La religión del poder en Hispania: las manifestaciones de culto imperial en la provincia de la Bética durante el principado

UNIVERSIDAD DE SEVILLA FACULTAD DE GEOGRAFÍA E HISTORIA Departamento de Historia Antigua LA RELIGIÓN DEL PODER EN HISPANIA: LAS MANIFESTACIONES DE CULTO IMPERIAL EN LA PROVINCIA DE LA BÉTICA DURANTE EL PRINCIPADO Carmen Alarcón Hernández Sevilla, 2016 Director: Dr. Fernando Lozano Gómez Tutor: Dr. Salvador Ordóñez Agulla Carmen Alarcón Hernández L A R ELIGIÓN DEL P ODER EN H ISPANIA : L AS M ANIFESTACIONES DE C ULTO I MPERIAL EN LA P ROVINCIA DE LA B ÉTICA D URANTE EL P RINCIPADO Tesis Doctoral dirigida por Dr. Fernando Lozano Gómez y tutorizada por Dr. Salvador Ordóñez Agulla Departamento de Historia Antigua Facultad de Geografía e Historia Universidad de Sevilla Septiembre, 2016 A mis padres, por estar siempre y hacerlo todo mucho más sencillo. ÍNDICE AGRADECIMIENTOS .................................................................................................. 19 ABREVIATURAS Y CITAS ......................................................................................... 21 SIGNOS DIACRÍTICOS ............................................................................................... 27 USO DEL CATÁLOGO ................................................................................................ 29 INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 31 BLOQUE I: EL CULTO IMPERIAL: UNA REFLEXIÓN HISTORIOGRÁFICA ........................................................................................ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 1. Una Aproximación al Objeto de Estudio ................ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 2. Los Primeros Estudios de Culto Imperial: El Viejo Paradigma¡Error! Marcador no definido. 2.1. El Culto Imperial: ¿Una ‘Institución Secular’? ... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 2.2. La Adoración a Los Emperadores: Percepción de un Período en Decadencia .................................................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 2.3. Escepticismo y Culto Imperial ............................. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 2.3.1. Crédulos e Incrédulos .................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 3. Un Cambio en la Perspectiva de Análisis: El Nuevo Paradigma de S. Price .. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 3.1. Antecedentes de la Obra de S. Price: K. Hopkins y Conquerors and Slaves .................................................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 3.2. S. Price y Rituals and Powers .............................. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 3.2.1. Una Aproximación Alternativa al Estudio de los Rituales de Culto ..... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 3.2.2. El Culto Imperial y su Implicación Social .... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 3.2.3. El Emperador Romano: Entre el Mundo Divino y el Humano ............. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 13. EL CORONIL ....................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 14. HISPALIS .............................................................. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 15. ILIPA MAGNA ...................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 16. IPORCA ................................................................ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 17. ITALICA ................................................................ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 18. LAELIA ................................................................. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 19. LVCVRGENTVM .................................................. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 20. MVNIGVA ............................................................. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 21. NERTOBRIGA ...................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 22. ORIPPO ................................................................ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 23. OSSET ................................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 24. OSTVR .................................................................. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 25. SEGIDA RESTITVTA IVLIA ................................. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 26. SERIA FAMA IVLIA ............................................. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 27. SIARVM ................................................................ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 28. TRIGUEROS ........................................................ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 29. VGVLTVNIA CONTRIBVTA IVLIA ...................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. CONCLUSIONS ............................................................................................................ 37 ANEXO I: TABLAS ...................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. I. Personal de Culto Imperial .......................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Rango Provincial ......................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Flamines .................................................................. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Flaminicae ............................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Rando Local ................................................................ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Pontifices ................................................................. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Flamines .................................................................. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Sacerdotes ............................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Flaminicae ............................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. II. Divinidades Augustas ................................................ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. III. Virtudes Imperiales................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. IV. Inscripciones que conservan la fórmual Devotus Numini Maiestatique .......... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. V. Inscripciones que Documentan la Fórmula Pro Salute y una Votorum Nuncupatio ........................................................................................ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. VI. Dedicaciones, Consagraciones u Ofrecimientos a Miembros de la Familia Imperial ........................................................................................ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. VII. Posibles Lugares de Culto Imperial ........................ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Altares y Aras ............................................................. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Templos, Aedes y Aediculas ...................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Otros Lugares de Culto Relacionados con la Religión del Poder¡Error! Marcador no definido. VIII. Las Imágenes del Poder Imperial .......................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Esculturas .................................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Masculinas ............................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Femeninas................................................................ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Retratos ....................................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Masculinos .............................................................. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Femeninos ............................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. IX. El Culto Imperial a Través de la Numismática ........ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. X. Epigrafía, Fiestas y Culto Imperial ............................ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. XI. Lugares de Espectáculo de Acuerdo a la Información Arqueológica .............. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Teatros ........................................................................ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Anfiteatros .................................................................. ¡Error! Marcador no definido. Circos .......................................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. ANEXO II: IMÁGENES ................................................ ¡Error! Marcador no definido. BIBLIOGRAFÍA .......................................................... ¡Error! Marcador no definido. 