedic: lézardes sur la dernière ligne droite’. Libération. 48 Mandraud, I and Monnot, C. (2000, June 15) ‘Le patronat et trois syndicats réforment l'assurance-chômage’. Le Monde. 49 Monnot, C. (2000, June 16) ‘Le président de la CGC refuse de signer l'accord sur l'assurance-chômage Jean-Luc Cazettes ne veut pas " siéger entre Denis Kessler et Nicole Notat "’. Le Monde. 50 Mandraud, I and Monnot, C. (2000, June 6) ‘Le gouvernement fait valoir son souci de l'égalité de traitement des chômeurs.’ Le Monde. 51 Monnot, C. (2000, June 19) ‘La CGT et la CFDT tentent de minimiser leurs désaccords’. Le Monde. 52 Validire, J-L. (2000, June 5) ‘Nouvelle réunion des partenaires sociaux au siège du Medef FO maintient son opposition à la réforme.’ Le Figaro. 53 Gremillet, M. (2000, June 20) ‘"L'individu n'a qu'une valeur marchande"’. Libération. 54 Cingolani, P. (2000, June 16) ‘Le gai travail n'est pas pour demain’. Libération. 55 Serafini, T. (2000, May 31) ‘Les nouveaux terrains des associations antichômage. Les discours se réorientent vers la précarité.’ Libération. 56 ‘Unedic: baroud d'honneur des chômeurs’. (2000, June 5) Libération. 57 Mandraud, I and Monnot, C. (2000, June 7) ‘Le Medef rediscute les modalités de la nouvelle assurance-chômage’. Le Monde. 58 Ibid. 59 Monnot, C. (2000, June 16) ‘Le président de la CGC refuse de signer l'accord sur l'assurance-chômage’. Le Monde. 60 Daniels, N. (2000, July 25) ‘Laurent Fabius et Martine Aubry instruisent le procès en règle du Pare. Pourquoi le gouvernement a dit non’. Le Figaro. 61 Nathan, H. (2000, August 9) ‘A gauche toute pour la renégociation de l'Unedic. Des syndicalistes et militants appellent à des états généraux’. Le Monde. 62 Ibid. 63 Mandraud, I. (2000, September 28) ‘Les signataires de l'Unedic agitent la menace d'une crise Leur nouvelle convention ne convient pas davantage au gouvernement’. Le Monde. 64 Mandraud, C et al. (2000, June 1) ‘Martine Aubry : « Nous avons hissé la France en tête des pays européens »’. Le Monde. 65 Ibid. 66 Gremillet, M. (2000, July 25) ‘La réforme de l'assurance chômage est bloquée’. Libération. Likewise, FO had earlier warned against a “risk of discrimination” between unemployed. ‘Éditorial. Pari’ (2000, June 2) Libération. 67 ‘Unedic: Le gouvernement dit “non”’. (2000, July 25) Le Monde. 68 Mandraud, I and Monnot, C. (2000, September 9) ‘Tractations multiples pour trouver un compromis sur l'Unedic.’ Le Monde. 69 Ibid. 70 Taupin, B. and Daniels, N. (2000, June 21) ‘L'accord signé hier au Medef avec la CFDT et la CFTC réduit les marges de Martine Aubry Unedic : le calme après la tempête’. Le Figaro. 71 Mandraud, I. et al. (2000, June 22) ‘Le gouvernement et le PS refusent le " tout ou rien " du Medef’. Le Monde. 72 Gremillet, M. (2000, November 27) ‘Le site La CFDT met le Pare sur la toile’. Libération. 73 Ibid. 74 Ibid. 75 ‘Unedic : la convention officiellement déposée’. (2000, September 30) Le Figaro. 76 ‘La convention version Medef’. (2000, August 30) Libération. 77 Ibid. 78 Taupin, B. and Daniels, N. (2000, June 19) ‘Le secrétaire général de la CFDT explique pourquoi elle signe Nicole Notat : «L'accord est bon pour les chômeurs»’. Le Figaro. 79 Notat, N. (2000, September 30) ‘Le PARE sans fard’. Le Monde. 80 Ibid. 244 81 Nathan, H. (2000, June 20) ‘Henri Vacquin, consultant, l'approuve: «Le chômeur en tirera benefice»’. Libération. 82 Mandraud, I. (2000,September 25) ‘Le patronat, la CFDT et la CFTC proposent une version remaniée de leur convention Unedic’. Le Monde. 83 Mondrot, C. (2000, October 10) ‘Ultime semaine de négociations pour la convention Unedic. Marc Blondel dénonce l'" eugénisme social " du patronat’. Le Monde. CHAPTER 5 1 Tranberg, P. and Skovgaard, LE. (1992, November 17) ’Hver femte er en taber i samfundet’. Politiken. 2 Auken, S. (1992, June 5) ’Farlige skridt - i den gale retning’. Berlingske Tidende. Brøndum, C. (1992, August 4) ’Statsunderskud har bidt sig fast på 35 mia. kr.’. Berlingske Tidende. 3 ’Aftale om aktivering’. (1992, May 8) Berlingske Tidende. 4 Aagaard, CO. (1992, August 12) ’Solidaritet via erhvervszonerne’. Berlingske Tidende. 5 ’HK tager afstand fra del af aktiveringsaftale’. (1992, June 4) Berlingske Tidende. 6 Foerlev, B. (1992, September 9) ’Hurtigløb og ledighed’. Politiken. 7 ’Aftale om aktivering’. (1992, May 8) Berlingske Tidende. 8 Tranberg, P. and Skovgaard, LE. (1992, November 17) ’Hver femte er en taber i samfundet’. Politiken. 9 Sørrig, K. (1992, November 17) ’Rapport: Barsk liv for de 30-årige’. Berlingske Tidende. 10 Ibid. 11 Davidsen-Nilsen, H. et al (1992, November 18) ’Hvorfor fik de aldrig fat?’. Berlingske Tidende. 12 Schaumann, K. (1992, June 16) ’60.000 unge ledige skal i aktivitet’. Berlingske Tidende. 13 Andersen, P. (1992, June 21) ’Rapport: Mister penge på at arbejde’. Berlingske Tidende. See also (Socialkommissionen 1992: 18-20). 14 Kirkegaard, KE. (1992, April 1) ’Hvad gør vi ved ledigheden?’. Berlingske Tidende. 15 LO is the largest umbrella organization covering unions of skilled or unskilled manual workers, tradesmen and blue-collar workers. 16 Christiansen, F. (1992, March11) ’Brug for 25 pct. flere jobs’. Politiken. 17 Christiansen, F. (1992, March 15) ’Værksted for spildt energi’. Politiken. 18 Munk-Pedersen, T. (1992, March 11) ’Den sociale arv gælder stadig’. Berlingske Tidende. See also (Socialkommissionen 1992: 10) 19 Munk-Pedersen, T. (1992, March 11) ’Den sociale arv gælder stadig’. Berlingske Tidende. 20 Lind, H. and Christiansen, F: (1993, January 27) ’Noget at rive i’. Politiken. 21 ’Ny jobchance til fastlåst gruppe’ (1992, Novemner 18) Politiken. 22 ’Ledende artikel: Uden arbejde’ (1992, November 17) Politiken. 23 ’Fakta: Den nye regerings grundlag’ (1993, January 23) Politiken. 24 Ibid. 25 Schaumann, K. (1992, May 21) ’Advarer mod tredje arbejdsmarked’. Berlingske Tidende. 26 Ibid. 27 Hansen, PF. (1992, June 28) ’Ansvaret for den store danske arbejdsløshed er alles’. Berlingske Tidende. 28 Brøndum, C. (1992, August 17) ’V-udspil om lavere understøttelse’. Berlingske Tidende. 29 Pedersen, PE. (1992, March 30) ’Job til en svag gruppe’. Politiken. 30 Leth-Larsen, F. (1992, October 10) ’Indslusningsløn vil reducere ungdomsarbejdsløsheden’. Berlingske Tidende. 31 Haarder, B. (1992, June 4) ’Kronik: Plads til de bogligt svage’. Politiken. 32 Lyngby, P. and Keuchel, J. (1992, June 19) ’Tunge emner på dagsordenen til efteråret’. Berlingske Tidende. 33 ’LO: For mange vildskud i debat om arbejdsløse’ (1992, March 13) Berlingske Tidende. 34 Schmidt-Sørensen, JB. (1992, March 31) ‘Vi må tage chancen’. Politken. 35 ‘Aftale om aktivering’ (1992, May 8) Berlingske Tidende. 36 Ibid. 37 Ibid. 38 Schaumann, K. (1992, July 4) ‘Zeuthen tør ikke love Danmark flere jobs’. Berlingske Tidende. 39 ’Vigtig rapport også uden enighed’. (1992, July 6) Berlinske Tidende. 245 40 ’Dagpenge-reform vækker bekymring’. (1992, April 18) Politiken. 41 ’Vigtig rapport også uden enighed’. (1992, July 6) Berlinske Tidende. 42 Jeppesen, B. (1993, April 7) ’LO og DAs magt truet af reform’. Berlingske Tidende. 43 Jakobsen, J. (1992, July 9) ’ Dagpengesystemet som aflastning’. Berlingske Tidende. 44 Common Danish surname. 