Operación Feria’: a critical analysis of body discourses on Instagram

‘Operación Feria’: A critical analysis of body discourses on Instagram 1 Joaquín Piedraa* and Valeria Vareab 2 aDepartamento de Educación Física y Deporte, Universidad de Sevilla, Seville, Spain; 3 bSchool of Education, Edith Cowan University, Australia. 4 5 Corresponding author 6 *Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación, C/ Pirotecnia s/n – 41013 – Sevilla, Spain 7 [email protected] 8 9 Joaquín Piedra is an Associate Professor in the department of Physical Education and Sport at 10 Universidad de Sevilla, Spain. He holds a BSc in Sport Sciences at Universidad de Granada 11 (Spain) and obtained his Phd in Education at Universidad de Sevilla later. Joaquín is an 12 experienced researcher on social media, gender issues and sexual diversity in sports. 13 https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0309-8288 14 Valeria Varea is a Senior Lecturer in Health and Physical Education. She has completed her 15 PhD at the School of Human Movement Studies at the University of Queensland, Australia. 16 Valeria’s research focusses on the body, health and physical activity in Physical Education and 17 sport contexts. She uses sociocultural perspectives and qualitative methods to explore and 18 critique people’s engagement in physical activity and their perceptions of the body. 19 http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3572-4976 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 ‘Operación Feria’: A critical analysis of body discourses on Instagram 28 Narrow understandings about fatness and health continue to prevail in the West. 29 However, we have witnessed emerging trends and movements against these 30 dominant discourses. Examples of these counter discourses are the fat acceptance 31 and body positivity movements. Social media is a space where confrontation and 32 discrepancies between these different discourses are common, particularly in 33 relation to non-normative bodies. This paper explores how Instagram users 34 reinforce or challenge underlying assumptions regarding the ‘Operación Feria’ 35 advertising campaign, which focuses on promoting physical exercise to fight 36 obesity and fatness. A total of 1,930 comments posted on Instagram were 37 analysed using a discourse analysis approach. Two main narratives were 38 constructed from the data. On the one hand, there is a dominant position that 39 challenges societal norms regarding bodies, which confronts fat-phobia and 40 stereotypes. On the other hand, there is a reinforcement of the campaign with a 41 discourse based on humour, victimhood and medical terms. 42 Keywords: body; physical activity; fatphobia; obesity epidemic; Instagram; 43 norm-criticality 44 45 Introduction 46 Operación feria: Recupera tu cuerpazo feriante 47 [Festival mission: bring your festival body back] 48 49 The quote above is used in an advertisement for a well-known gym in the city of 50 Seville, Spain. The campaign is directed to an important celebration in the city called 51 Feria de Abril [April’s Festival] an annual celebration in Seville which takes place in 52 spring and has a large social and economic impact because of the number of tourists that 53 it attracts. For this reason, since 1980, the event has been declared an international 54 touristic event. The original motivation for the festival was agricultural; however, this 55 has changed to a more social intention, as the participants mainly dance, sing, eat and 56 drink during the event (Douglass 1991). 57 People who attend this celebration usually wear their traditional outfit of Seville, 58 especially women. For women, this outfit consists of a very tight dress called ‘flamenco 59 dress’, trimmed with layers of ruffles on the skirt and a low-cut neckline. The dress is 60 often worn with a shawl, flowers, earrings and bracelets. Even though the dresses have 61 changed through the years, they retain some basic characteristics, such as a tight 62 waistline to highlight women’s curves. Given this main feature of the dress, many 63 women who have put on weight go on diets and start exercising a few months prior to 64 the festival to be able to fit in the flamenco’s dresses that they usually keep in their 65 wardrobes (ABC 2023a). While there is a traditional outfit for men, it is not worn as 66 often as the women’s and is only worn by those who go to the festival on horseback. 67 Instead, men generally wear suits (ABC 2023b). 68 Keeping this context in mind, at the beginning of 2022, a well-known gym in 69 Seville launched an advertising campaign with posters in the city and social media. The 70 motto for this campaign was: ‘Operación Feria 2022. Aún estás a tiempo’ [Festival 71 Mission 2022. You are still on time]. The advertisement initiated a significant tumult, 72 for and against it, particularly on Instagram. This polemic situation was also covered by 73 the media press directly after the campaign’s launch. Considering this, the aim of this 74 study was to explore how Instagram users reinforce or challenge underlying 75 assumptions regarding the Operación Feria campaign. 