On attitudes, the driving force in EFL and EWL studies

On Attitudes, The Drivíng Forcé in EFL and EWL Studíes MIsabel González Cruz and Carmen Isabel Lujan García Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria This paper examines the significant role played by attitudes in two specific domains in which the English language stands out in supremacy: second language learning and International communication. Firstly, we offer a brief review of the literature in these two áreas to prove the relevance attitudes have bothfor the development of the second language learning process, and for the acceptance of English as a world language. Finally, we focus on the situation of English in Spain, and put forward the incongruity between the efforts made by the Spanish educational system and the results achieved. The need to carry out further research on attitudes is also subsequently suggested. 1. Introductíon In their attempt to describe and explain human behaviors, social psychologists have acknowledged the relevance of altitudes in many studies which have also contributed to the difussion of both the term and the concept. Altitudes are generally defined as something that is closely «linked to a person's valúes and beliefs, and promotes or discourages the choices made in all realms of activity, whether academic or informal» (McGroarty, 1996:5). As regards language altitudes, most scholars (Fishman and Agheyisi 1970; Cooper and Fishman 1974; Cooper and Fishman 1977; Gardner and Smythe 1977; Cargile et al. 1994) are concemed not only wilh the study of people's altitudes toward a particular variely of language; they also include the respondents' altitudes lowards the speakers of that particular language or variely, and even their altitudes lowards language maintenance and language planning policies (Fasold, 1993:148). Research (Gardner and Lambert, 1972; Gardner and Smythe 1977; Gardner 1985) has proved that altitudes are closely linked lo many social phenomena, bul wilhin the linguistic level, Ihere are two main sellings in which altitudes have their pan to play: second or foreign language leaming and multilingual situations. In this paper we make a brief review of the lilerature in both áreas in an attempt lo confirm how the study of altitudes is of paramounl importance in these two contexts. Our specific aim is lo show how the role played by English in differenl áreas in today's world is closely Revista de Lenguas para Fines Específicos N4 (1997) 187 M-Isabel González Cruz and Carmen Isabel Lujan García related to the diversity of feelings and responses developed by the enormous variety of speakers and cultures. This justifies the proposed need to conduct more studies on altitudes towards English, specifically at the Spanish stage. 2. The study of attítudes: Theoretical ratíonale When dealing with altitudes, a first distinction must be drawn between the two opposite views of their natüre: the mentaUst and the behaviorist theory. The former conceives altitudes as «a stale of readiness; an intervening variable between a slimulus affecling a person and thal person's response»; whereas according to the latler, altitudes conslilute a «behavioral response in themselves» (Fasold, 1993:147). Although a greal majority of the works conducted have adopted this mentalist view, according to specialists it poses some research problems. As Fasold (1993:147) explains, the consideration of an attitude as «an internal state of readiness, rather than an observable response» involves methodological difficulties for scholars, who «must depend on the person's reports of what their altitudes are, or infer altitudes indirectly from behavior paltems.» Besides, considerable efforl goes inlo the devising of ingenious experimenls so thal informants reveal their altitudes wilhoul being totally aware of the research process. In contrast, research is undertaken simply by behaviorists through careful observation and analysis óf overt behavior, as they believe that people's responses to social situations clearly reveal their altitudes. A furlher point of disagreement between behaviorists and mentalisls has to do with the former's conception of altitudes as single units, and the latter's Identification of a number of subcomponents, namely cognitive, affective and conative (Fasold, 1993:148). As mentioned above, we will focus our attention on each of the settings in which the study of altitudes has been acknowledged. Second or foreign language settings In second or foreign language situations, language attitude research aims at proving that altitudes have an influence on the process of second language leaming. Two types of studies have been conducted: those which focus on the altitudes of leachers, and those which deal with the language altitudes of 188 Revista de Lenguas para Fines Específicos N° 4 (1997) On Altitudes, The Driving Forcé in EFL and EWL Studies leamers. Research in the last three decades suggests (Gardner & Lambert, 1972) that among the many variables at work, affective factors play a substantial role in the language learning process. Broadly speaking, these affective variables have to do with the leamer's motives, altitudes - towards the target language and its speakers -, and emotional states, including other personality factors such as self-esteem, confidence, or anxiety. Cultural and social factors (Brown, 1973; Titone, 1982) may