45 Skaaning, K. (1992, July 10) ’ Ledigheds-medicin får den modsatte virkning’. Berlingske Tidende. 46 Gade, H. (1993, May 29) ’ 39 ugers arbejde = livsvarig forsørgelse’. Berlingske Tidende. 47 Christiansen, F. and Thorsen, N. (1993, January 10) ’Løntilskud fra staten misbruges’. Politiken. 48 Ibid. 49 Ibid. 50 Outzen-Jensen, E. and Bom, M. (1993, January 25) ‘Store ledighed hvad nu?’ Berlingske Tidende. 51 Rasmussen, PN. (1992, September 10) ’ Sagt af Nyrup’. Berlingske Tidende. 52 Andersen, P. (1992, May 13) ’HK-leder kræver borgerløn til ledige’. Berlingske Tidende. 53 ’Stop for misbrug af løntilskud’. (1993, January 11) Berlingske Tidende. 54 Schaumann, K. (1992, July 25) ’Tvivl om jobtilbud virker’. Berlingske Tidende. 55 Wiese, T. (1993, July 3) ’Kuvøse-ungdom går på støtten’. Berlingske Tidende. Thorsen, N. and Lisberg, H. (1993, January 31) ’Vi kan gøre det bedre. Forslag til bedre aktivering’. Politiken. 56 Jelved, M. (1992, September 15) ’Radikale krav’. Politiken. 57 Nielsen, HF. (1993, April 3) ’Ny hverdag for ledige’. Politiken. 58 Sørensen, PB. And Westergaard-Nielsen, N. (1992, July 6) ’Vi skal sikre effektiv aktivering’. Berlingske Tidende. 59 Ibid. 60 Thorsen, N. (1993, January 31) ’Jobtilbud skal skræddersyes’. Politiken. 61 Ibid. 62 Christiansen, F. and Tobiesen, N. (1993, January 27) ‘Arbejdsminister vil ændre job-regler’. Politiken. 63 Frøslev, L. and Brøndum, C. (1993, May 1) ‘Poul Nyrup: Aldrig fuld beskæftigelse igen’. Politiken. 64 Andersen, P. (1992, September 4) ’Idéer kan give 80.000 job’. Berlingske Tidende. 65 Lisberg, H. and Nielsen HF. (1993, January 24) ‘Ryggen bliver rankere’. Politiken. 66 Bom, M. (1993, July 9) ‘Fagforbund: Arbejdsløse skal slippe for kontrol’. Berlingske Tidende. 67 ‘Kontrollen af de arbejdsløse kan mindskes’. (1993, July 10) Berlingske Tidende. 68 Ibid. 69 Valgreen-Voigt, S. (1993, March 8) ‘Nye job til svage grupper’. Politiken. 70 Ibid. 71 Lingren, M. (1993, July 11) ‘Vi knækker arbejdsløsheden. Portræt af Jytte Andersen’. Politiken. 72 Ibid. Christiansen, F. and Lund, L. (1993, May 9) ‘Minister med noget i ærmet’. Politiken. 73 Andersen, J. (1993, February 26) ‘Rådighedsregler bliver smidigere’. Berlingske Tidende. 74 Andersen, P. (1992, June 19) ’Zeuthen-rapport uden en færdig dagpengereform’. Berlingske Tidende. 75 Nielsen, HF. (November 22) ‘Ledige skaber arbejdsløshed’. Politiken. 76 Ibid. 77 Christiansen, F. and Tobiesen, N. (1993, January 27) ‘Arbejdsminister vil ændre job-regler’. Politiken. 78 Andersen, J. (1993, April 27) ‘Gulerødder til arbejdsmarkedet’.Berlingske Tidende. 79 Tindbæk, PE. (1993, April 21) ‘Orlov - eller ord i en lov’. Politiken. 80 Ibid. CHAPTER 7 1 Stoléru, L. (2008, June 5) ’Le RMI a 20 ans, place au revenu de solidarité active’. Le Figaro. 2 Auguste, O. (2008, April 28) ‘Polémique sur le financement du RSA’. Le Figaro. 3 D’Orcival, F. (2008, April 26) ‘Le retournement du chômage’. Le Figaro. 4 Serafini, T. (2007, October 18) ‘La pauvreté inspire Sarkozy Journée mondiale du refus de la misère’. Libération. 246 5 Chevallereau, E. (2007, October 19) Le chef de l'Etat veut faire de la lutte contre la pauvreté un « enjeu politique »’. Le Monde 6 De Kerdrel, Y. (2008, April 29) ‘Ne pas confondre la solidarité avec l'assistanat’. Le Figaro. 7 Carrère-Gée, M-C. (2008, June 24) ‘Emploi : l'atout du RSA’. Le Monde. 8 ‘Hirsch et Sarkozy vantent le RSA en Côte-d'Or Le département est volontaire pour tenter l'expérience du revenu de solidarité active’. (2007, October 2) Libération. 9 Chevallereau, E. (2007, December 12) ‘La majorité des RMistes n'attendent qu'un emploi pour sortir de l'assistance’. Le Monde. 10 Chevallereau, E. and Leparmentier, A. (2008, January 18) ‘Martin Hirsch : « Couper l'herbe sous le pied à un discours facile sur l'assistanat »’. Le Monde. 11 Stoléru, L. (2008, June 7) ‘Le RMI a 20 ans, place au revenu de solidarité active’. Le Figaro. 12 Ibid. 13 Ibid. 14 Ibid. 15 Ibid. 16 Chevallereau, E. (2007, September 1) ‘Des acteurs de la lutte contre la pauvreté gênés par les sollicitations de M. Hirsch’. Le Monde. 17 Ibid. 18 Hirsch, M. (2007, September 1) ‘Objectif : - 2 millions de pauvres. Le taux de pauvreté augmente en France. Dans une indifférence coupable qu'il faut combattre’. Le Monde. 19 Ibid. 20 Lui entend s'attaquer aux causes et non parer aux conséquences de la pauvreté 21 Mallevoue, D. (2007, September 21) ‘Le RSA expérimenté dans dix-sept départements’. Le Figaro. 22 Chevallereau, E. (2008, August 28) ‘Sarkozy taxe les revenus du capital pour financer le RSA’. Le Monde. 23 Chemin, A. (2008, April 26) ‘Intervention télévisé du chef de l’État’. Le Monde. 24 Fay, S. (2008, May 31) ‘Luc Chatel se montre prudent sur le Revenu de solidarité active’. Le Figaro. 25 Jeudy, B. (2008, March 31) ‘Fillon promet une « gestion sérieuse » du budget de l'État’. Le Figaro. 26 ‘L'essentiel de l'entretien du président Nicolas Sarkozy a abordé, dans un entretien télévisé jeudi 24 avril, des sujets ayant trait à l'économie, au travail, au social, à la fiscalité, à l'éducation, à la politique internationale et à la politique intérieure’. (2008, April 26) Le Monde. 27 Stoléru, L. (2008, June 7) ‘Le RMI a 20 ans, place au revenu de solidarité active’. Le Figaro. 28 Chevallereau, E. and Leparmentier, A. (2008, January 18) ‘Martin Hirsch : « Couper l'herbe sous le pied à un discours facile sur l'assistanat »’. Le Monde. 29 Auffray, A. (2008, August 29) ‘Sarkozy taxe à rebrousse-poil. Envoyé spécial à Laval’. Libération. 30 Bertrand, X. and Hirsch, M. (2008, September 10) ‘Priorité à la valorisation du travail Le revenu de solidarité active va permettre de décloisonner, à la fois, marché du travail et solidarité’. Le Monde. 31 ‘En bref’ (2007, November 13) Libération. 32 Live interview with Nikolas Sarkozy at France 2, April 24, 2008. http://www.ina.fr/video/3610246001, Accessed September 15 2016. 33 D’Orcival, F. (2008, April 26) Le retournement du chômage. Le Figaro. 34 ‘L'essentiel de l'entretien du président Nicolas Sarkozy a abordé, dans un entretien télévisé jeudi 24 avril, des sujets ayant trait à l'économie, au travail, au social, à la fiscalité, à l'éducation, à la politique internationale et à la politique intérieure’. (2008, April 26) Le Monde. 35 Ibid. 36 Serafini, T. (2008, September 26) Le RSA en version sauçissonnée. Libération. 37 Chevallereau, E. and Leparmentier, A. (2008, January 18) ‘Martin Hirsch : « Couper l'herbe sous le pied à un discours facile sur l »'assistanat »’. Le Monde. 38 ‘L'essentiel de l'entretien du président Nicolas Sarkozy a abordé, dans un entretien télévisé jeudi 24 avril, des sujets ayant trait à l'économie, au travail, au social, à la fiscalité, à l'éducation, à la politique internationale et à la politique intérieure’. (2008, April 26) Le Monde. 39 Roger, P. (2008, September 4) ‘Jean-François Copé (UMP) souhaite que d'autres formes de financement du RSA soient à l'étude’. Le Monde. 40 Dumay, J-M. (2008, September 8) ‘Solidarité active’. Le Monde. 247 41 Laske, K. (2008, August 30) ‘RSA : un mauvais coup’. Libération. 42 ‘Initiative: Le «train de vie» des allocataires du RSA serait contrôlé’ (2008, August 12) Libération. 43 Autain, C. (2008, August 29) ‘Le RSA : trappe à précarité ?’. Libération. 