1 AGRADECIMIENTOS No podría haber realizado este trabajo sin la ayuda que me ha prestado la Universidad de Sevilla. Esta institución ha confiado en mi proyecto de investigación y me ha ofrecido la oportunidad de completar mi formación en centros de investigación en el extranjero. Así, mi estudio se ha visto favorecido por los beneficios que brindan instituciones como The Faculty of Classics de Oxford, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut de Roma y The Institute of Classical Studies de Londres. Con la beca predoctoral me incorporé al Departamento de Historia Antigua, donde mis compañeros, con los que me había formado durante la Licenciatura, me acogieron y apoyaron desde el comienzo. José Miguel Serrano y Pilar Pavón siempre me proporcionaron las mejores condiciones para que desarrollara la tesis doctoral en un ambiente óptimo. Les agradezco enormemente las facilidades que me han otorgado desde el principio hasta el final de su elaboración. También quiero mencionar a Alfonso Álvarez-Ossorio, que ha cuidado de todos los becarios en Ciencias de la Educación. En gran medida el resultado de estas páginas es fruto de la ayuda y dedicación que me han prestado mis directores, Fernando Lozano y Salvador Ordóñez. Ellos han leído el trabajo con detenimiento; todas sus correcciones y aportaciones han sido, sin lugar a dudas, fundamentales en el resultado final del mismo. Quizás, no habría realizado la tesis doctoral si no hubiera coincidido con Fernando Lozano; él me animó a que la llevara a cabo. No me ha faltado su ayuda, apoyo y confianza en ningún momento. Tengo que darle las gracias por el tiempo que me ha dedicado, las conversaciones que hemos tenido sobre muchos aspectos del trabajo, así como sus ideas, buena parte de ellas aquí recogidas. Más palabras de agradecimiento a Emma Falque y a los compañeros y amigos de la Universidad Pablo de Olavide: Pedro Giménez, Juan Manuel Cortés, Elena Muñiz, Joaquín Benítez y Rocío Gordillo; porque todos los seminarios, ciclos de conferencias y actividades que han organizado han hecho que aprenda y disfrute mucho más de la Historia Antigua. También quiero mencionar a Greg Woolf, que tuvo la amabilidad de dedicar un poco de su tiempo a comentar mi trabajo durante mi estancia de investigación en Londres. Quiero destacar, sobre todo, que no hubiera podido escribir estas páginas sin el apoyo constante de mis padres. Le agradezco a mi madre que me enseñara a trabajar con constancia y perseverancia desde niña. A mi padre, que me animó a estudiar la Licenciatura de Historia que él mismo había comenzado a cursar pocos años antes de que yo la iniciara, le agradezco que haya sido el primero en leer este trabajo con detenimiento. No ha habido ni un capítulo de la tesis que les enviara a mis tutores que no hubiera leído mi padre con anterioridad. Tampoco me han faltado los ánimos de Marta y Javi, mis hermanos, que me han brindado el apoyo y la alegría que necesitaba. Mis abuelos, Pa y Beni, se tomaron con paciencia mis salidas al extranjero en las estancias de investigación; aunque siempre intenté que el trabajo no me privara del valioso tiempo de estar con ellos. A mi familia le debo mi más sincero agradecimiento. Este período no hubiera sido lo mismo sin la compañía de mis amigos de campo, Marta y Raúl, con los que he pasado magníficos ratos dentro y fuera de la universidad; cafés y comidas, en el comedor de la facultad, junto al resto de becarios de los Departamentos de Historia Antigua y Prehistoria y Arqueología, con los que he compartido agobios y alegrías: Miriam, Cristina, Violeta, Fran, Marta, Víctor y Anthony. Me serví, además, de la experiencia de estos dos últimos, pues Víctor y Anthony siempre estuvieron dispuestos a ayudarme con todas mis dudas. También tengo que nombrar a Laura y María, que me acogieran en Roma; con ellas disfrute, sin duda, de la mejor estancia de investigación fuera de España. Mi amiga Débora, con la que tanto disfrute durante la Licenciatura, me acompañó y ayudó los primeros días en Londres, en la última de mis salidas al extranjero. También quiero mencionar a mis amigos, Sonia, Rocío, Nuria, Alberto y Gala, que están siempre dispuestos a ayudarme en todo lo que esté a su alcance. Me apoyan constantemente y no me faltan nunca. Quedar con ellos siempre suponía coger energía para seguir trabajando. Por otro lado, el año académico en Madrid y el máster allí realizado fueron esenciales; conocí a los que pronto serían mis amigos: Raúl, Azahara, Maira, Javi, Coré, Pedro, Víctor y Fernando. Los trabajos, el estudio y las exposiciones en clase fueron menos duros y mucho más divertidos junto a ellos. Desde entonces Raúl y yo no sólo nos acompañamos en la odisea que supone la elaboración de una tesis doctoral. A él le tengo que agradecer que siempre pueda contar con su ayuda y su apoyo para todo; su confianza en mi trabajo me inyecta energía, por eso le doy las gracias especialmente por haber estado a mi lado durante estos cuatro años y haber sido paciente con todo el tiempo que le he dedicado a la elaboración de la tesis. En último lugar quiero mencionar de nuevo a mi amiga Nuria y a Alan, que me han ayudado con las traducciones al inglés. ABREVIATURAS Y CITAS Los autores clásicos y latinos se citan siguiendo las convenciones de C. T. Lewis y C. Short, A Latin Dictionary, Oxford, 1955. Para los autores griegos se ha utilizado H. G. Liddell y R. Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, 1968. Para las abreviaturas de revista y otras obras de consulta se ha empleado el modelo de L’Année Philologique. Otras abreviaturas corresponden a: AAA Anuario Arqueológico de Andalucía. AE L’Année épigraphique. Revue des publications épigraphiques relatives à l’Antiquité romaine, París. Anal. Inst. Lit. Clás. Anales del Instituto de Literatura Clásica. AnCord Anales de Arqueología Cordobesa. Ann. Rev. Anthropol. Annual Review of Anthropology. ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. BCG Biblioteca Clásica Gredos. BIEG Boletín del Instituto de Estudios Giennenses. BRAH Boletín de la Real Academia de Historia. CAH The Cambridge Ancient History. CIDER P IERNAVIEJA , P. (1977), Corpus de Inscripciones Deportivas de la España Romana, Madrid. CIL II H ÜBNER , E. (1869), Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum II. Inscriptiones Hispaniae Latinae, Berlin. H ÜBNER , E. (1892), Inscriptionum Hispaniae Latinarum Supplementum, Berlin. CIL II2/5 S TYLOW , A.U., A TENCIA , R., G ONZÁLEZ F ERNÁNDEZ , J., G ONZÁLEZ R OMÁN , C., P ASTOR M UÑOZ , M. y R ODRÍGUEZ O LIVA , P. (1998) (eds.), Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum II: Inscriptiones Hispaniae Latinae, editio altera, pars V. Conventus Astigitanus, Berlín - Nueva York. CIL II2/7 S TYLOW , A. U. (1995) (ed.), Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum II: Inscriptiones Hispaniae Latinae, editio altera, pars VII. Conventus Cordubensis, Berlín. CILA 1 G ONZÁLEZ F ERNÁNDEZ , J. (1989), Corpus de inscripciones latinas de Andalucía. Volumen I: Huelva. Tomo I, Sevilla. CILA 2 G ONZÁLEZ F ERNÁNDEZ , J. (1991a), Corpus de inscripciones latinas de Andalucía. Volumen II: Sevilla. Tomo I: La Vega (Hispalis), Sevilla. CILA 3 G ONZÁLEZ F ERNÁNDEZ , J. (1991b), Corpus de inscripciones latinas de Andalucía. Volumen II: Sevilla. Tomo II. La Vega (Italica), Sevilla. CILA 4 G ONZÁLEZ F ERNÁNDEZ , J. (1996a), Corpus de inscripciones latinas de Andalucía. Volumen II: Sevilla. Tomo III. La Campiña, Sevilla. CILA 5 G ONZÁLEZ F ERNÁNDEZ , J. (1996b), Corpus de inscripciones latinas de Andalucía. Volumen II: Sevilla. Tomo IV. El Aljarafe, Sierra Norte, Sierra Sur, Sevilla. CILA 6 G ONZÁLEZ R OMÁN , C. y M ANGAS , J. (1991a), Corpus de inscripciones latinas de Andalucía. Volumen III: Jaén. Tomo I, Sevilla. CILA 7 G ONZÁLEZ R OMÁN , C. y M ANGAS , J. (1991b), Corpus de inscripciones latinas de Andalucía. Volumen III: Jaén. Tomo II, Sevilla. CILA 8 P ASTOR M UÑOZ , M. (2002), Corpus de inscripciones latinas de Andalucía. Volumen IV: Granada, Sevilla. Claud. Ptol. Claudio Ptolomeo. CPILC E STEBAN O RTEGA , J. (2014), Corpus de inscripciones latinas de Cáceres. Vol. 3: Capara, Cáceres. Dar. Sag. D AREMBER , C H . y S AGLIO , E. (1877-1919), Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines : d’apres les textes et les monuments, París. DEGAD L ÓPEZ DE LA O RDEN , Mª D. (2001), De Epigraphía Gaditana, Cádiz. Diz. Ep. D E R UGGIERO , E. (1961-), Dizionario epigrafico di Antichità romane, Roma. EAE Excavaciones Arqueológicas en España. EE Ephemeris Epigraphica. ERAE G ARCÍA I GLESIAS , L. (1972), Epigrafía romana de Augusta Emérita, Madrid. ERBC C ANTO , A. M ª . (1997), Epigrafía Romana de la Beturia Céltica (Col. de Estudios nº 54), Madrid. ERItálica C ANTO , A. M ª . (1985), La epigrafía romana de Itálica (tesis doctoral. Edición facsímil, U.C.M.), Madrid. ES Epigraphische Studien. HAE Hispania Antiqua Epigraphica. Suplemento anual del Archivo Español de Arqueología. Instituto de arqueología y prehistoria “Rodrigo Caro”. Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Madrid. HEp Hispania Epigraphica. Archivo Epigráfico de Hispania. Universidad Complutense, Madrid. HSCP Harvard Studies in Classical Philology. HThr The Harvard Theological Review. I, 1 F ISHWICK , D. (1987), The Imperial cult in the Latin West, Leiden, vol. I, 1. I, 2 F ISHWICK , D. (1987), The Imperial cult in the Latin West, Leiden, vol. I, 2. II, 1 F ISHWICK , D. (1991), The Imperial cult in the Latin West, Leiden, vol. II, 1. II, 2 F ISHWICK , D. (1992), The Imperial cult in the Latin West, Leiden, vol. II, 2. III, 1 F ISHWICK , D. (2002), The Imperial cult in the Latin West, Leiden, vol. III, 1. III, 2 F ISHWICK , D. (2002), The Imperial cult in the Latin West, Leiden, vol. III, 2. III, 3 F ISHWICK , D. (2004), The Imperial cult in the Latin West, Leiden, vol. III, 3. ILA Santons M AURIN , L., T HAURE , M. y T ASSAUX , F. (1994) (eds.), Inscriptions Latines d’Aquitaine, Burdeos. ILER V IVES , J. (1971-1972), Inscripciones latinas de la España romana, Barcelona. ILMMálaga S ERRANO R AMOS , E. y A TENCIA P ÁEZ , R. (1981), Inscripciones latinas del Museo de Málaga, Madrid. ILPGr P ASTOR M UÑOZ , M. y M ENDOZA , Á. (1987), Inscripciones latinas de la provincia de Granada, Granada. ILS D ESSAU , H. (1892-1916), Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Berlín. InsIt. D EGRASSI , A. (1963), Inscriptiones Italiae XIII, 2, Fasti anni Numani et Iuliani, Roma. IMBA S ALAS M ARTÍN , J., E STEBAN O RTEGA , J., R EDONDO R ODRÍGUEZ , J. A. y S ÁNCHEZ A BAL , J. L. (1997), Inscripciones romanas y cristianas del Museo Arqueológico Provincial de Badajoz, Badajoz. IRAL L ÁZARO P ÉREZ , R. (1980), Inscripciones romanas de Almería, Almería. IRBC B ONNEVILLE , J. N., D ARDAINE , S. y L E R OUX , P. (1988), Belo V, L’epigraphie : les inscriptions romaines de “Baelo Claudia”, Madrid. IRCádiz G ONZÁLEZ , J. (1982), Inscripciones romanas de la provincia de Cádiz, Cádiz. IRCP E NCARNAÇÃO , J. D ’ (1984), Inscrições Romanas do conventus Pacensis. Subsídios para o estudo da romanização, Coimbra. IvE Die Inschriften von Ephesos. IvPr Die Inschriften von Priene. J. R. Anthrop. Inst. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. RAP Revista Portuguesa de Arqueología. RIT A LFÖLDY , G. (1975), Die römischen Inschriften von Tarraco, Berlín. RPC B URNETT , A., A MANDRY , M. y R IPOLL È S , P. P. (1992), Roman provincial coinage, Londres. RIC Roman Imperial Coinage. INTRODUCTION I have always had a special interest in the history of religion. I attended the seminars and conferences related to the history of religion organized by both the Departments of Ancient History and Prehistory and Archeology of the University of Seville from 2006, the year I started my Bachelor Degree in History. In the third year of my degree (2008/2009), I was granted an Erasmus scholarship that allowed me to study at Trinity College, Dublin. The modules I attended at Trinity College were a crucial factor when choosing my specialization field: Ancient History and, more specifically, the study of religion in this particular period. Once I finished my university degree, Prof. Dr. Fernando Lozano, who organizes a great deal of the history of religion seminars, conferences and activities offered by the Department of Ancient History of the University of Seville, encouraged me to commence my postgraduate studies in Madrid. The Interuniversity Master’s Degree in History and Ancient Sciences, offered by the Complutense University and Autonomous University of Madrid, was certainly one of the best options in Spain to initiate my specialization in Ancient History. Thus, I read the optional subjects related to Rome and Ancient Hispania and wrote my master’s dissertation under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Santiago Montero. However, it was Prof. Dr. Fernando Lozano who suggested developing a historiographical analysis of the study of the imperial cult. This analysis would serve to lay the foundations for further research of the imperial cult in Spain. I developed a doctoral thesis project with the help of Prof. Dr. Fernando Lozano before I finished my Master's degree. The project allowed me to apply for a 4-year predoctoral scholarship aimed at research training staff which was offered in the 4th University of Seville Fellowship Scheme. In April of 2012, I was granted that scholarship and I commenced my thesis, whose supervisors are Prof. Dr. Fernando Lozano and Prof. Dr. Salvador Ordóñez, lecturers of the Ancient History Department of the University of Seville. The aim of the thesis is to carry out general research about imperial cult and its manifestations in the province of Baetica, the only senatorial area of Hispania. And more explicitly, it is about proposing an alternative study of the Baetica province to the classic work of Étienne, entitled Le culte impérial dans la Péninsule Ibérique d´Auguste à Diocletien (1958). It only exists, regarding Iberian Peninsula, the classic work of Étienne and the analysis of the province of Baetica that Fishwick presents in his work The Imperial Cult in the Latin West (1987-2005). Likewise, a book, entitled Culto imperial: política y poder and coordinated by González Fernández y Nogales, was published in 2007 as a result of the International Conference that was held in Mérida in 2006. More recently, another work, La implantación del culto imperial de la provincia en Hispania (2015) by González Herrero, has been brought out, which is of great interest for researching the imperial cult both in Baetica and Tarraconensis provinces, in spite of the lusitanian focus of the analysis. Moreover, a series of local works must be mentioned. These works focus on different aspects of the emperor worship insight in Baetica, for instance, some papers examine specific cities such as Corduba 1 , Italica 2 and Astigi 3 , others the imperial cult priesthoods 4 , or the role of the freedmen in the imperial cult rituals 5 . However, the fact that plentiful partial works exist together with the old date of publication of the work of Étienne required new research to be carried out. This study must meet certain requirements: firstly, it must update the existent epigraphic, archaeological and numismatic evidence in Baetica; secondly, it must revise many of the acknowledgements that are currently being claimed, according to Étienne and Fishwick’s research, related to the most important processes the imperial cult has experienced in Hispania, such as its origin and development. In