Media coverage of climate change and global warming en El País, El Mundo y La Vanguardia

Revista Latina de Comunicación Social # 069 – Pages 122 to 140 Research Funded | DOI: 10.4185/RLCS-2015-1037en | ISSN 1138-5820 | Year 2015 How to cite this article in bibliographies / References R Fernández-Reyes, JL Piñuel-Raigada, M Vicente-Mariño (2015): “Media coverage of climate change and global warming en El País, El Mundo y La Vanguardia”. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, 70, pp. 122 to 140. http://www.revistalatinacs.org/070/paper/1038va/08en.html DOI: 10.4185/RLCS-2015-1038en Media coverage of climate change and global warming en El País, El Mundo y La Vanguardia R Fernández-Reyes [CV] [ ORCID] [ GS] Researcher at Mediación Dialéctica de la Comunicación Social (MDCS, Universidad Complutense de Madrid) and Grupo de Investigación en Estructura, Historia y Contenidos de la Comunicación (GREHCCO, Universidad de Sevilla) - rogeliofrey[email protected] JL Piñuel-Raigada [CV] [ ORCID] [ GS] Professor at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid (UCM), Spain - [email protected] M Vicente-Mariño [CV] [ ORCID] [ GS] Associate Professor at the School of Social, Legal and Communication Sciences, Universidad de Valladolid (UVa), Spain - [email protected] Abstract [ES] Introducción. Este artículo aborda la cobertura mediática del cambio climático y del calentamiento global en España a través del seguimiento de la presencia de estos términos en El País, El Mundo y La Vanguardia desde enero de 2000 hasta noviembre de 2014. Metodología. A partir de datos de la Universidad de Colorado y de Google Trends, se completa un análisis comparativo de las agendas mediática y ciudadana. Resultados. La cobertura en España presenta una tendencia similar a la prensa internacional occidental, si bien existen episodios particulares que las diferencian. Los hitos más importantes remiten a eventos políticos internacionales, acuerdos internacionales, informes científicos del Panel Intergubernamental sobre Cambio Climático y al documental An Inconvenient Truth. Discusión y conclusiones. La agenda internacional condiciona la agenda nacional, si bien el contexto general evidencia una pérdida de presencia del cambio climático en medios impresos, a pesar de la creciente acumulación de la creciente evidencia empírica acerca del riesgo medioambiental. [EN] Introduction. This article deals with the media coverage of climate change and global warming in Spain by screening the presence of these two topics within El País, El Mundo and La http://www.revistalatinacs.org/070/paper/1038va/08en.html Página 122 Revista Latina de Comunicación Social # 069 – Pages 122 to 140 Research Funded | DOI: 10.4185/RLCS-2015-1037en | ISSN 1138-5820 | Year 2015 Vanguardia from January 2000 until November 2014. Method. A comparative analysis of media and public agenda are completed using data coming from both the University of Colorado and Google Trends. Results. The Spanish press coverage follows a similar trend to the one described by the international Western newspapers, albeit one can also find some differentiating episodes. The main milestones were related with international political events, international agreements, scientific reports of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and with the documentary An inconvenient truth. Discussion and Conclusions. The international agenda is setting the national agenda. The general context is returning a decline of the presence of climate change in newspapers, although there is growing empirical evidence about the environmental risk. Keywords [ES] cambio climático; calentamiento global; comunicación; cobertura mediática; España. [EN] climate change; global warming; communication; media coverage; Spain. Contents [ES] 1. Introducción. 1.1. Una trayectoria sinuosa. 1.2. Trayectoria histórica de la cobertura en España. 2. Coordenadas teóricas y propuesta metodológica. 2.1. Objetivos de investigación. 2.2. Criterios de selección de unidades de análisis. 3. Análisis. 3.1. Cobertura en El País, El Mundo y La Vanguardia (enero de 2000–noviembre de 2014). 3.2. El año de la irrupción mediática: 2007. 3.3. El contraste entre las coberturas del IV y del V Informe del IPCC. 3.4. Google Trends. 4. Discusión y conclusiones. 5. Notas. 6. Referencias. [EN] 1. Introduction. 1.1. A sinuous path. 1.2. Historical evolution of the coverage in Spain. 2. Theoretical framework and methodological proposal. 2.1. Research objectives. 2.2. Selection criteria for units of analysis. 3. Analyses. 3.1. Coverage in El País, El Mundo y La Vanguardia (January 2000 - November 2014). 3.2. The year of the media irruption: 2007. 3.3. Differences between the 4th and the 5th IPCC Report. 