76 77 Discourses of the body and Instagram 78 Throughout history, Western society has set standards of beauty for bodies, for both 79 men and women, and these body ideals have evolved (Donovan 80 Uhlmann, and Loxton 2020). In recent decades, two factors have largely determined the 81 current perception of the body. On the one hand, the media has imposed a particular 82 body ideal (Markula and Kennedy 2011) on our cultures, and cinema, advertising and 83 social media have disseminated this ideal body. In Spain, studies have shown the 84 negative consequences of the media's influence on the image of the female body 85 (Calado et al. 2011). On the other hand, medicine has articulated a medical discourse 86 around weight that has stigmatised everything related to fatness (Markula, Burns, and 87 Riley 2008). This medical narrative is also widespread in Spain (Company-Morales et 88 al. 2016). These two factors have been particularly demanding for women (Mansfield 89 2011), pushing them towards a specific female body type that oscillates between 90 thinness and fitness (Bozsik et al. 2018). 91 Instagram is a highly visual social media platform through which we can see 92 numerous messages and images about the body daily. Research analysing and criticising 93 Instagram posts regarding the body, physical activity and appearance has increased 94 lately. For example, Jolie (2021) found that even though there are initiatives on 95 Instagram to visualise alternative bodies, those same initiatives end up promoting 96 standard beauty ideals in Western societies. These standards also consider fatness as 97 opposite to fitness, which can result in people feeling anxiety or shame towards their 98 bodies (Goodyear et al. 2022). Instagram also works as a motivational and inspirational 99 tool through fear of being an abject body (Toffoletti and Thorpe 2021, 834). In this 100 vein, ‘fitspiration’, an amalgamation of fitness and inspiration, is a relatively new 101 phenomenon often visible on Instagram that inspires viewers to live a healthy lifestyle 102 by emphasising exercise and healthy food (Boepple et al. 2016; Tiggemann and 103 Zaccardo 2016). Although proponents may aim to encourage individuals to achieve and 104 maintain a healthy lifestyle through smart nutritional choices and regular exercise 105 regimens (e.g. eat well and exercise hard), Instagram has the potential to encourage 106 participation in fitspiration to unhealthy and extreme degrees (Hefner et al. 2016). 107 Indeed, recent research showed that exposure to fitspiration images on Instagram was 108 associated with an increase in negative mood, and body dissatisfaction and a decrease in 109 self-esteem (Tiggemann and Zaccardo 2015). 110 Similarly, several female participants in the work of Camacho-Miñano and 111 colleagues recognised that the discourse present on Instagram linking health and weight 112 loss is deeply ingrained in women (Camacho-Miñano et al. 2022; Camacho-Miñano and 113 Gray 2021; Camacho-Miñano, MacIsaac, and Rich 2019). Other studies, such as that by 114 Ashdown-Franks and Joseph (2021), have shown examples of fat female athletes who 115 struggle against anti-fat hegemonic discourses. In this vein, Bailey et al. (2022) also 116 found weight control to be one of the most common discourses in Instagram, 117 emphasising that this control on the body was a result of a disciplined body. 118 Furthermore, Toll and Norman (2021) pointed out that physical capital is achieved 119 through series of concrete rules on Instagram, one of which is to show yourself as 120 healthy and physically active. Overall, these studies suggest that research using a norm- 121 critical perspective is emerging, in both sport and social media contexts. However, there 122 is a need for further research regarding how Instagram works as a tool to favour or 123 challenge dominant discourses of the body and health. 124 125 Norm-criticality and the obesity epidemic 126 Normkritisk pedagogik [Norm-critical pedagogy] was introduced in Sweden at the end 127 of the 2010s from established anti-oppressive, gender and queer theories. The concept is 128 relatively unknown internationally, but it has been widely used in Sweden to challenge 129 the institutional view of ‘normality’ as something objective, desirable and essential, and 130 the homogenisation that comes with it (Tengelin et al. 2020). Norm-critical perspectives 131 are characterised by a distancing from the previously dominant ‘tolerance pedagogy’ in 132 education, whereby the majority is educated towards the acceptance of dominant norms. 133 Instead, the new focus is directed towards exposing the construction and history of 134 normality, investigating how oppressions operate by repeating norms in everyday life, 135 and engaging people to think critically and question structures of power as well as their 136 own oppressive actions and positions (Bengtsson and Bolander 2020). 137 One way to challenge and criticise norms related to dominant discourses of the 138 body and weight is the so-called ‘obesity epidemic’ discourse (Gard and Wright 2005). 