effect, even in the latest published books about this topic, for instance Culto imperial: política y poder (2007), one can find interpretations argued by Étienne and Fishwick which should be revised, in my opinion. Those interpretations are, on the one hand, the correlation between the origin of the imperial cult in Iberian Peninsula and the previous practice of the Iberian devotio, as stated by Étienne and currently supported by a great deal of researchers 6 . On the other hand, the postulates about the origin of the supra-civic organization of the imperial cult in the Baetica. According to Fishwick, the Baetica had to await the Flavian dynasty to rise to power for the rituals to be organized to a supra-local level, according to its senatorial nature, and as opposed to the advent of this supra-civic organization that appeared in the Julio-Claudian period in the imperial Tarraconensis and Lusitania. New studies make one consider that these conclusions, as well as other ones being claimed, are erroneous. However, the alternative solutions have not yet made an impression on the methods utilized by historians to explain the origin and development of emperor worship. A different research methodology is proposed in order to progress in the study of the imperial cult. The imperial cult has been long considered a political manifestation with scarce religious involvement. This trend was introduced at the beginning of the 20th century by Nock, the outstanding forefather, whose publications greatly influenced for a long period the approach used to analyse this topic. In a further section in this thesis it will be explained how two authors, Hopkins and Prince, reversed the research trend by making use of modern sociological and archaeological theories. Since then, the 1 G ARRIGUET , 1997, 2002. 2 L UZÓN and C ASTILLO , 2007. 3 G ARCÍA -D ILS and O RDÓÑEZ , 2007, and G ARCÍA -D ILS , O RDÓÑEZ and R ODRÍGUEZ , 2007. 4 D ELGADO , 1998. 5 S ERRANO , 1988. 6 C URCHIN , 1991; 1996; F ISHWICK , 1996; C ANTO , 1981 and M ARTÍN -B UENO , 2007. imperial cult was examined as another section of the Greco-Roman religion of the Empire which would share the features of the fields today referred to as politics and religion. Even though the theories presented by Hopkins and Prince are used to analyse the case of Hispania, they have not influenced enough in the study of the imperial cult in Hispania. Besides, the bibliography concerning the topic is practically nonexistent in Spanish, clearly showing the scarcity of theories in Spain. A new approach to delve into the imperial cult in Hispania is proposed in this work. This approach follows both the studies of Hopkins and Price as well as the authors supporting their lines of interpretation. The new approach implies a conceptual change regarding the previous studies carried out concerning Iberian Peninsula in general and Baetica specifically. In effect, the imperial cult is analysed as a religious change caused by the social and political transformations of the Principate. And, the development of the imperial cult as a consequence of the progressive process of deification of the power 7 is as well outlined, since it appears as a clear example of a religious institution that, by making use of the consecration of the political power, legitimizes a socio-economic system, in this case the Roman imperial one 8 . This work has been organized in four different sections which has allowed the research to follow a general-to-specific pattern. The first section, The imperial cult: A historiographical reflection, consists of a historiographical overview of the approaches scholars have used to analyse the topic. In order to complete this section, a vast amount of the existing publications were studied so an evolution of the methods used to make history about emperor worship from the beginning of the 20th century could be distinguished. After a previous approach to the imperial cult, both with its definition and the difficulties that its study implies (Chapter 1: An approach to the imperial cult), this section has been divided into four more parts that correspond to the development of the research of the imperial cult. Firstly, the meaning that a great deal of the 20th century historians assigned to the imperial rituals are explained. In order to do so, the characteristics of what I have described as “the old paradigm” are examined (Chapter 2: The first studies of the imperial cult: the old paradigm). Secondly, the transformation that the research underwent as a consequence of the contributions of Hopkins, and especially after the publication of the work of Price, Rituals and power, are expressed because these authors defined “the new paradigm” (Chapter 3: A change in the analysis perspective: the new paradigm of S. Price). In the following chapter, one can verify the impact of the progressive ideas introduced by Hopkins and Price in the works examining the imperial cult both in the Latin West and the Greek East of the Roman Empire; however, some of Price theories stated in Rituals and Powers are also revised 7 W OOLF , 2008 and G ORDON , 2011. 