3.4. Google Trends. 4. Discussion and conclusions. 5. Notes. 6. References. Traducción de MC Garrido Hornos, PhD (Universidad de Valladolid) 1. Introduction The evolution of the attention granted to climate change and global warming started with the alarm raised by scientists. It was amplified by environmentalists, joined afterwards by the public opinion, politicians, economists, companies and other actors, following a dynamic full of feedbacks instead of a sequence of replacement of ones by others (Rivera, 2008: 99). The influences are complex, not linear, and dynamic: “Even the science and the politics of climate change have determined the way media report and people understand, journalism and public attention have also contributed to build up climate science and political decisions.” (Boykoff, 2009: 120) In addition, the internal dynamics in the professional practice and the singularities of media companies are also ruled by a complex logic of interaction, leading to a heterogeneous coverage of our topic of study (Carvalho and Burguess, 2005; Fernández-Reyes, 2010a, b). Furthermore, the http://www.revistalatinacs.org/070/paper/1038va/08en.html Página 123 Revista Latina de Comunicación Social # 069 – Pages 122 to 140 Research Funded | DOI: 10.4185/RLCS-2015-1037en | ISSN 1138-5820 | Year 2015 interested media debates regarding climate change existence (Boykoff, 2013) are also playing a role in terms of influence, despite the existing agreement in the scientific literature (Cook et al., 2013). Researches about media coverage started in Western countries like United States, United Kingdom or Germany by measuring the presence of climate change and global warming as agenda topics in the middle of the 1980s, after both being labelled as environmental threats. There was a previous accumulation of scientific evidences during the 1970s and the beginning of the 1980s, but they were leading to disperse references in the media. So, 1985 was chosen as the starting point for most historical series of data (Corbett, Young and Byron, 2009: 13). Media reporting in Spain started a decade later. A significant part of the Spanish society identified climate change as an object deserving public interest during the second half of the 1990s, although it was already considered as a serious issue in the scientific, environmentalist and political spheres (Meira, 2008: 20; Fernández-Reyes, 2010a: 11). The attention provided in Australia, New Zealand, Middle East, Asia, Eastern Europe and South Africa was, broadly speaking, low until 1997, when the Kyoto Protocolo was negotiated (Boykoff, 2009: 119-120) and commitment to reduce the emissions of greenhouse gases were discussed worldwide. However, there are a lot of countries, mainly those with less financial resources, still demanding research in this topic. Most of them are especially vulnerable to suffer the most severe effects of climate change. 1.1. A sinuous path Research about media coverage on climate change and global warming is growing. Every country reports episodes of international saliency, often mixed up with other references to local events. These peculiarities establish different curves of attention in every given territory. During the last years of the 20th century, Weingart, Engels and Pansagrau (2000) pointed out two periods in the climate change coverage in Germany: first, from 1975 to 1987 with a small, but continuous, attention; and second, from 1988 to 1995, with a clear growth. The first Conference of Parties (CoP1), held in 1995 in Berlin, is perceived by these authors as a turning point due to the influence of US media towards a bigger scepticism regarding the anthropogenic causes of climate change. Even so, according Peter and Heinrichs (2009: 59), both climate change and its potential consequences kept a central position in the German public communication those decades. As an example of the fluctuation of media attention around this issue, in 1997 climate change was the second leit motiv in the field of environmental information in Germany, whereas two years later, in 1999, it was placed on the twelfth position (Hanke, 2002: 202). This path of ups and downs was also present at the British press (Carvalho, 2009: 29), as it was proven that levels of coverage fluctuated significantly. Carvalho’s study covers the period from 1985 to 2001, showing an increasing trend mainly from 1988 until 1990, a decrease from 1991 to 1996 (also mentioned in Carvalho and Burguess, 2005) with some falls and recoveries, and another increase since 1997 until 2001. After, there will be some phases, like 2005 and even more 2007, with higher media presence. Subsequently, there is decreasing path, only interrupted in 2009 because of the Copenhagen Summit, until 