44 Chevallereau, E. (2008, February 28) ‘Le livre du jour. Quand une exclue a la parole "La Chômarde et le hautcommissaire" de Martin Hirsch et Gwenn Rosière’. Le Monde. 45 Chevallereau, E. (2008, August 21) ‘Le gouvernement met de plus en plus à contribution les collectivités locales, les entreprises et les salariés’. Le Monde. 46 Piketty, T. (2008, September 2) ‘Revenu de solidarité active : l'imposture Thomas Piketty’. Libération. 47 Bougeard, N. (2008, April 2) ‘RSA : l'Ille-et-Vilaine précurseur... depuis 2004 SOCIAL Professionnels et élus estiment le dispositif fondé’. Le Figaro. 48 Ibid. 49 Auguste, O. (2008, April 4) ‘Minima sociaux : le retour à l'emploi semé d'embûches’. Le Figaro. 50 Sabéran, H. (2008, September 25) ‘«Le RSA, ça vous remet dans le bain»’. Libération. 51 Chevallereau, E. (2007, December 12) ‘La majorité des RMistes n'attendent qu'un emploi pour sortir de l'assistance’. Le Monde. 52 Ibid. 53 Auguste, O. (2008, April 4) ‘Minima sociaux : le retour à l'emploi semé d'embûches’. Le Figaro. 54 Chevallereau, E. (2007, December 12) ‘La majorité des RMistes n'attendent qu'un emploi pour sortir de l'assistance’. Le Monde. 55 Landre, M. (2008, September 9) ‘Le RSA accroîtrait de 30 % le retour à l'emploi’. Le Figaro. 56 Ibid. 57 Auguste, O. (2008, April 4) ‘Minima sociaux : le retour à l'emploi semé d'embûches’. Le Figaro. 58 Jouan, A. (2008, July 22)’ Prime pour l'emploi : peu d'impact sur la décision du retour à l'emploi’. Le Figaro. 59 Philibert, J-M. (2008, May 5) ‘Un an après la présidentielle Emploi et conditions de vie, priorités des 18-24 ans’. Le Figaro. 60 Auguste, O. (2008, July 8) ‘Hirsch cherche à articuler RSA et prime pour l'emploi’.Le Figaro. 61 Royal, S. (2008, May 10) ‘Bas salaires, une autre politique ! La gauche ne doit pas laisser réformer le revenu de solidarité active aux dépens des salariés pauvres’. Le Monde. 62 Taupin, B. (2008, July 24) ‘Le smic ne réduit ni la pauvreté ni les inégalités’. Figaro. 63 Bissuel, B. (2008, July 25). ‘’Les effets pervers du smic’. Le Monde. 64 Piketty, T. (2008, September 2) ‘Revenu de solidarité active : l'imposture Thomas Piketty’. Libération. 65 Guélaud, C. (2008, May 27) ‘Prime pour l'emploi : 2,5 millions de salariés modestes menacés’. Le Monde. 66 Waintraup, J. (2008, September 10) ‘Gilles Carrez : « Réduire la dette avant de baisser les prélèvements »’. Le Figaro. 67 Godet, M. (2008, September 26) ‘Non au RSA et à ses effets pervers’. Le Monde. 68 De Kerdrel, Y. (2008, April 29) ‘Ne pas confondre la solidarité avec l'assistanat’. Le Figaro. 69 Hirsch, M. (2008, October 4) ‘Le RSA victime de contrevérités’. Le Monde. 70 Ibid. 71 Ibid. 72 Ibid. 73 ‘Les syndicats plutôt satisfaits’. (2008, August 29) Le Figaro. 74 Bourmaud, F-X. (2008, September 10) ‘Le PS utilise le revenu de solidarité pour tancer la politique fiscale du gouvernement’. Le Figaro. 75 Chevallereau, E. (2008, August 30) ‘Un entretien avec Denis Clerc, membre, en 2005, de la commission présidée par Martin Hirsch’. Le Monde. 76 Barroux, R. and Fressoz, F. (2008, September 2) ’M. Thibault : « Nicolas Sarkozy devrait se méfier, la souffrance des salariés est réelle »’. Le Monde. 77 ‘L'essentiel de l'entretien du président Nicolas Sarkozy a abordé, dans un entretien télévisé jeudi 24 avril, des sujets ayant trait à l'économie, au travail, au social, à la fiscalité, à l'éducation, à la politique internationale et à la politique intérieure’. (2008, April 26) Le Monde. 78 Barotte, N. (2008, April 26) ’Un « cap » selon la majorité, « une feuille de déroute » pour Royal’. Le Figaro. 79 Royal, S. (2008, May 10) ‘Bas salaires, une autre politique !’. Le Monde. 80 Jaigu, C. (2008, August 29) ‘Sarkozy défend le financement contesté du RSA’. Le Figaro. 81 Wenz-Dumas, F. (2008, August 28) ‘Pour Sarkozy, le RSA est un dispositif vraiment capital’. Libération. 82 Landre, M. (2008, September 18) ‘Plafonnement global des niches fiscales pour faire passer le RSA’. Le Figaro. 248 CHAPTER 8 1 Bonde, A. and Søndergaard, N. (2011, May 1) ’Ingen skal lades alene’. Berlingske Tidende. 2 Burhøi, P. (2012, July 8) ’LO opfordrer regeringen til at skrue ned for reformtempo’. Berlingske Tidende. 3 Cordsen, C. (2012, December 12) ’Statsministerens nye virkelighed’. Jyllands-Posten. 4 Ibid. 5 Claudi, A. (2012, April 24) ’Det ligner en omvendt gulerod’. Politiken. 6 Hvass, J. (2013, January 18) ’Mette Frederiksen: Det er tid til at sadle om’. Politiken. 7 Ibid. 8 Nielsen, HF. (2011, November 9) ’Minister: Pligt til at uddanne sig’. Jyllands-Posten. 9 Borg, O. and Vestergaard, M. (2012, January 8) ’Unge, der bekymrer’. Jyllands-Posten. 10 Hvass, A. (2011, October 28) ‘Joachim B. Olsen om "fattige danskere": »Jeg brækker mig«’. Berlingske. 11 See Voersgaard, P. and Mærsk, M. (2011, November 28) ‘Sådan ser hendes budget ud’. BT. 12 E.g. Eskesen, AH. (2011, November 29) ’ 'Fattige' Carina udløser læserstorm’. Politiken. 13 Jessen, CK. (2011, December 16) ’Nye tal genstarter fattigdomsdebat’. Berlingske Tidende. 14 Hansen, ML. (2012, February 2) ’SF har ret: Uligheden må øges’. Berlingske Tidende. 15 Nielsen, AG. Et al. (2012, December 22) ’14.250 i job ville tjene mere på overførselsindkomst’. Berlingske Tidende. 16 Gjertsen, MN. And Cordsen, C. (2011, December 4) ’Skyklapper og ideologiske dogmer skal væk’. Jyllands-Posten. 17 Gjertsen, MN. And Kaae, M. (2013, January 6) ’En reform for børnene af Carina og Robert’. Jyllands-Posten. My emphasis. 18 Gjertsen, MN. And Cordsen, C. (2011, December 4) ’Skyklapper og ideologiske dogmer skal væk’. Jyllands-Posten. 19 Broberg, MB. (2012, February 25) ’Radikale: Der er to slags ledige’. Jyllands-Posten. 20 Borg, O. et al. (2013, February 24) ’Velfærdsdamperen slår bak’. Jyllands-Posten. 21 Borg, O. and Pihl-Andersen, A. (2012, April 4) ’Stil krav til underklassen’. Jyllands-Posten. 22 Ibid. 23 Christiansen, F. (2012, January 28) ’Unge på kontanthjælp tabes for altid’. Politiken. 24 Borg, O. and Pihl-Andersen, A. (2012, April 29) ’Kan det betale sig at arbejde?’. Jyllands-Posten. 25 Gjertsen, MN. And Cordsen, C. (2011, December 4) ’Skyklapper og ideologiske dogmer skal væk’. Jyllands-Posten. 26 Gjertsen, MN. And Cordsen, C. (2011, December 4) ’Skrappere krav til ledige på bistand’. Jyllands-Posten. 27 Ibid. 28 Gjertsen, MN. And Kaae, M. (2013, January 6) ’En reform for børnene af Carina og Robert’. Jyllands-Posten. 29 Andersen, TK. (2012, November 19) ’Robert og Carina er kun toppen af isbjerget’. Berlingske Tidende. 30 ‘På den anden side’. (2012, September 9) DR2. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6A9Y61E80SY (Accessed October 10, 2016). 31 ‘Aftenshowet’ (2012, September 12). DR1. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fAtfA9G9hEI (Accessed October 10, 2016). 32 Ibid. 33 Seeberg, K. (2012, September 9) ’Robert afslører: Sådan sikrede jeg mig 11 år på kontanthjælp’. BT. 34 Borg, O. et al. (2013, March 10) ’Sanktioneret’. Jyllands-Posten. 35 ‘Leder: En syg kultur’. (2012, February 20) Jyllands-Posten. 36 Johansen, M. (2012, July 1) ’Politikere vil have danskerne tilbage i jordbærmarkerne’. Jyllands-Posten. 37 Gjertsen, MN. (2012, August 11) ’Venstre: Pluk jordbær, eller vi kapper kontanthjælpen’. Jyllands-Posten. 