also have an influence on the leamer's establishing relationships with other individuáis. The study of attitudes has been closely linked to that of motivation, with the topic being approached mainly from the social-psychological side. Today there is little doubt that attitudes and motivation correlate positively with success in language learning. Attitudes are said to indícate the learner's beliefs and opinions about the target language and culture. As for motivation, it has generally been defined as «some kind of intemal drive that encourages somebody to pursue a course of action» (Harmer, 1988:3). In particular, motivation to leam a language is considered to be «the incentive, the need, or the desire to achieve proficiency that the learner feels to leam the second language» (Dulay-Burt-Krashen, 1982:47). Traditionally, two basic and fundamentally different kinds of motivation have been identified, for which the labels instrumental and integrative are used. Finegan (1994:466) summarises them as follows: An instrumental motivation is one a leamer has because knowledge of the target language will help achieve some other goal: reading scientific works, singing or understanding opera, graduation. For such uses, only a narrow range of registers (or even a single register) is necessary, and little or no social integration of the learner into a community using the language is desired. (...) When you take up residence in a community that uses the target language in its social interactions, integrative motivation encourages you to leam the new language as a way to intégrate yourself socially into the community and become one of its members. Integrative motivation typically underlies successful acquisition of a wide range of registers and a nativelike pronunciation, achievements that usually elude leamers with instmmental motivation. Revista de Lenguas para Fines Específicos N° 4 (1997) 189 MIsabel González Cruz and Carmen Isabel Lujan Garda A third type of motivation which goes beyond integrative motivation has also been described in the research literature, namely, the Social Group Identification. Dulay, Burt and Krashen (1982:50) define it as «the desire to acquire proficiency in a language or language variety spoken by a social group with which the leamer identifies.» These authors stress the difference between the social group Identification motive and the integrative motive: in both cases, the leamers want to particípate in the social or cultural life of the community of the target language speakers. However, learners with an integrative motive wish to retain their Identification with their own native language group, whereas leamers with a social group identification would like to become members of the group of speakers of the target language. The notion of attitude was originally thought to be parallel to that of motivation. They were both regarded as a single factor among the many variables that affect the language leaming process. Later on, however, each of these concepts was redefined, to the extent that today attitude is believed to be the factor that determines motivation, which, in tum, has a marked effect on second language development. Gardner's view of altitudes as a social and psychological basis for sustaining motivation led to the idea that «altitudes are indireclly related lo second language behaviors whereas motivation is directly related to behaviors» (011er, 1981:227). As van Els el al. (1984:117) pul it, (...) motivation to leam a language is not only determined by altitudes, bul also by other 'motivational props', such as the desire to please teachers and parents, promise of a reward, or experience of success, etc. Also, the relation of attitude to motivation is dependen! on the type of motivation. An integrative motivation, for example, presupposes a positive attitude of the leamer towards target language speakers and their culture, bul a leamer who is instrumentally motivated does not necessarily have a positive attitude towards the target language group. Other altitudes, which are relevant to L2 leaming, such as altitudes towards the language, the teacher and the course, are probably related to both types of motivation. When defining motivation, we musí also bear in mind that two different approaches have been adopled by two different traditions: the behavioristic 190 Revista de Lenguas para Fines Específicos N4 (1997) On Attitudes, The Driving Forcé in EFL and EWL Studies and the cognitive one. Simplifying the issue a great deal, it can be said that while the former highlights the importance of rewards and reinforcement, the latter stresses the power of self-reward. A similar distinction can be drawn between extrinsic and intrinsic motivation, the second being clearly favoured by most researchers. Extrinsically motivated leamers anticipate «a reward from outside and beyond the self», whereas «intrinsically motivated activities are ones for which there is no apparent reward except the activity itself» (Deci, 1975: 23). Admittedly, in certain contexts integrative motivation seems to produce better support in language leaming than instrumental motivation. However, as suggested by Gardner and Lambert in 1972, even though a learner's instrumental motivation may be as high as another's integrative motivation, in the long run it seems that integrative motives lead to a greater mastery of the