2012, when levels are at the same position as the ones of 2005 and at http://www.revistalatinacs.org/070/paper/1038va/08en.html Página 124 Revista Latina de Comunicación Social # 069 – Pages 122 to 140 Research Funded | DOI: 10.4185/RLCS-2015-1037en | ISSN 1138-5820 | Year 2015 the beginning 2006, as the figures of the Center for Science and Technology Policy Research proved (Wang et al., 2014). In the United States, McComas and Shanahan (1999) distinguished diverse periods until de end of the century: first, a progressive growth from 1986 to 1989; second, stability during 1990; and third, another decrease from 1991 to 1993. Trumbo (1995) identified a peak in 1988 and a reduction since the beginning of the 1990s. Corbett, Young and Byron (2009: 5) observed that the coverage in the US declined severely since 1993, fluctuating during the next decade. There is an increase in 2007 due to the presentation of the 4th IPCC Report. Afterwards, there is a constant decrease with some punctual peaks, as the one occurred during the summit in Copenhagen, since 2013, reaching a time when the trend seems to change and starts a slight increase, as the figures illustrate (Wang et al., 2014). At Western European countries, 1988 is considered as a starting point due to diverse factors. First, the leadership of Margaret Thatcher facing the issue of climate change risks in order to promote nuclear energy and dismantle the coal industry (Carvalho, 2009: 32); second, the speech of James Hansen, a leading NASA scientist, at the US Senate regarding the certainty about climate change and its anthropogenic origin; third, this topic was part of the US Presidential campaign; and fourth, the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) launched the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) (Boykoff, 2009: 119). Figure 1. World press coverage of climate change or global warming (2004-14) Source: Wang, X., et al (2014). World Newspaper Coverage of Climate Change or Global Warming, 2004-2014. Center for Science and Technology Policy Research, Cooperative Institute for Research in Environmental Sciences, University of Colorado, Web. [November 2014]. http://sciencepolicy.colorado.edu/media_coverage. In addition to those events with an international dimension, there are national particularities related to regional meteorological episodes. These issues are supporting the access of climate change or global warming in the newspapers, although they are sometimes linked to weather issues, instead of climate, leading to a specific type of media stories and speculations about the event (Corbett, Young and Byron, 2009: 20). Some of these episodes have been researched: increase of temperature, El http://www.revistalatinacs.org/070/paper/1038va/08en.html Página 125 Revista Latina de Comunicación Social # 069 – Pages 122 to 140 Research Funded | DOI: 10.4185/RLCS-2015-1037en | ISSN 1138-5820 | Year 2015 Niño or other extreme meteorological events (Carvalho y Burgess, 2005; Corbett, Young y Byron, 2009: 5; Fernández-Reyes, 2012). Figure 1 presents the regional trends in terms of the amount of media coverage of climate change and global warming. There is a growing curve in the Western countries since the beginning of measurements in 2004, a bigger attention since 2006 and 2007 and a constant decline until the end of 2012 and the beginning of 2013, with the exception of the Copenhagen summit in 2009 and its slight increase. However, these trends are not as evident in Africa, Asia, Middle East and South America. 1.2. Historical evolution of the coverage in Spain The press coverage of climate change and global warming in Spain presents fluctuations, as it happens in all regions. As we mentioned before, this coverage started during the second half of the 1990s, one decade later than other European countries. However, archives return some notable mentions worth to be taken into consideration. More than a century ago, back in 1900, the magazine Alrededor del Mundo (Around the World), treated the climate variation. An article signed by A. Vela focused the excessive heat during the second half of July, supported by a chart proving that the previous decade was warmer than others. It did not link this meteorological variation with anthropogenic causes, assuming a lack of knowledge that science “should reveal” (Vela, A.; Alrededor del Mundo, 1900, quoted by Fernández Sánchez, 2001: 413-414). Seventeen years after, the newspaper ABC included in its supplement El Sol a section dealing with scientific news. In 1925, the geographer Juan Dantín Cereceda mentioned the scepticism regarding the possibility of the human impact on climate variation: “A very interesting and also discussed question is the influence of