38 ‘Leder: Stadig brug for servicejob’. (2012, January 24) Berlingske Tidende. 39 Bundsgaard, J. (2012, September 9) ’Dovne Robert er speciel’. Berlingske Tidende. 40 Ibid. 41 Thobo-Carlsen, J. et al. (2012, September 21) ’S varsler skrappere krav til Dovne Robert’. Berlingske Tidende. 42 Ibid. 43 Højbjerre, A. (2012, March 8) ‘Aktivering virker ikke for de langtidsledige’. Politiken. 44 Hvass, J. (2013, January 19) ’Kommuner tjener på passivitet’. Politiken. 45 Frederiksen, M. (2013, March 9) ’Vil vi de udsatte grupper godt, kan vi ikke fortsætte som nu’. Politiken. 249 46 Hvass, J. (2013, February 20) ’Mette Frederiksen: Et andet menneskesyn’. Politiken. 47 Ibid. 48 Ibid. 49 Cordsen, C. (2013, February 24) ’Opsang til centrum-venstre’. Jyllands-Posten. 50 Heunicke, M. et al. (2013, March 11) ’Vi skal have troen på fremtiden tilbage’. Politiken. 51 Cordsen, C. (2013, February 24) ’Opsang til centrum-venstre’. Jyllands-Posten. 52 Ibid. 53 Andersen, TK. (2012, October 29) ’Hvad med de andre 800.000?’. Berlingske Tidende. 54 Hvass, J. (2013, February 24) ’Indsats for de svage presser Mette Frederiksen’. Politiken. 55 Frederiksen, M. (2012, April 22) ’Ministeren: Det glade vanvid’. Jyllands-Posten. 56 Hvass, J. (2013, February 24) ’Indsats for de svage presser Mette Frederiksen’. Politiken. 57 Hvass, J. (2013, March 7) ’Indvandrere på kontanthjælp skal lære dansk’. Politiken. 58 Ibid. 59 Ibid. 60 Frederiksen, M. (2013, March 9) ’Vil vi de udsatte grupper godt, kan vi ikke fortsætte som nu’. Politiken. 61 Heunicke, M. et al. (2013, March 11) ’Vi skal have troen på fremtiden tilbage’. Politiken. 62 Frederiksen, M. (2013, March 9) ’Vil vi de udsatte grupper godt, kan vi ikke fortsætte som nu’. Politiken. 63 Borg, O. et al. (2013, March 10) ’Socialchefer ønsker skrappere sanktioner’. Jyllands-Posten. 64 Bonde, A. (2012, January 21) ’Mette Frederiksen vil bruge krisen til at ruske op i værdierne’. Berlingske Tidende. 65 Dannemand, H. (2012, January 16) ’Skoledirektør : Vil dele stærke og svage elever’. Berlingske Tidende. 66 Schaarup, JZ. (2012, April 23) ’Lavere kontanthjælp får unge i gang med job og uddannelse’. Berlingske Tidende. 67 Henriksen, M. (2012, February 17) ’Fagforening åben for at skære i kontanthjælp’. Berlingske Tidende. 68 Burhøi, P. and Bonde, A. (2013, February 25) ’Ministre vil tvinge unge ledige i uddannelse’. Berlingske Tidende. 69 Borg, O. and Pihl-Andersen, A. (2012, April 18) ’Socialrådgivere: I orden at skære i kontanthjælp til unge’. Jyllands-Posten. 70 Christophersen, V. (2013, May 18) ’Vi magter ikke flere svage unge!’. Politiken. 71 Storr-Hansen, L. (2013, April 17) ’Bordskåneren skal fornyes’. Berlingske Tidende. 72 Ibid. 73 Brøndum, R. (2012, April 20) ‘Erhvervslivet angriber kontanthjælpsreform’. Berlingske Tidende. 74 Burhøi, P. (2013, March 18) ’Erhvervsskoler bliver holdeplads for sociale problemer’. Berlingske Tidende: 75 Dannemand, H. (2012, January 16) ’Skoledirektør : Vil dele stærke og svage elever’. Berlingske Tidende. 76 Ibid. 77 Burhøi, P. (2013, March 18) ’Erhvervsskoler bliver holdeplads for sociale problemer’. Berlingske Tidende: 78 Dannemand, H. (2012, January 16) ’Minister vil skrue bissen på over for unge på kontanthjælp’. Berlingske Tidende. 79 Ibid. 80 Bonde, A. and Søndergaard, N. (2011, May 1) ’Ingen skal lades alene’. Berlingske Tidende. 81 Søndergaard, N. and Bonde, A. (2011, May 1) ’Ledige skal levere ekstraservice’. Berlingske Tidende. 82 Andersen, S. (2013, March 2) ’Aarhus sender unge i nyttejob’. Jyllands-Posten. 83 Klinken, JAT. (2011, May 7) ’Vi lærer at stå op om morgenen’. Politiken. 84 Gjertsen, MN. And Kaae, M. (2013, April 19) ’Nu skal de tjene endnu mere, før det kan betale sig at arbejde’. JyllandsPosten. 85 Brøndum, R. (2013, April 28) ’2300 Dubai’. Berlingske Tidende. 86 Brøndum, R. (2012, March 9) ‘Uddannelseskrav får opbakning’. Berlingske Tidende. 87 Borg, O. et al. (2013, February 23) ’Alle jobklare skal i arbejde’. Jyllands-Posten. 88 E.g. Olsen, R. (2013, March 31) ’Afskaf kontanthjælp’. Jyllands-Posten. 89 Borg, O. and Vestergaard, M. (2012, January 8) ’Unge, der bekymrer’. Jyllands-Posten. 90 Klinken, JAT. (2011, May 7) ’Vi lærer at stå op om morgenen’. Politiken. 91 Brøndum, R. (2012, March 9) ‘Uddannelseskrav får opbakning’. Berlingske Tidende. 92 Piper, IM. (2012, September 14) ’Det er ligesom at gå i folkeskole igen’. Jyllands-Posten. 93 Borg, O. et al. (2013, February 23) ’Der skal arbejdes for pengene’. Jyllands-Posten. 94 Lund, T. (2012, March 17) ’Velfærdssamfundet er under afvikling’. Politiken. 95 Bonde, A. and Søndergaard, N. (2011, May 1) ’S: Ledige skal arbejde for kontanthjælp’. Berlingske Tidende. 96 Borg, O. et al. (2013, February 23) ’Alle jobklare skal i arbejde’. Jyllands-Posten. 97 Kaae, M. (2013, February 26) ’Lavere selskabsskat skal ikke stå alene’. Jyllands-Posten. 11. Christian Moldt-Jørgensen Fra meningsløs til meningsfuld evaluering. Anvendelsen af studentertilfredshedsmålinger på de korte og mellemlange videregående uddannelser set fra et psykodynamisk systemperspektiv 12. Ping Gao Extending the application of actor-network theory Cases of innovation in the telecommunications industry 13. Peter Mejlby Frihed og fængsel, en del af den samme drøm? Et phronetisk baseret casestudie af frigørelsens og kontrollens sameksistens i værdibaseret ledelse! 14. Kristina Birch Statistical Modelling in Marketing 15. Signe Poulsen Sense and sensibility: The language of emotional appeals in insurance marketing 16. Anders Bjerre Trolle Essays on derivatives pricing and dynamic asset allocation 17. Peter Feldhütter Empirical Studies of Bond and Credit Markets 18. Jens Henrik Eggert Christensen Default and Recovery Risk Modeling and Estimation 19. Maria Theresa Larsen Academic Enterprise: A New Mission for Universities or a Contradiction in Terms? Four papers on the long-term implications of increasing industry involvement and commercialization in academia 20. Morten Wellendorf Postimplementering af teknologi i den offentlige forvaltning Analyser af en organisations kontinuerlige arbejde med informationsteknologi 21. Ekaterina Mhaanna Concept Relations for Terminological Process Analysis 22. Stefan Ring Thorbjørnsen Forsvaret i forandring Et studie i officerers kapabiliteter under påvirkning af omverdenens forandringspres mod øget styring og læring 23. Christa Breum Amhøj Det selvskabte medlemskab om managementstaten, dens styringsteknologier og indbyggere 24. Karoline Bromose Between Technological Turbulence and Operational Stability – An empirical case study of corporate venturing in TDC 25. Susanne Justesen Navigating the Paradoxes of Diversity in Innovation Practice – A Longitudinal study of six very different innovation processes – in practice 26. Luise Noring Henler Conceptualising successful supply chain partnerships – Viewing supply chain partnerships from an organisational culture perspective 27. Mark Mau Kampen om telefonen Det danske telefonvæsen under den tyske besættelse 1940-45 28. Jakob Halskov The semiautomatic expansion of existing terminological ontologies using knowledge patterns discovered on the WWW – an implementation and evaluation 29. Gergana Koleva European Policy Instruments Beyond Networks and Structure: The Innovative Medicines Initiative 30. Christian Geisler Asmussen Global Strategy and International Diversity: A Double-Edged Sword? 