139 Gard and Wright (2005) stated that the data linking being overweight to particular 140 illnesses or prescriptions for health is inconsistent or unproved. Further, Campos (2004) 141 pointed out that one of the most common mistakes is the stigmatisation of fatness as 142 illness, which is dominated by a medical perspective (Murray 2008). In O’Hara and 143 Taylor’s (2018) review, the problematisation of such a straightforward relationship is 144 supported by many other researchers, some of whom suggest that the relationship 145 between fatness and health is also highly contested (Ortega et al. 2013). 146 Overstatements have impacted the message against obesity in society 147 (Company-Morales et al. 2016; Evans et al. 2008) and contributed towards the ‘cult of 148 the body’ (Tinning and Glasby 2002). This impact has allowed a public discourse about 149 obesity with a highly contested moral and ideological connotations, and consequently, 150 many overweight and obese people have been stigmatised, particularly among some 151 social groups (Gard 2016). This stigmatisation revolves around guilt and the 152 responsibility of the individual, and their lack of discipline and self-control to manage 153 their weight (Company-Morales et al. 2016, 1071). In the neoliberal society in which 154 we live, such individuals are often labelled as lazy, as it is supposed to be their 155 individual decision to take care of their own health (Gracia-Arnaiz 2008; Varea and 156 Underwood 2016), and they are not capable of ‘eating better’ and ‘exercising regularly’. 157 In so doing, the obesity epidemic discourse is a form of symbolic violence towards 158 overweight and obese people (Gailey, 2022), with exercise proposed as the best tool to 159 fight against the ‘obesity epidemic’ (Zanker and Gard 2008). However, several 160 researchers have affirmed that obesity is more determined by genetic or cultural reasons 161 (e.g. Grogan 2021; Varea and Underwood 2016). 162 In Spain, where this study was conducted, the Spanish Society of Sport 163 Medicine has stated the importance of physical activity to combat obesity (Naranjo- 164 Orellana et al. 2020). According to the latest survey about sport practices in 2020 165 (Ministerio de Cultura y Deporte 2021), this dominant discourse in Spain is based on 166 the collective belief that being fit and healthy are two of the main reasons to be physical 167 active. Further, weight management and aesthetics are also common motivations in 168 Spain to stay physically active (Rodríguez-Martín et al. 2019). 169 While critical discourses regarding this obesity epidemic are becoming more 170 well-known in some countries (e.g. Azzarito 2007; Evans et al. 2008; Gard 2011; Gard 171 and Wright 2001, 2005; Murray 2008; Wright and Harwood 2009), there are a lack of 172 such studies in the Spanish context (Company-Morales et al. 2016; Navas, Palacios, and 173 Muñoz-Sánchez 2014), particularly in relation to physical activity (Águila, Sicilia, and 174 Segovia 2020). Instagram, as a possible public pedagogy (Rich and Miah 2014), can 175 also act as norm-critical pedagogy and challenge traditional dominant discourses 176 regarding the body and weight. By scrutinising how one’s own involvement in 177 oppression has a bearing on one’s own sense of self, it is possible to change how we 178 read ‘others’ and ourselves (Kumashiro 2000). 179 180 Methodology 181 182 The aim of this study was to explore how Instagram users reinforce or challenge 183 underlying assumptions regarding the Operación feria [Festival mission] campaign, that 184 focuses on promoting physical exercise to fight obesity and fatness. This article seeks to 185 explore Instagram users’ arguments that reinforce or challenge fat-phobic discourses 186 (Sykes and McPhail 2008). This case study looks at a specific Instagram post, chosen 187 due to the overwhelming media repercussions in Spain and because of the high number 188 of social network interactions it generated (2,577 comments at the time this article was 189 written). According to Sanderson (2018), case studies are quite common, particularly in 190 qualitative research on social media (Delia and Armstrong 2018; Jolie 2021). However, 191 critical studies on this virtual scenario are still scarce. 192 The campaign was posted by @galisporthappinessclub on Instagram on 17th 193 January, 2022, and this study analysed the comments made during the 15-day period 194 after its posting; specifically, 1,930 comments were analysed. Our case-study approach 195 was exploratory in nature. The Instagram post by the gym account showed a billboard 196 (Figure 1) displaying a drawing of a woman with her back turned to the viewer, having 197 a hard time to putting on a very tight flamenco outfit. Next to the image, there was a 198 short text that says, ‘Operación feria 2022. Aún estás a tiempo’ [Festival mission 2022. 199 You are still on time]. In the Instagram post on 17th January, the included text read, 200 ‘After waiting for two years, we, Sevillians, are excited to get into the bullring 201 and enjoy our festival once again 🎡"#$%& Olé art! Are you ready? Does your 202 flamenco dress or suit jacket still fit you? If it doesn’t... there is still time! 💪() 203 Get your festival body back while training and taking good care of your body 204 these months at Galisport Happiness Club. OPERACIÓN FERIA has begun 💃+,-./0123456789:;<=>?’ 