language. The importance of motivational factors has also been acknowledged by other models of second language acquisition, such as that of Krashen's (1985), who includes them in what he called «affective filter», a sort of mental block. Similarly, Beebe and Giles (1984), with their accomodation theory, refer to factors like in-group Identification and group boundaries (Schmid, 1992). These concepts have to do with the fact that when leaming a second language, the student must face the task of «not simply leaming new Information ... but rather of acquiring symbolic elements of a different ethnolinguistic community.» In fact, the student «is not being asked to leam about them; he is being asked to acquire them, to make them part of his linguistic reservoir. This involves imposing elements of another culture into one's own lifespace» (Finegan, 1994:469). Closely related to these aspects are some of the troublesome issues that may arise in multilingual settings, the área to which we devote the following subsection. Multilingual settings Although bilingualism and multilingualism are quite normal phenomena in a large part of the world, it is also true that in many of our western Revista de Lenguas para Fines Específicos N° 4 (1997) 191 M-Isabel González Cruz and Carmen Isabel Lujan García societies there is a long history of people actually «looking down on those who are bilingual». Indeed, only a few classical languages, like Latin and Greek, or some modem languages like English or French have been regarded as prestigious. In contrast, as noticed by Wardhaugh (1993:101), «you generally get little credit for speaking Swahili, and, until recently at least, not much more for speaking Russian, Japanese, Arabic or Chínese.» The consideration of bilingualism as a social problem in many westem societies has led to the Identification of «knowledge of another language» with «inferiority», which results in the fact that the lowest positions are often occupied by bilinguals. In addition, many of these countries tend to adopt «the bizarre policy of doing just about everything they can to wipe out the languages that immigrants bring with them while at the same time trying to teach foreign languages in schools» (Wardhaugh, 1993:101). Bourhis (1997:306) illustrates this idea with references to the case of France, where the influence of «vigorous and sometimes brutal» language policies has provoked the emergence of a unilingual French state in this century. Two of the effects that multilingual or bilingual societies can produce are language loss among the immigrats, and language diffusion, that is, the spreading of certain syntactic features from one language to the other. Besides, code cholee, code-switching and code-mixing often occur in multilingual situations. All these phenomena serve subtle but strong functions, since by choosing, shifting or mixing two codes, speakers are able «to express fine gradations of feeling for others, involvement with the topic, politeness to strangers, and deference to officials» (Wardhaugh, 1993:109). Likewise, the problem of educational failure among minority children is said to be caused by the conflict these children experience. As Romaine (1994:193) explains, schools measure success in terms of mastery of the standard variety of the language, and therefore «non-standard speech is seen as illogical, and bilingualism as a problem.» This same author notes how not too long ago, and in countries such as Australia, the United States, Britain or Sweden, minority children were severely punished whenever they spoke their native language. Neither working-class children belonging to the dominant group, ñor children of ethnic minority groups have the kind of cultural and 192 Revista de Lenguas para Fines Específicos N4 (1997) On Attitudes, The Driving Forcé in EFL and EWL Studies linguistic background supported in the schools, which endorse «mainstream, and largely middle-class, valúes and language» (Romaine, 1994:191). Many studies have shown that these children tend to have the highest rate of failure, but they have also proved that «teachers already tend to have negative expectations of minority children.» In fact, when dealing with the factors which are responsible for the poor achievement of these schoolchildren, many linguists have highlighted the role played by the attitudes of the majority to the minority and vice versa. In addition to this, they have pointed out other factors such as lack of exposure to the school language or linguistic/cultural mismatch between home and school, among others. But on the whole, linguists have concluded that «negative attitudes towards nonstandard speech and bilingualism are more decisive in determining school outcomes than actual linguistic differences themselves» (Romaine, 1994:194). Nowadays, it is a fact that to a great extent the emergence of bilingual or multilingual situations has had much to do with the spreading of English throughout the globe. In the following section, we refer briefly to some of the effects that this expansión of English has provoked in many áreas of the world. Not surprisingly, attitudes seem to have been a crucial factor for the widespread of this language. 