31. Christina Holm-Petersen Stolthed og fordom Kulturog identitetsarbejde ved skabelsen af en ny sengeafdeling gennem fusion 32. Hans Peter Olsen Hybrid Governance of Standardized States Causes and Contours of the Global Regulation of Government Auditing 33. Lars Bøge Sørensen Risk Management in the Supply Chain 34. Peter Aagaard Det unikkes dynamikker De institutionelle mulighedsbetingelser bag den individuelle udforskning i professionelt og frivilligt arbejde 35. Yun Mi Antorini Brand Community Innovation An Intrinsic Case Study of the Adult Fans of LEGO Community 36. Joachim Lynggaard Boll Labor Related Corporate Social Performance in Denmark Organizational and Institutional Perspectives 2008 1. Frederik Christian Vinten Essays on Private Equity 2. Jesper Clement Visual Influence of Packaging Design on In-Store Buying Decisions 3. Marius Brostrøm Kousgaard Tid til kvalitetsmåling? – Studier af indrulleringsprocesser i forbindelse med introduktionen af kliniske kvalitetsdatabaser i speciallægepraksissektoren 4. Irene Skovgaard Smith Management Consulting in Action Value creation and ambiguity in client-consultant relations 5. Anders Rom Management accounting and integrated information systems How to exploit the potential for management accounting of information technology 6. Marina Candi Aesthetic Design as an Element of Service Innovation in New Technologybased Firms 7. Morten Schnack Teknologi og tværfaglighed – en analyse af diskussionen omkring indførelse af EPJ på en hospitalsafdeling 8. Helene Balslev Clausen Juntos pero no revueltos – un estudio sobre emigrantes norteamericanos en un pueblo mexicano 9. Lise Justesen Kunsten at skrive revisionsrapporter. En beretning om forvaltningsrevisionens beretninger 10. Michael E. Hansen The politics of corporate responsibility: CSR and the governance of child labor and core labor rights in the 1990s 11. Anne Roepstorff Holdning for handling – en etnologisk undersøgelse af Virksomheders Sociale Ansvar/CSR 12. Claus Bajlum Essays on Credit Risk and Credit Derivatives 13. Anders Bojesen The Performative Power of Competence – an Inquiry into Subjectivity and Social Technologies at Work 14. Satu Reijonen Green and Fragile A Study on Markets and the Natural Environment 15. Ilduara Busta Corporate Governance in Banking A European Study 16. Kristian Anders Hvass A Boolean Analysis Predicting Industry Change: Innovation, Imitation & Business Models The Winning Hybrid: A case study of isomorphism in the airline industry 17. Trine Paludan De uvidende og de udviklingsparate Identitet som mulighed og restriktion blandt fabriksarbejdere på det aftayloriserede fabriksgulv 18. Kristian Jakobsen Foreign market entry in transition economies: Entry timing and mode choice 19. Jakob Elming Syntactic reordering in statistical machine translation 20. Lars Brømsøe Termansen Regional Computable General Equilibrium Models for Denmark Three papers laying the foundation for regional CGE models with agglomeration characteristics 21. Mia Reinholt The Motivational Foundations of Knowledge Sharing 22. Frederikke Krogh-Meibom The Co-Evolution of Institutions and Technology – A Neo-Institutional Understanding of Change Processes within the Business Press – the Case Study of Financial Times 23. Peter D. Ørberg Jensen OFFSHORING OF ADVANCED AND HIGH-VALUE TECHNICAL SERVICES: ANTECEDENTS, PROCESS DYNAMICS AND FIRMLEVEL IMPACTS 24. Pham Thi Song Hanh Functional Upgrading, Relational Capability and Export Performance of Vietnamese Wood Furniture Producers 25. Mads Vangkilde Why wait? An Exploration of first-mover advantages among Danish e-grocers through a resource perspective 26. Hubert Buch-Hansen Rethinking the History of European Level Merger Control A Critical Political Economy Perspective 2009 1. Vivian Lindhardsen From Independent Ratings to Communal Ratings: A Study of CWA Raters’ Decision-Making Behaviours 2. Guðrið Weihe Public-Private Partnerships: Meaning and Practice 3. Chris Nøkkentved Enabling Supply Networks with Collaborative Information Infrastructures An Empirical Investigation of Business Model Innovation in Supplier Relationship Management 4. Sara Louise Muhr Wound, Interrupted – On the Vulnerability of Diversity Management 5. Christine Sestoft Forbrugeradfærd i et Statsog Livsformsteoretisk perspektiv 6. Michael Pedersen Tune in, Breakdown, and Reboot: On the production of the stress-fit selfmanaging employee 7. Salla Lutz Position and Reposition in Networks – Exemplified by the Transformation of the Danish Pine Furniture Manufacturers 8. Jens Forssbæck Essays on market discipline in commercial and central banking 9. Tine Murphy Sense from Silence – A Basis for Organised Action How do Sensemaking Processes with Minimal Sharing Relate to the Reproduction of Organised Action? 10. Sara Malou Strandvad Inspirations for a new sociology of art: A sociomaterial study of development processes in the Danish film industry 11. Nicolaas Mouton On the evolution of social scientific metaphors: A cognitive-historical enquiry into the divergent trajectories of the idea that collective entities – states and societies, cities and corporations – are biological organisms. 12. Lars Andreas Knutsen Mobile Data Services: Shaping of user engagements 13. Nikolaos Theodoros Korfiatis Information Exchange and Behavior A Multi-method Inquiry on Online Communities 14. Jens Albæk Forestillinger om kvalitet og tværfaglighed på sygehuse – skabelse af forestillinger i lægeog plejegrupperne angående relevans af nye idéer om kvalitetsudvikling gennem tolkningsprocesser 15. Maja Lotz The Business of Co-Creation – and the Co-Creation of Business 16. Gitte P. Jakobsen Narrative Construction of Leader Identity in a Leader Development Program Context 17. Dorte Hermansen ”Living the brand” som en brandorienteret dialogisk praxis: Om udvikling af medarbejdernes brandorienterede dømmekraft 18. Aseem Kinra Supply Chain (logistics) Environmental Complexity 19. Michael Nørager How to manage SMEs through the transformation from non innovative to innovative? 