humans on pretended climate changes. A lot has been said about the effects caused on climate by uprooting and reforestation of big areas, but none of the appealed and recurrent arguments is counting with value enough to prove that the human action is able to modify climate to a significant extent (…)” (Dantin, El Sol, 1925, quoted by Fernández Sánchez, 2001: 537- 538). During the 1970s, printed media started to pay more attention to this topic. During its first months of circulation, El País published an article and a report acknowledging global warming. The first one was authored by Benito R. Mallol, titled “La Tierra se calienta” (The Earth warms), dealt with the cause-effect relations between atmospheric components (Mallol, El País, 8 August 1976); the second is a journalistic reportage signed by Alfonso García and titled “El clima mundial va a cambiar” (The World climate will change), mainly focused on the “shocking announcement” by the International Council of Scientific Unions, within the framework of its committee for environmental problems (García, El País, 17 October 1976). More recently, climate change started to get a slightly bigger media attention in Spain by 1992, during the Earth Summit, although it has been during the second half of the first decade of 21st century when it has reached its greater prominence (Fernández-Reyes, 2010a). http://www.revistalatinacs.org/070/paper/1038va/08en.html Página 126 Revista Latina de Comunicación Social # 069 – Pages 122 to 140 Research Funded | DOI: 10.4185/RLCS-2015-1037en | ISSN 1138-5820 | Year 2015 2. Theoretical coordinates and methodological proposal Screening the media coverage of climate change and global warming in the Spanish quality press is an objective grounded on diverse intermediate theories within the field of Sociology and Cultural Anthropology of Communication that have merged to explain the mediations performed by the media in the social construction of cognitive configurations of historical events. Piñuel et al. have synthesised these mediations (2013: 72), drawing attention to the way professional routines in journalism play a cognitive mediation by selecting socially relevant environments of events, significant data about the events, and ritualised stories according models of representation. This selection of environments, data and stories are conditioned by the relations established between social actors exchanging information (the sources and channels of distribution), by the customary perspectives to represent the environment (issues), and by the communication types included in the messages (genres and formats). Figure 2. Cognitive and structural mediations of Journalism STRUCTURAL MEDIATION COGNITIVE MEDIATION Relations between Actors (Sources/Channels) Relations with the Environment (Topics) Relations of Communication (Genders/Formats) Select socially relevant environments of an event Implication according audiences’ segmentation Agenda building of the own media (Lang, G.E.; Lang, K., 1981) Adscription to “Sections” of the own media (Moles, A., 1972) Scenarios according “Genres” and “Formats” common and established in the planning (Díaz Arias, R., 2008) Select significant data about the event Intelligibility according audiences’ habits Agenda setting (McCombs, M; Shaw, D, 1972). Categorisation according “event’s variables” (van Dijk T., 2003) Discourses according more common “Genres” and “Formats” (Van Dijk T., 1990) Compose ritualised stories according models of representation Credibility of the story for the audiences Agenda framing (Scheufele, D., 1999) Typification according the “ideology” of a media (Lakoff, G., 1996) Texts according “Genres” and “Formats” of today’s “menu” (Barthes, R., 1985) Source: Piñuel et al. (2013: 72) and authors’ elaboration of bibliographic references By means of the articulation of cognitive and structural mediations in the available offer of journalistic services, a social mediation is reproduced, based on the assumption that consumption reproduces the localised audiences’ segmentation (according degree of implication towards news), their habits of data searching and interpretation (according levels of intelligibility), and trust on stories (according margins of credibility). Lastly, implication, intelligibility and credibility reproduce the configuration of agendas (agenda building, agenda setting and agenda framing) between sources http://www.revistalatinacs.org/070/paper/1038va/08en.html Página 127 Revista Latina de Comunicación Social # 069 – Pages 122 to 140 Research Funded | DOI: 10.4185/RLCS-2015-1037en | ISSN 1138-5820 | Year 2015 of news and channels of distribution, but they also reproduce the styles of thematic adscription, categorization and typification in order to face environmental transformations and the rhetoric how the journalistic genres and formats compose typologies of scenarios, discourses and texts, as it is explained in Figure 2. 