3. Attitudes towards English as a world language Beyond all doubt, the English language has become the International language par excellence. As Robert Phillipson (1992:5-6) suggests, «when the need for global communication set by language barriers came to be an immediate problem, the spread of English accelerated transforming the existing patterns of International communication». During the nineteenth century, these patterns were based on French, as the language of diplomacy and fashion, and Germán, as the language of science and scholarship (Bems, 1990:58). With the quick spread of English, the situation would become completely different. During the twentieth century, «the export of English has been so persuasive that this language has been equated with progress and prosperity" (Phillipson, 1992:8). However, we must mention other cultural Revista de Lenguas para Fines Específicos N4 (1997) 193 MIsabel González Cruz and Carmen Isabel Lujan García and political effects that the spread of English has produced in some languages and cultures. For example, its widespread use seems to have "threatened" other languages, since English has been attributed a great power and prestige in many countries: it is used in specific and particular domains, especially professional, and it is bound up with aspects of global relations, such as the spread of capitalism (Holmes, 1992: 13). One factor of paramount importance for the widespread of a language like English to be successful in a specific context is people's attitudes towards that language. Since language attitudes are a very subjective personal matter, they are going to vary from one person to another, and, of course, from one linguistic community to another. In the following Unes we offer a brief analysis of the kinds of attitudes - negative, positive, of acceptance or of resistance-, which have either contributed or tried to avoid such spread of English in daily Ufe in general, making special emphasis on the educational realms. África. The language situation in Sub-Saharan África is one of dense multilingualism, with a large number of indigenous languages, exogeneous languages and pidgin languages (Adegbija, 1994:15). Until recently, most indigenous languages in África were considered unworthy of use in official circles. They were regarded as lacking the capacity for expressing ideas in official domains (Adegbija, 1994:20). These beliefs have produced a series of consequences such as the emergence of negative attitudes towards these vernacular languages, which are refused for usage with any official purpose. Thus, in South África, for instance, this official role has to be fulñlled by another language, English. Though spoken by a small number of the population, English has become the only official language. Interestingly enough, English, "the language of the conqueror, is considered a language of power and prestige, the language of liberation in front of Afrikaan, the language of oppressors" (Adegbija, 1994:36). We can observe the importance of the speakers' attitudes when it comes to their choosing of one or another language for specific purposes. As regards the influence of English in educatíon we can give the meaningful example of Nigeria where in most primary and secondary schools, students are still penalised for speaJsing the vernacular, as their aim 194 Revista de Lenguas para Fines Específicos N° 4 (1997) On Attitudes, The Driving Forcé in EFL and EWL Studies 4. English in Spain In our country, from World War II onwards, we can also observe an increasing influence of the Anglo-Saxon culture, especially of the American culture, in accordance with the political and economic supremacy of the USA over western European countries. The American way of Ufe, as Pratt (1980:67-69) explains, seems to have pervaded all the áreas of our daily life (fast-food, music, fashion, supermarkets, commercial televisión, skyscrapers...), which, somehow, has been received with openness, even admiration. 'A priori' this fact could be an evidence of a positive attitude towards this culture. In fact, and as a consequence, new anglicisms have filtered and go on filtering within Spanish mostly through technology, computers, and to a less extent through the other áreas mentioned above such as music, food, fashion or televisión (especially in propagandas). The reasons are obvious, first the American way of life has become a model to be followed by Spain and all societies in general, so imitation as far as language is concemed is also necessary. Second, the English language is very rich in specialized vocabulary as regards scientific innovations, and it has certain "structural features" (as above mentioned) that make any language coming from Latin envy its brevity, accuracy, and phonic effect. A reform in the educational system has taken place recently in Spain, around the beginning of the 1990s, by ñame LOGSE (Ley de Organización General del Sistema Educativo or Law of General Organization of the Educational System). However, we must point out that independently of the educational changes that are taking place in Spain nowadays, the school demand for the study of English has been increased, and is in fact increasing, considerably. English has surpassed clearly the study of other foreign languages, such as French (which was the most studied foreign language a couple of decades ago). In the same lina, all autonomous communities' are making incredible efforts to rise the standards to teach the English language. The Spanish educational system allows some freedom to those