20. Kristin Wallevik Corporate Governance in Family Firms The Norwegian Maritime Sector 21. Bo Hansen Hansen Beyond the Process Enriching Software Process Improvement with Knowledge Management 22. Annemette Skot-Hansen Franske adjektivisk afledte adverbier, der tager præpositionssyntagmer indledt med præpositionen à som argumenter En valensgrammatisk undersøgelse 23. Line Gry Knudsen Collaborative R&D Capabilities In Search of Micro-Foundations 24. Christian Scheuer Employers meet employees Essays on sorting and globalization 25. Rasmus Johnsen The Great Health of Melancholy A Study of the Pathologies of Performativity 26. Ha Thi Van Pham Internationalization, Competitiveness Enhancement and Export Performance of Emerging Market Firms: Evidence from Vietnam 27. Henriette Balieu Kontrolbegrebets betydning for kausativalternationen i spansk En kognitiv-typologisk analyse 2010 1. Yen Tran Organizing Innovationin Turbulent Fashion Market Four papers on how fashion firms create and appropriate innovation value 2. Anders Raastrup Kristensen Metaphysical Labour Flexibility, Performance and Commitment in Work-Life Management 3. Margrét Sigrún Sigurdardottir Dependently independent Co-existence of institutional logics in the recorded music industry 4. Ásta Dis Óladóttir Internationalization from a small domestic base: An empirical analysis of Economics and Management 5. Christine Secher E-deltagelse i praksis – politikernes og forvaltningens medkonstruktion og konsekvenserne heraf 6. Marianne Stang Våland What we talk about when we talk about space: End User Participation between Processes of Organizational and Architectural Design 7. Rex Degnegaard Strategic Change Management Change Management Challenges in the Danish Police Reform 8. Ulrik Schultz Brix Værdi i rekruttering – den sikre beslutning En pragmatisk analyse af perception og synliggørelse af værdi i rekrutteringsog udvælgelsesarbejdet 9. Jan Ole Similä Kontraktsledelse Relasjonen mellom virksomhetsledelse og kontraktshåndtering, belyst via fire norske virksomheter 10. Susanne Boch Waldorff Emerging Organizations: In between local translation, institutional logics and discourse 11. Brian Kane Performance Talk Next Generation Management of Organizational Performance 12. Lars Ohnemus Brand Thrust: Strategic Branding and Shareholder Value An Empirical Reconciliation of two Critical Concepts 13. Jesper Schlamovitz Håndtering af usikkerhed i filmog byggeprojekter 14. Tommy Moesby-Jensen Det faktiske livs forbindtlighed Førsokratisk informeret, ny-aristotelisk τ ηθος-tænkning hos Martin Heidegger 15. Christian Fich Two Nations Divided by Common Values French National Habitus and the Rejection of American Power 16. Peter Beyer Processer, sammenhængskraft og fleksibilitet Et empirisk casestudie af omstillingsforløb i fire virksomheder 17. Adam Buchhorn Markets of Good Intentions Constructing and Organizing Biogas Markets Amid Fragility and Controversy 18. Cecilie K. Moesby-Jensen Social læring og fælles praksis Et mixed method studie, der belyser læringskonsekvenser af et lederkursus for et praksisfællesskab af offentlige mellemledere 19. Heidi Boye Fødevarer og sundhed i senmodernismen – En indsigt i hyggefænomenet og de relaterede fødevarepraksisser 20. Kristine Munkgård Pedersen Flygtige forbindelser og midlertidige mobiliseringer Om kulturel produktion på Roskilde Festival 21. Oliver Jacob Weber Causes of Intercompany Harmony in Business Markets – An Empirical Investigation from a Dyad Perspective 22. Susanne Ekman Authority and Autonomy Paradoxes of Modern Knowledge Work 23. Anette Frey Larsen Kvalitetsledelse på danske hospitaler – Ledelsernes indflydelse på introduktion og vedligeholdelse af kvalitetsstrategier i det danske sundhedsvæsen 24. Toyoko Sato Performativity and Discourse: Japanese Advertisements on the Aesthetic Education of Desire 25. Kenneth Brinch Jensen Identifying the Last Planner System Lean management in the construction industry 26. Javier Busquets Orchestrating Network Behavior for Innovation 27. Luke Patey The Power of Resistance: India’s National Oil Company and International Activism in Sudan 28. Mette Vedel Value Creation in Triadic Business Relationships. Interaction, Interconnection and Position 29. Kristian Tørning Knowledge Management Systems in Practice – A Work Place Study 30. Qingxin Shi An Empirical Study of Thinking Aloud Usability Testing from a Cultural Perspective 31. Tanja Juul Christiansen Corporate blogging: Medarbejderes kommunikative handlekraft 32. Malgorzata Ciesielska Hybrid Organisations. A study of the Open Source – business setting 33. Jens Dick-Nielsen Three Essays on Corporate Bond Market Liquidity 34. Sabrina Speiermann Modstandens Politik Kampagnestyring i Velfærdsstaten. En diskussion af trafikkampagners styringspotentiale 35. Julie Uldam Fickle Commitment. Fostering political engagement in 'the flighty world of online activism’ 36. Annegrete Juul Nielsen Traveling technologies and transformations in health care 37. Athur Mühlen-Schulte Organising Development Power and Organisational Reform in the United Nations Development Programme 38. Louise Rygaard Jonas Branding på butiksgulvet Et case-studie af kulturog identitetsarbejdet i Kvickly 2011 1. Stefan Fraenkel Key Success Factors for Sales Force Readiness during New Product Launch A Study of Product Launches in the Swedish Pharmaceutical Industry 2. Christian Plesner Rossing International Transfer Pricing in Theory and Practice 3. Tobias Dam Hede Samtalekunst og ledelsesdisciplin – en analyse af coachingsdiskursens genealogi og governmentality 4. Kim Pettersson Essays on Audit Quality, Auditor Choice, and Equity Valuation 5. Henrik Merkelsen The expert-lay controversy in risk research and management. Effects of institutional distances. Studies of risk definitions, perceptions, management and communication 6. Simon S. Torp Employee Stock Ownership: Effect on Strategic Management and Performance 7. Mie Harder Internal Antecedents of Management Innovation 8. Ole Helby Petersen Public-Private Partnerships: Policy and Regulation – With Comparative and Multi-level Case Studies from Denmark and Ireland 9. Morten Krogh Petersen ’Good’ Outcomes. Handling Multiplicity in Government Communication 10. Kristian Tangsgaard Hvelplund Allocation of cognitive resources in translation - an eye-tracking and keylogging study 11. Moshe Yonatany The Internationalization Process of Digital Service Providers 12. Anne Vestergaard Distance and Suffering Humanitarian Discourse in the age of Mediatization 13. Thorsten Mikkelsen Personligsheds indflydelse på forretningsrelationer 14. Jane Thostrup Jagd Hvorfor fortsætter fusionsbølgen udover ”the tipping point”? – en empirisk analyse af information og kognitioner om fusioner 15. Gregory Gimpel Value-driven Adoption and Consumption of Technology: Understanding Technology Decision Making 16. Thomas Stengade Sønderskov Den nye mulighed Social innovation i en forretningsmæssig kontekst 17. Jeppe Christoffersen Donor supported strategic alliances in developing countries 18. Vibeke Vad Baunsgaard Dominant Ideological Modes of Rationality: Cross functional integration in the process of product innovation 19. Throstur Olaf Sigurjonsson Governance Failure and Icelands’s Financial Collapse 20. Allan Sall Tang Andersen Essays on the modeling of risks in interest-rate and inflation markets 21. Heidi Tscherning Mobile Devices in Social Contexts 22. Birgitte Gorm Hansen Adapting in the Knowledge Economy Lateral Strategies for Scientists and Those Who Study Them 23. Kristina Vaarst Andersen Optimal Levels of Embeddedness The Contingent Value of Networked Collaboration 24. Justine Grønbæk Pors Noisy Management A History of Danish School Governing from 1970-2010 25. Stefan Linder Micro-foundations of Strategic Entrepreneurship Essays on Autonomous Strategic Action 26. Xin Li Toward an Integrative Framework of National Competitiveness An application to China 27. Rune Thorbjørn Clausen Værdifuld arkitektur Et eksplorativt studie af bygningers rolle i virksomheders værdiskabelse 28. Monica Viken Markedsundersøkelser som bevis i varemerkeog markedsføringsrett 29. Christian Wymann