205 206 [Insert Figure 1] 207 208 Analysis of the posts was inspired by a Foucauldian approach to discourse. In 209 this sense, we understand discourse as ‘a group of statements which provide a language 210 for talking about … a particular topic at a particular historical moment’ (Hall 1992, 211 165), such as in this case – a specific advertising campaign that was launched a few 212 months before a well-known event in Spain. Discourse is about the production of 213 knowledge through language and emerges through a variety of texts and sources (Hall 214 2007) – such as the picture used for this campaign and all the written Instagram posts 215 generated by it. A discourse is a group of statements or beliefs that provides a language 216 to talk about or to represent a specific knowledge topic, such as body weight/shape in 217 this case, that serves the interests of a particular group of people (e.g. the owners of the 218 gym that launched the campaign), and in so doing, discourses always operate in relation 219 to power. 220 Analysing these discussion threads can help us to understand how people 221 explain health-related behaviours (Hall and Grogan 2018, 95). 222 The comments were analysed in their original language and later translated for 223 this manuscript. While posts and comments published on social media can be 224 considered public data (Rodham and Gavin 2006), an opt-out methodology (Vellinga et 225 al. 2011) was used to gain consent to use personal posts for this manuscript. According 226 to Fiesler and Proferes (2018), data obtained from social media most often do not 227 constitute research that requires participants’ oversight or informed consent practices. 228 Thus, an opt-out technique was considered as good practice, after consultation with the 229 ethics experts of Author’s 1 institution. 230 Author 1 contacted the users who had posted the specific comments that are 231 used in this article as illustrative examples. All users selected for this paper had a one- 232 month period to reply to a direct message on Instagram in which Author 1 provided the 233 390 Challenging and resisting dominant discourses: ‘Neither festival mission, nor 391 bikini mission’ 392 393 While it is true that the previous narrative was present in the comments analysed, the 394 dominant position among the comments analysed was the opposite. Most of users’ 395 comments were critical towards the campaign. Adjectives like shameful, disgusting, 396 trash and pitiful were common among the comments analysed. In this regard, Casadó- 397 Marín and Gracia-Arnaiz (2020) pointed out that an emerging fat activism has recently 398 arisen in Spain, using social media as a means of redefining fatness. 399 Several arguments are present in the analysed comments. One of the most 400 frequent was the medical discourse, as it happened with the comments reinforcing 401 dominant discourses. However, in this case, users highlighted the link between the 402 ‘ideal’ dominant body and weight. The healthism discourse contributes to hierarchising 403 bodies and narrowing the standards of acceptable bodies among young people (Clark 404 2018). This group of users point out the pernicious effects of these kinds of campaigns 405 in the prevention of and fight against eating disorders. In this respect, many researchers 406 have shown that a wrong use of Instagram can impact negatively on perceptions related 407 to the body (Chansiri and Wongphothiphan 2022; Holland and Tiggemann 2017). It is 408 even more evident in examples of campaigns in which fatness is not socially accepted 409 and is linked to moral connotations. 410 411 It is SHAMEFUL that this type of publicity still exists. The woman’s body 412 OBJECTIFIED. Train yourself to fit into a flamenco outfit? SHAME ON YOU. Let’s 413 keep promoting EDs [eating disorders]. 414 415 It is only shameful that THE WHOLE POPULATION could have access to your ad 416 which makes so many people continue to jeopardise their mental health, just to get 417 something fictional, or what ‘business’ like yours want to sell. In case you don’t know 418 it, dresses come in all sizes; if one doesn’t fit, you can try the next, without having to 419 spend time in your gym or any other. Go ahead and increase the cases of eating 420 disorders to crowd your gyms 👌() 421 422 Are you kidding me, is this real? I’ve been fat my whole life and I put my flamenco 423 outfit every year without having to do ‘mission anything’. All of us can have the body 424 that best suits our needs and, on top of that, stop insisting on people who are now 425 dealing with eating disorders because of this shit. It is embarrassing. 426 427 Neither festival mission, nor bikini mission. Shame on you!!! All the bodies are 428 beautiful and able to everything. Also, the target are always women... This is horrible 429 and disgusting. #StopFatphobia #StopStereotypes 430 431 In this regard, Instagram has become a context in which to develop critical 432 discourses against the normative weightist lens (Webb et al. 2019). Many people who 433 participate in the debate generated by this campaign identify themselves as curvy; the 434 movement tries to fight against fatness stigmas, and they defend the idea that it is 435 possible to be fat and fit at the same time (Meadows 2015). 