autonomous communities which have adopted competences in educational matters, whereas others still depend completely on the central govemment. Revista de Lenguas para Fines Específicos N4 (1997) 201 MIsabel González Cruz and Carmen Isabel Lujan García In our country, English is neither regarded as a second language ñor is it used as a language of instruction at school, but it is simply studied as a foreign language. However, the role played by English in many áreas of daily life is decisive, even to get a specific job. English is the most studied foreign language in Spain both in Primary and Secondary education, even at the University level, foliowed by far by French and, besides, with all the possibilities to go on being the preferred language for a very long time. In Primary education, English is a compulsory subject which can be combined with other languages such as Germán or French. So all the students receive a basic formation in the English language that can be extended if they choose it at Secondary education. As regards Secondary education and University, English stops being a compulsory subject to become an optional one. In his book La Enseñanza del Inglés en España a Debate, Palacios (1994) analyzes in depth all these aspects of the process of teachingAeaming English in the Spanish educational system and offers some meaningful figures: in 1990, the number of pupils studying English at the University was around 84%, whereas those who chose French was around 15% (1994:23). For his research. Palacios passed a questionnaire to a total number of 920 students (360 of Secondary and 560 of University level), and 117 teachers (57 of Secondary and 60 of University level) in several cities of different autonomous communities (Andalusia, Asturias, Canary Islands, Catalonia, Galicia, Madrid). The questions dealt with various aspects such as motivation, attitudes, opinions related to textbooks and materials, tasks to promote the four skills, the new curriculum of foreign languages. Apart from this, 80 teachers (50 of Secondary and 30 of University level) were interviewed, as well as 25 students (10 of Secondary and 15 of University level). The interviews covered very similar aspects to those of the questionnaires,^ though a self-assessment of the level of proficiency was added here. The Secondary students interviewed by Palacios (1994: 82-83) offer different reasons why they choose English. First, they believe that studying English constitutes a basic part of the educational curriculum (i.e. it cannot be replaced by anything or any other language). Second, the fact that English is a compulsory subject in Primary education is a decisive factor for 202 Revista de Lenguas para Fines Específicos N4 (1997) On Attitudes, The Driving Forcé in EFL and EWL Studies students to choose this language in Secondary education. Third, many students find English more useful than French (Palacios 1993:158). Fourth, as regards factors related to cultural and historical aspects of British and American culture and history, the informants seem to show a high degree of indifference. Within this indifference, however, we can observe that a kind of "interest" is more clearly shown towards the British culture in comparison with the American. Therefore, in Gardner's (1977) terms, students of English in the Spanish Secondary education are more conditioned by instrumental reasons than by integrative ones. Attraction towards the target culture, or at least the mixture of personal likes with instrumental reasons, seems to encourage students to choose English. As regards their attitudes towards studying English, Palacios (1994:94) found that 70% of the students state that their attitude towards English is not different from the one they have towards other subjects in the school curriculum; around 18% adopt an indifferent position, they do not feel especially attracted to studying English, and just 12% show a completely negative attitude. As regards the Secondary students' general level of proficiency. Palacios (1994: 90-93) took into account the four skills. Most pupils selfevaluate their proficiency in reading and writing more positively than in listening and speaking, and this evaluation is common to the three levéis of the Secondary education. Probably, this fact can be due to the importance, and consequently, the number of hours that the teachers give to the written component, and their relegating the oral skills to a second place. As a logical consequence, Secondary students find it more difficult to listen and to speak in English than to write or to read it. Finally, in a comparative study (1994: 123-125) between teachers and students of Secondary education, Palacios found that among teachers there seemed to be an attitude of apathy, indifference, disillusion, even a very low degree of self-esteem at the professional level. They tend to adopt a passive position and show an attitude of refusal to any improvement in the presentday teaching of English process. Perhaps, this negative attitude can be produced by the feeling of uncertainty of many teachers because of the educational changes that are taking place with LOGSE. Revista de Lenguas para Fines Específicos N4 (1997) 203 M-Isabel González Cruz and Carmen Isabel Lujan Garda As far as University education is concerned, English is again an optional subject in most cases, depending on the