Tattooing The Economic and Artistic Constitution of a Social Phenomenon 30. Sanne Frandsen Productive Incoherence A Case Study of Branding and Identity Struggles in a Low-Prestige Organization 31. Mads Stenbo Nielsen Essays on Correlation Modelling 32. Ivan Häuser Følelse og sprog Etablering af en ekspressiv kategori, eksemplificeret på russisk 33. Sebastian Schwenen Security of Supply in Electricity Markets 2012 1. Peter Holm Andreasen The Dynamics of Procurement Management - A Complexity Approach 2. Martin Haulrich Data-Driven Bitext Dependency Parsing and Alignment 3. Line Kirkegaard Konsulenten i den anden nat En undersøgelse af det intense arbejdsliv 4. Tonny Stenheim Decision usefulness of goodwill under IFRS 5. Morten Lind Larsen Produktivitet, vækst og velfærd Industrirådet og efterkrigstidens Danmark 1945 - 1958 6. Petter Berg Cartel Damages and Cost Asymmetries 7. Lynn Kahle Experiential Discourse in Marketing A methodical inquiry into practice and theory 8. Anne Roelsgaard Obling Management of Emotions in Accelerated Medical Relationships 9. Thomas Frandsen Managing Modularity of Service Processes Architecture 10. Carina Christine Skovmøller CSR som noget særligt Et casestudie om styring og meningsskabelse i relation til CSR ud fra en intern optik 11. Michael Tell Fradragsbeskæring af selskabers finansieringsudgifter En skatteretlig analyse af SEL §§ 11, 11B og 11C 12. Morten Holm Customer Profitability Measurement Models Their Merits and Sophistication across Contexts 13. Katja Joo Dyppel Beskatning af derivater En analyse af dansk skatteret 14. Esben Anton Schultz Essays in Labor Economics Evidence from Danish Micro Data 15. Carina Risvig Hansen ”Contracts not covered, or not fully covered, by the Public Sector Directive” 16. Anja Svejgaard Pors Iværksættelse af kommunikation - patientfigurer i hospitalets strategiske kommunikation 17. Frans Bévort Making sense of management with logics An ethnographic study of accountants who become managers 18. René Kallestrup The Dynamics of Bank and Sovereign Credit Risk 19. Brett Crawford Revisiting the Phenomenon of Interests in Organizational Institutionalism The Case of U.S. Chambers of Commerce 20. Mario Daniele Amore Essays on Empirical Corporate Finance 21. Arne Stjernholm Madsen The evolution of innovation strategy Studied in the context of medical device activities at the pharmaceutical company Novo Nordisk A/S in the period 1980-2008 22. Jacob Holm Hansen Is Social Integration Necessary for Corporate Branding? A study of corporate branding strategies at Novo Nordisk 23. Stuart Webber Corporate Profit Shifting and the Multinational Enterprise 24. Helene Ratner Promises of Reflexivity Managing and Researching Inclusive Schools 25. Therese Strand The Owners and the Power: Insights from Annual General Meetings 26. Robert Gavin Strand In Praise of Corporate Social Responsibility Bureaucracy 27. Nina Sormunen Auditor’s going-concern reporting Reporting decision and content of the report 28. John Bang Mathiasen Learning within a product development working practice: - an understanding anchored in pragmatism 29. Philip Holst Riis Understanding Role-Oriented Enterprise Systems: From Vendors to Customers 30. Marie Lisa Dacanay Social Enterprises and the Poor Enhancing Social Entrepreneurship and Stakeholder Theory 31. Fumiko Kano Glückstad Bridging Remote Cultures: Cross-lingual concept mapping based on the information receiver’s prior-knowledge 32. Henrik Barslund Fosse Empirical Essays in International Trade 33. Peter Alexander Albrecht Foundational hybridity and its reproduction Security sector reform in Sierra Leone 34. Maja Rosenstock CSR - hvor svært kan det være? Kulturanalytisk casestudie om udfordringer og dilemmaer med at forankre Coops CSR-strategi 35. Jeanette Rasmussen Tweens, medier og forbrug Et studie af 10-12 årige danske børns brug af internettet, opfattelse og forståelse af markedsføring og forbrug 36. Ib Tunby Gulbrandsen ‘This page is not intended for a US Audience’ A five-act spectacle on online communication, collaboration & organization. 37. Kasper Aalling Teilmann Interactive Approaches to Rural Development 38. Mette Mogensen The Organization(s) of Well-being and Productivity (Re)assembling work in the Danish Post 39. Søren Friis Møller From Disinterestedness to Engagement Towards Relational Leadership In the Cultural Sector 40. Nico Peter Berhausen Management Control, Innovation and Strategic Objectives – Interactions and Convergence in Product Development Networks 41. Balder Onarheim Creativity under Constraints Creativity as Balancing ‘Constrainedness’ 42. Haoyong Zhou Essays on Family Firms 43. Elisabeth Naima Mikkelsen Making sense of organisational conflict An empirical study of enacted sensemaking in everyday conflict at work 2013 1. Jacob Lyngsie Entrepreneurship in an Organizational Context 2. Signe Groth-Brodersen Fra ledelse til selvet En socialpsykologisk analyse af forholdet imellem selvledelse, ledelse og stress i det moderne arbejdsliv 3. Nis Høyrup Christensen Shaping Markets: A Neoinstitutional Analysis of the Emerging Organizational Field of Renewable Energy in China 4. Christian Edelvold Berg As a matter of size THE IMPORTANCE OF CRITICAL MASS AND THE CONSEQUENCES OF SCARCITY FOR TELEVISION MARKETS 5. Christine D. Isakson Coworker Influence and Labor Mobility Essays on Turnover, Entrepreneurship and Location Choice in the Danish Maritime Industry 6. Niels Joseph Jerne Lennon Accounting Qualities in Practice Rhizomatic stories of representational faithfulness, decision making and control 7. Shannon O’Donnell Making Ensemble Possible How special groups organize for collaborative creativity in conditions of spatial variability and distance 2016 1. Signe Sofie Dyrby Enterprise Social Media at Work 2. Dorte Boesby Dahl The making of the public parking attendant Dirt, aesthetics and inclusion in public service work 3. Verena Girschik Realizing Corporate Responsibility Positioning and Framing in Nascent Institutional Change 4. Anders Ørding Olsen IN SEARCH OF SOLUTIONS Inertia, Knowledge Sources and Diversity in Collaborative Problem-solving 5. Pernille Steen Pedersen Udkast til et nyt copingbegreb En kvalifikation af ledelsesmuligheder for at forebygge sygefravær ved psykiske problemer. 6. Kerli Kant Hvass Weaving a Path from Waste to Value: Exploring fashion industry business models and the circular economy 7. Kasper Lindskow Exploring Digital News Publishing Business Models – a production network approach 8. Mikkel Mouritz Marfelt The chameleon workforce: Assembling and negotiating the content of a workforce 9. Marianne Bertelsen Aesthetic encounters Rethinking autonomy, space & time in today’s world of art 10. Louise Hauberg Wilhelmsen EU PERSPECTIVES ON INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL ARBITRATION 11. Abid Hussain On the Design, Development and Use of the Social Data Analytics Tool (SODATO): Design Propositions, Patterns, and Principles for Big Social Data Analytics 12. Mark Bruun Essays on Earnings Predictability 13. Tor Bøe-Lillegraven BUSINESS PARADOXES, BLACK BOXES, AND BIG DATA: BEYOND ORGANIZATIONAL AMBIDEXTERITY 14. Hadis Khonsary-Atighi ECONOMIC DETERMINANTS OF DOMESTIC INVESTMENT IN AN OILBASED ECONOMY: THE CASE OF IRAN (1965-2010) 15. Maj Lervad Grasten Rule of Law or Rule by Lawyers? On the Politics of Translation in Global Governance 16. Lene Granzau Juel-Jacobsen SUPERMARKEDETS MODUS OPERANDI – en hverdagssociologisk undersøgelse af forholdet mellem rum og handlen og understøtte relationsopbygning? 