8 A LVAR , 1999. (Chapter 4: The implementation of the new paradigm: towards new interpretative methods). Finally, the analysis of innovative interpretative trends suggests very interesting and new perspectives, which highlight the complexity of emperor worship (Chapter 5: The last interpretatives trends). To the end of the section a personal reflection is added (Chapter 6: A final reflection). The reflection consists of a series of conclusions and the introduction of the theoretic approach that is used in my research about the imperial cult in Baetica. The following section, The origin of the imperial cult in Baetica, aims at studying the causes that led to the origin of emperor worship in Baetica by focusing on the Baetica historical and geographical features. Consequently, the first chapter contains an analysis of the characteristics of Baetica since it became part of the Roman Empire (Chapter 1: The Roman Baetica province). In order to produce chapter 1, some classical sources have been read to discover the particularities, the territorial organization and the different urban centers of the province; these sources include mainly the geographical work of Strabo and Claudius Ptolemy, as well as Naturalis Historia by Pliny the Elder and De Chorographia by Pomponius Mela. Likewise, the work of Rodríguez Gutiérrez, Hispania arqueológica: panorama de la cultura material de las provincias hispanorromanas (2011) and the pages that Haensch dedicated to Baetica in his work Capita provinciarum: Statthaltersitze und Provinzialverwaltung in der römischen Kaiserzeit (1997) have been essential . Subsequently, a revision of the traditional theory of Étienne about the origin of the imperial cult in Iberian Peninsula, which the author binds together with the practice of the Iberian devotio, is carried out (Chapter 2: Étienne and the origin of emperor worship in Hispania). Additionally, it has exposed a suitable alternative interpretation of the origin of the imperial cult in Baetica and the way the new cult spread and integrated into the different cities of the Roman Empire (Chapter 3: An alternative explanation to the integration of the imperial cult in Baetica). Reading the article entitled “El culto imperial y su proyección en Hispania” (2009) by Lozano y Alvar has been essential to develop the revision of the theory of Étienne. On the other hand, the works of Woolf, Rüpke, Ando, Bendlin, Van Andringa, Gordon, Horden and Purcell and Beard, North and Price 9 have inspired me to design my proposal to better understand the origin of emperor worship in Baetica from a different perspective. Finally, to conclude with the section, the first epigraphic, numismatic and archaeological evidence of the worship of princeps and its domus in Baetica are analysed (Chapter 4: First evidence of the imperial cult in Baetica). 9 A NDO , 2003a; B ENDLIN , 1997; 2000; B EARD , N ORTH and P RICE , 2007; G ORDON , 1990a; 1990b; 2003; H ORDEN and P URCELL , 2005; R ÜPKE , 2006a; 2006b; 2007; W OOLF , 1992; 1994; 1995; 1997; 1998; 2003; 2009a; 2009b; 2013; 2014, and V AN A NDRINGA , 2007b; 2011. The third section, entitled The celebration of the imperial cult, includes a study about the organizational aspects of the imperial cult in Baetica. The theories of Fishwick about the origin of the imperial cult at a supra-civic level are revised and a new interpretation about the origin of the ritual is presented (Chapter 1: The organization of emperor worship in Baetica). Another study about the cult officiants, both the flamines provinciae Baetica and the civic priests, and their possible duties is conducted (Chapter 2: The cult officiants and their duties). Chapter 3 (The imperial cult celebrations) encompasses an approach of the celebrations in honour of the domus Augusta: the calendars that regulated the holidays, the rituals and the cults performed (sacrifices and feasts), and the ludi, which were held in theaters, amphitheaters and circuses. Lastly, concerning the possible imperial worship spaces, a number of features to be taken into consideration as well as certain guidelines to identify them are presented. This provides a general view about the imperial worship spaces in Baetica (Chapter 4: Imperial cult centers in Baetica). Finally, the fourth section: Epigraphic evidence of the imperial cult in Baetica, covers the epigraphic evidence collection about emperor worship in Baetica. In order to present this data, a catalogue has been created. This catalogue is divided according to the four judicial districts (conventus iuridicus) and the cities that were part of each district. Therefore, evidence is organized according to the judicial district and the city the epigraphs belonged to. Regarding the catalogue