436 437 But never making you feel bad for not fitting into a flamenco dress or whatever. I go to 438 the gym to vent my pipe and not to lose weight, and I am a 42 size, and it has been 439 really, really hard to accept my body, so it is not right that they come now to make us 440 suffer more complexes for this, for not being able to put on a fuc$%& outfit. 441 442 This post doesn’t speak to obese people, it is only a bad post that implies you’ve got to 443 do sport so you can put a flamenco dress, so that you can have a better body and that’s 444 ridiculous. You can wear the suit with the body you have!! And I iterate, we only see 445 health issues in people who have ‘extra’ weight, when a body is within the standards, 446 we couldn’t care less whether they eat in McDonald’s everyday ... 447 448 The comments quoted here, and many others, indicate a strong presence of fat 449 acceptance. Anonymity and the freedom of speech, two features of digital media, 450 facilitate the existence of extreme discourses and hate (Ghaffari 2022), as here on 451 Instagram. Cohen et al. (2019) pointed out that body positive content may offer a 452 fruitful avenue for improving young women’s body images. As Scott-Dixon stated 453 (2008), feminist scrutiny of fitness has focused on the ways in which fitness discourses, 454 spaces and practices are a means of ‘disciplining’ bodies seen as unruly, of ‘making 455 self’ and of (re)producing hegemonic and heteronormative regimes. In practice, fitness 456 is frequently viewed as a cosmetic project – namely, a means to purge fat, pursue a 457 generally unattainable thin and youthful aesthetic, and erase or ‘overcome’ any markers 458 of physical weakness or difference (including age, ethnically distinct body features, and 459 disabilities). Women’s ‘empowerment’ through fitness is thus largely imagined in a 460 very limited, individualistic, apolitical sense that does not disrupt dominant ideologies 461 or structures. 462 Throughout this section, a whole variety of critical comments towards traditional 463 beauty standard norms are noticeable, showing participants who were norm-critical 464 towards the advertising campaign. Participants both, challenged the traditional view of 465 body ideals and accepted other types of bodies as ‘normal’ and ‘standard’. They also 466 highlighted the uniqueness of each body, and therefore rejected the homogenisation that 467 often comes with the uncritical acceptance of norms. We can thus wonder if we are 468 reaching a time when dominant discourses related to the body are finally switching to 469 non-dominant discourses and weather norms are now changing, even in more traditional 470 and chauvinistic societies such as Spain. 471 472 Conclusions 473 The aim of this study was to explore how Instagram users reinforce or challenge 474 underlying assumptions regarding the Operación feria (Festival mission) campaign, that 475 focuses on promoting physical exercise to fight obesity and fatness. Findings show two 476 main narratives in the comments about this advertising campaign on Instagram. On the 477 one hand, a dominant narrative challenges societal norms regarding bodies, which is 478 substantiated in critiques of fatphobia, stereotypes and their consequences. There is a 479 clear increase of non-normative movements and groups in Spain, gaining social support 480 in recent years. Instagram has favoured the expansion and awareness-raising of these 481 groups. On the other hand, there is a small group of users who reinforce the advertising 482 with a discourse based on humour, victimhood and the presence of an ‘obesity 483 epidemic’ narrative. 484 Scientific literature shows the existence and dominance of a biomedical 485 discourse regarding obesity and overweight bodies. However, social media (Instagram 486 in this study) offers a place for confrontation between the different discourses, 487 facilitating users’ critical thinking. Body positive movements, which struggle against 488 the stigmatisation of non-normative bodies, often have an advantage in these contexts to 489 disseminate their approaches and confront their arguments with those of the normative 490 discourse. As Cohen, Newton-John, and Slater (2021) highlighted, non-normative 491 discourses suggest that body positivity on social media may be one avenue to enhance 492 positive body image at a population level. Thus, educators may use Instagram (or other 493 social media) as a tool to elicit critical thinking among students and young people about 494 bodies, social pressure and stereotypes. Social media in general, and Instagram in 495 particular, should be analysed further in depth as a (virtual) place where people can 496 more easily express their opinions on controversial issues, protected by anonymity and 497 virtuality. 498 Due to its specificity, the analysis in this study is limited to Instagram users from 499 a specific country, Spain. It would be interesting to extend this study to other virtual 500 (and non-virtual) contexts, such as other social media (e.g. Twitter, TikTok, etc.) with 501 different user profiles, cultures, educational environments and so on. Additionally, 502 because of the continually changing nature of this topic and the emergence of new 503 narratives and arguments, future research could also investigate further changes in 504 upcoming generations. 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