17. Christine Thalsgård Henriques In search of entrepreneurial learning – Towards a relational perspective on incubating practices? 18. Patrick Bennett Essays in Education, Crime, and Job Displacement 19. Søren Korsgaard Payments and Central Bank Policy 20. Marie Kruse Skibsted Empirical Essays in Economics of Education and Labor 21. Elizabeth Benedict Christensen The Constantly Contingent Sense of Belonging of the 1.5 Generation Undocumented Youth An Everyday Perspective 22. Lasse J. Jessen Essays on Discounting Behavior and Gambling Behavior 23. Kalle Johannes Rose Når stifterviljen dør… Et retsøkonomisk bidrag til 200 års juridisk konflikt om ejendomsretten 24. Andreas Søeborg Kirkedal Danish Stød and Automatic Speech Recognition 25. Ida Lunde Jørgensen Institutions and Legitimations in Finance for the Arts 26. Olga Rykov Ibsen An empirical cross-linguistic study of directives: A semiotic approach to the sentence forms chosen by British, Danish and Russian speakers in native and ELF contexts 27. Desi Volker Understanding Interest Rate Volatility 28. Angeli Elizabeth Weller Practice at the Boundaries of Business Ethics & Corporate Social Responsibility 29. Ida Danneskiold-Samsøe Levende læring i kunstneriske organisationer En undersøgelse af læringsprocesser mellem projekt og organisation på Aarhus Teater 30. Leif Christensen Quality of information – The role of internal controls and materiality 31. Olga Zarzecka Tie Content in Professional Networks 32. Henrik Mahncke De store gaver - Filantropiens gensidighedsrelationer i teori og praksis 33. Carsten Lund Pedersen Using the Collective Wisdom of Frontline Employees in Strategic Issue Management 34. Yun Liu Essays on Market Design 35. Denitsa Hazarbassanova Blagoeva The Internationalisation of Service Firms 36. Manya Jaura Lind Capability development in an offshoring context: How, why and by whom 37. Luis R. Boscán F. Essays on the Design of Contracts and Markets for Power System Flexibility 38. Andreas Philipp Distel Capabilities for Strategic Adaptation: Micro-Foundations, Organizational Conditions, and Performance Implications 39. Lavinia Bleoca The Usefulness of Innovation and Intellectual Capital in Business Performance: The Financial Effects of Knowledge Management vs. Disclosure 40. Henrik Jensen Economic Organization and Imperfect Managerial Knowledge: A Study of the Role of Managerial Meta-Knowledge in the Management of Distributed Knowledge 41. Stine Mosekjær The Understanding of English Emotion Words by Chinese and Japanese Speakers of English as a Lingua Franca An Empirical Study 42. Hallur Tor Sigurdarson The Ministry of Desire - Anxiety and entrepreneurship in a bureaucracy 43. Kätlin Pulk Making Time While Being in Time A study of the temporality of organizational processes 44. Valeria Giacomin Contextualizing the cluster Palm oil in Southeast Asia in global perspective (1880s–1970s) 45. Jeanette Willert Managers’ use of multiple Management Control Systems: The role and interplay of management control systems and company performance 46. Mads Vestergaard Jensen Financial Frictions: Implications for Early Option Exercise and Realized Volatility 47. Mikael Reimer Jensen Interbank Markets and Frictions 48. Benjamin Faigen Essays on Employee Ownership 49. Adela Michea Enacting Business Models An Ethnographic Study of an Emerging Business Model Innovation within the Frame of a Manufacturing Company. 50. Iben Sandal Stjerne Transcending organization in temporary systems Aesthetics’ organizing work and employment in Creative Industries 51. Simon Krogh Anticipating Organizational Change 52. Sarah Netter Exploring the Sharing Economy 53. Lene Tolstrup Christensen State-owned enterprises as institutional market actors in the marketization of public service provision: A comparative case study of Danish and Swedish passenger rail 1990–2015 54. Kyoung(Kay) Sun Park Three Essays on Financial Economics 2017 1. Mari Bjerck Apparel at work. Work uniforms and women in male-dominated manual occupations. 2. Christoph H. Flöthmann Who Manages Our Supply Chains? Backgrounds, Competencies and Contributions of Human Resources in Supply Chain Management 3. Aleksandra Anna Rze´znik Essays in Empirical Asset Pricing 4. Claes Bäckman Essays on Housing Markets 5. Kirsti Reitan Andersen Stabilizing Sustainability in the Textile and Fashion Industry 6. Kira Hoffmann Cost Behavior: An Empirical Analysis of Determinants and Consequences of Asymmetries 7. Tobin Hanspal Essays in Household Finance 8. Nina Lange Correlation in Energy Markets 9. Anjum Fayyaz Donor Interventions and SME Networking in Industrial Clusters in Punjab Province, Pakistan 10. Magnus Paulsen Hansen Trying the unemployed. Justification and critique, emancipation and coercion towards the ‘active society’. A study of contemporary reforms in France and Denmark TITLER I ATV PH.D.-SERIEN 1992 1. Niels Kornum Servicesamkørsel – organisation, økonomi og planlægningsmetode 1995 2. Verner Worm Nordiske virksomheder i Kina Kulturspecifikke interaktionsrelationer ved nordiske virksomhedsetableringer i Kina 1999 3. Mogens Bjerre Key Account Management of Complex Strategic Relationships An Empirical Study of the Fast Moving Consumer Goods Industry 2000 4. Lotte Darsø Innovation in the Making Interaction Research with heterogeneous Groups of Knowledge Workers creating new Knowledge and new Leads 2001 5. Peter Hobolt Jensen Managing Strategic Design Identities The case of the Lego Developer Network 2002 6. Peter Lohmann The Deleuzian Other of Organizational Change – Moving Perspectives of the Human 7. Anne Marie Jess Hansen To lead from a distance: The dynamic interplay between strategy and strategizing – A case study of the strategic management process 2003 8. Lotte Henriksen Videndeling – om organisatoriske og ledelsesmæssige udfordringer ved videndeling i praksis 9. Niels Christian Nickelsen Arrangements of Knowing: Coordinating Procedures Tools and Bodies in Industrial Production – a case study of the collective making of new products 2005 10. Carsten Ørts Hansen Konstruktion af ledelsesteknologier og effektivitet TITLER I DBA PH.D.-SERIEN 2007 1. Peter Kastrup-Misir Endeavoring to Understand Market Orientation – and the concomitant co-mutation of the researched, the re searcher, the research itself and the truth 2009 1. Torkild Leo Thellefsen Fundamental Signs and Significance effects A Semeiotic outline of Fundamental Signs, Significance-effects, Knowledge Profiling and their use in Knowledge Organization and Branding 2. Daniel Ronzani When Bits Learn to Walk Don’t Make Them Trip. Technological Innovation and the Role of Regulation by Law in Information Systems Research: the Case of Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) 2010 1. Alexander Carnera Magten over livet og livet som magt Studier i den biopolitiske ambivalens