2.1. Research objectives This article about the media coverage of climate change and global warming is based on the following purposes: 1. - To identify trends and milestones in the selected press coverage 2. - To compare the national (Spanish) and the international coverages 3. - To illustrate the decrease of media attention between the 4th and 5th IPCC Reports 4. - To prove the diminishing public attention in the amount of queries in Google search engines of the items climate change and global warming, using Google Trends as a tool. 2.2. Selection criteria for units of analysis The Centre for Science and Technology Policy Research at the University of Colorado screens fifty newspapers from twenty five countries in seven different regions aroud the world, targeting keywords as climate change or global warming. These data are obtained reaching the files via databases as Lexis Nexis, ProQuest and Factuva at the libraries of the University of Colorado. The newspapers’ sample is built upon three main factors: geographical diversity (aiming for the wider reach), circulation (privileging those with higher distribution) and the stable access to the files along time (favouring those systems guarantying longer and durable access conditions). At the project’s website, one can find the media coverage of the Spanish press. In this case, data collection is performed by the professional search engine My News of the library of the Universidad de Sevilla, entering the keywords “cambio climático” or “calentamiento global” and following the same procedure as the international screening. The newspapers included in the sample are El País, El Mundo and La Vanguardia. The two first ones count with the highest national circulation, whereas the third one is holding the highest regional circulation (also being the fourth one at the national territory). The selected period starts in January 2000 and finishes on November 2014, when the 5th IPCC Synthesis Report is publicly presented. In Spanish media the use of terms like “cambio climático” and “calentamiento global” is clearly predominant. A previous study regarding the op-eds of four outlets (Fernández-Reyes, 2010a, b) from 1992 until 2008 [1] found that in the initial years of coverage the term “efecto invernadero” (greenhouse effect) was mainly used, although “cambio climático” finally prevailed [2]. In order to quantitatively study the coverage of climate change and global warming we have observed the categories “number of units”, “year” and “month”. The unit of analysis was every single article where one of the two keywords, or both of them, were present. Diverse options in order to find a homogenous measurement criterion were tested. First, we used the three own newspapers’ search engines, but there were several differences between them. Another initiative was to search with My News the digitalized editions of these newspapers. These results http://www.revistalatinacs.org/070/paper/1038va/08en.html Página 128 Revista Latina de Comunicación Social # 069 – Pages 122 to 140 Research Funded | DOI: 10.4185/RLCS-2015-1037en | ISSN 1138-5820 | Year 2015 were published at the website of the Center for Science and Technology Policy Research by the end of 2013. However, there was a limitation: My News was only keeping information since 2010 and we were aiming for a longer period, since 2000, in order to better explore the coverage’s evolution. Finally, we opted for the printed versions of El País, El Mundo and La Vanguardia. It has to be noted that My News changed a counting criterion during the selected period: the same information published in different regional editions was initially counted as a single unit, but this was modified in the middle of the period, introducing a separated count of every single news story. Consequently, a news item that in 2004 was counted only once was appearing as 12 or 13 different units in 2013. This change was evident in El País since 2009 and in El Mundo since 2010, while this modification did not affect La Vanguardia et al. This circumstance altered the counting rules. To avoid this distortion, we considered the same story in different editions as a single unit of analysis, given the fact they all had the same number of characters, which was the most likely option; when the characters’ counting returned differences, there were counted as different units. Another slight dysfunction in the system was that, in very few occasions, some news stories published during the first days of a month were compiled in the previous month by My News