degree. However, let's focus on the situation among students of English Philology, for whom the English language is obviously a compulsory subject. And English is also used as the médium of instruction in many of the subjects. When analyzing the reasons or motivations that encouraged these University students to choose English Philology, Palacios (1994: 141-142) found that for 52% of the respondents the main one is their personal interest and wish to learn the English language. Around 3 or 4% decided to obtain this degree because of the good grades they achieved in English during Secondary education. Around 28% chose the degree because of a mixture of integrative and instrumental reasons (to get a good job, to foUow relativas and friends' advice, this degree is easy when compared to others, to understand songs, to travel to England, or simply, because they had no other choice). Generally speaking, there seems to be a kind of integrative motivation, an interest for the English language and culture, which prevails over other instrumental reasons. We can make a clear contrast with the Secondary students, whose motivations to study English were basically instrumental rather than integrative. Palacios (1994: 144-145) analyzed the attitudes of these students of English Philology, and he found that 32% showed frustration, 19% confusión, 18% discouragement, 14% a mixture of surprise and uncertainty, while 17% show a positive and favourable attitude in spite of the limitations of the educational system. They like the English language very much, and they are really interested in achieving a high level of proficiency in this language. Nevertheless, these attitudes do not remain for a long time, but they tend to change throughout the four or five years they spend at University. According to respondents, everybody feels motivated at the beginning, but this interest decreases gradually, once they realize that classes are completely different from what they expected. The comparative study Palacios (1994:195-196) made between University teachers and students points out the critical attitude the latter have towards the general planning of this degree. They attribute more negative valúes than teachers to everything that is directly or 204 Revista de Lenguas para Fines Específicos N4 (1997) On Altitudes, The Driving Forcé in EFL and EWL Studies indirectly related to this planning. Teachers and students are very aware of the problems of the educational system, and they all agree that changes and modifications must be incorporated, such as the introduction of new subjects, and more optional subjects. The interviews reveal that the University teachers are very conscious of the needs of their students, and there is a better understanding between teachers and learners at the University than at Secondary school level. Finally, as regards the general level of proficiency in English, it is interesting to note how results do not seem to correspond with the efforts made by the Spanish educational system. We wonder why after spending six or seven years, at least, studying English, the average Spaniard is not generally able to help a tourist when he/she asks for directions, for example. We may find the answer among all of us, the students, the teachers, the educational system, society. Castro Calvin (1991:20-21) suggests "the quick turnover of teachers as one of the thorny problems that pervades Spanish education. The continuous rotation of teachers make students feel like passengers on a ship crossing a stormy sea." Perhaps, teachers are not motivated because of job conditions, but what is obvious is that teachers have to be motivated for them to motívate their learners. Another possible explanation that comes to our mind is related to the traditionally "proud" attitude of Spaniards, whose language was once the language of an empire in which the sun never set. Maybe, unconsciously our minds refuse to accept that Spanish is not the world language, and since we do not accept this fact, we cannot teach/learn it successfuUy. Of course, these are but mere reflections that invite us to think the matter over. 5. Conclusión The conclusión that can be drawn from what has been said so far is twofold. On the one hand, and with a general perspective, it is evident that altitudes are a crucial factor in the two áreas we have reviewed above. Language altitudes have fairly proved to be decisive for the second language leaming process to be successful; as for those multilingual settings in which Revista de Lenguas para Fines Específicos N4 (1997) 205 MIsabel González Cruz and Carmen Isabel Lujan García the English language is involved, it is clear that positive altitudes have determined its spread and role as a language for global communication. On the other hand, and in view of the inadequacy of the educational policies pursued in the teaching of English in Spain, we feel that further research would be necessary to discover the possible connections between the disappointing results, and students' and teachers' real attitudes and motivations. In sum, attitudes reveal as a driving forcé in the complex interplay of social and linguistic factors, and certainly constitute an exciting field to study. WORKS CITED Adegbija, Efurosibina. 1994. Language Attitudes in Sub-Saharan África. Bristol: Multilingual Matters Ltd. 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