database. We have observed this source of error and it is below the 1% of our universe. More recently, since September 2014, the data of El País are obtained with Factiva in order to increase the homogeneity of the searching process conducted by the Center for Science and Technology Policy Research. It is important to remark that those months with a bigger coverage due to the any special event, media turned much more sensitive to climate change and global warming and they devote more attention to them. They not only grant more space to that special event, but also to other news topics regarding climate change that would have never reached that place within the media agenda otherwise. This inertia is also occasionally present in the previous and/or following month to certain special events. Besides that, many reports alerting about climate change threats and negationist initiatives arise right before international political meeting, trying to influence on them and also increasing the media coverage provided during that phase. 3. Analysis 3.1. Coverage in El País, El Mundo and La Vanguardia (Jan 2000-Nov 2014) Our analysis starts in 2000, but it is interesting to consider a previous study from 1992 to 2008 about the press op-eds (Fernández-Reyes, 2010a). Within this period, the peaks receiving the highest coverage between 1992 and 1999 are the Earth Summit (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, UNFCCC) in 1992, the second IPCC report in 1995 and the Kyoto Protocol in 1997. In terms of month, November and December are usually in the lead, as most of the Conferences of Parties of UNFCCC are run at this time of the year [3]. The outcomes of using the search engine My News (using Factiva only for El País since September 2014) from January 2000 until November 2014 are presented in the Figure 3. http://www.revistalatinacs.org/070/paper/1038va/08en.html Página 129 Revista Latina de Comunicación Social # 069 – Pages 122 to 140 Research Funded | DOI: 10.4185/RLCS-2015-1037en | ISSN 1138-5820 | Year 2015 Figure 3. Spanish press coverage of climate change or global warming (2000-14): individual data per newspaper Source: Fernández-Reyes, Rogelio (2014). Resarch groups MDCS and GREHCCO, Web. [November 2014] http://sciencepolicy.colorado.edu/media_coverage/spain Figure 3 returns a high similitude between the three curves described by the three sampled newspaper. Adding the three individual results included in Figure 3, we can confirm when the peaks of attention clearly occurred. Figure 4 allows us to better identify those episodes receiving more media attention within the selected dailies. Figure 4. Spanish press coverage of climate change or global warming (2004-14): individual data per newspaper and 3-newspapers accumulated data Source: Fernández-Reyes, Rogelio (2014). Research groups MDCS and GREHCCO, Web. [November 2014] http://sciencepolicy.colorado.edu/media_coverage/spain http://www.revistalatinacs.org/070/paper/1038va/08en.html Página 130 Revista Latina de Comunicación Social # 069 – Pages 122 to 140 Research Funded | DOI: 10.4185/RLCS-2015-1037en | ISSN 1138-5820 | Year 2015 Treats negotiated during the Earth Summit. In the remaining stories one can find a coexistence of “greenhouse effect” and “climate change”, to end the sample with a prevalence of the latter one. Libertad Digital: “global warming” is the concept with a greater presence, using “climate change” only occasionally, and “greenhouse effect” almost never. In El Ecologista there is a clear prevalence of “climate change”. [2] There are authors studying these three terms (Carvalho, 2009) while others have even added a fourth one: “greenhouse gas” (Corbett, Young and Byron, 2009). [3] If we compare the number of op-eds about climate change with the remaining news about the same topic in El País (Parrat, 2009: 6), we can find a certain quantitative parallelism. [4] There are diverse articles referring to the comments of the current Prime Minister, Mariano Rajoy, regarding the position of his cousin about climate change, but it is a small part compared to the full simple. [5] Al Gore’s documentary, An Inconvenient Truth, is the most popular initiative in the Spanish territory when surveyed people were asked to mention a book, a film, a campaign or exhibition regaring climate change. [6] In this case, the month of presentation (November 2) was not the same as the month when the report was accepted and approved. (27-31 October). [7] Anderegg y Goldsmith (2014) quote numerous texts to prove it. 6. References M Alcibar Cuello (2007): “Una aproximación a la construcción social del cambio climático en An Inconvenient Truth”. In VV.AA: Cultura Verde Volumen 1. 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