production process, the relevant epigraphs concerning Baetica were initially selected from the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. This information was then completed with a revision of the volumes of Hispania Epigraphica y L’Année Épigraphique, as well as other publications dealing with the discovery or study of either new or old epigraphs found, but not yet included in these publications. This epigraphic corpus is introduced together with a number of tables (Annexe 1). Annexe 1 contains evidence that has been organized according to a series of different categories that do not follow the judicial district-city pattern. These categories have deliberately been chosen in order to create a useful tool researchers can directly access depending on the aspect of the imperial cult they might want to research. The categories as follows: I). Civic and provincial priests. II). Augustan Gods. III). Imperial Virtues. IV). Dedications including the devotus numini maiestatique formula. V). Inscriptions documenting vows or sacrifices for the health of the emperors or their relatives (pro salutis). VI). Dedications, consecration or offerings to the principes and the members of their domus. In addition, I have created a series of tables using another kind of documentation related to emperor worship and according to archaeological information. These tables over possible imperial cult places (altars, temples, aedes, aediculas), statues and sculptures of emperor and member of the domus imperatoria either deified or associated with deities, numismatic evidence and the performance places in Baetica (theatres, amphitheatres and circus). This thesis has been written in different research centers. Most of the study has been carried out in the Ancient History Department in the University of Seville. However, I had the opportunity to study nine months in different European research centers such as The Faculty of Classics of Oxford, specifically in The Ioannou Centre for Classical and Byzantine Studies (benefitting as well from the libraries of Sackler and Bodleian–, the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut of Rome and The Institute of Classical Studies of London. This opportunity was possible thanks to a series of scholarships that I was granted. They are offered by the University of Seville and allow researchers to carry out their work abroad. CONCLUSIONS I. Regarding the theoretical approach: 1. The historiographical “imperial cult” concept is used to define a set of rituals through which the princeps and members of their domus within the divine sphere. These rituals are a set of political and religious events that constitute a historical phenomenon that, as such, were never stable. Thus, the application of the name “imperial cults” proposed by Beard, Price, North and Friesen, among others, to reveal its diversity is not necessary since an overview of emperor worship demonstrates that heterogeneity is precisely the one of its main features in function of time and space in which the cult is practiced. 2. Through historiography, a reflection on the way in which researchers have analyzed emperor worship and an observation on how the method of making history evolves depending on the context in which it is written, the motivations of scholars, and their political, economic, social and cultural conditions has been captured. Thus, there are three stages in the evolution of the imperial cult interpretation: first, the old paradigm posed mainly by Nock; secondly, the new paradigm led by Price; and finally the more recent interpretative trends, following studies by Price, which delve into new perspectives of analysis. 3. Under the old paradigm a clear division between religion and politics, nonexistent in antiquity, was established, and the imperial cult was included in the latter of these spheres, minimizing its religious significance. Terms like “homage” and “loyalty” were employed to define the imperial cult that was conceived primarily as a useful tool which the ruler used to control his subjects. At the same time for the communities under the power of the emperor the imperial cult became the best way to declare their acceptance of the new Roman regime. These old paradigm interpretations permeated studies by Taylor on the divinity of the Roman emperor 10 , in the work of Bowersock on Augustus and the Greek world 11 , in the work of Veyne on evergetism in Rome 12 , in Latte’s book coining the term “Loyalitätsreligion” 13 and in Liebeschutz’s studies which referred to the imperial cult as a “secular institution” 14 . 4. The period of time in which ruler worship was practiced is viewed by those ascribing to the old paradigm as a period of decline both in the Hellenistic period and during the Roman Empire. This decline was a clear sign of the transformation that the 10 T AYLOR , 1931. 11 B OWERSOCK , 1965. 12 V EYNE , 1976. 13 L ATTE , 1960. 14 L IEBESCHUTZ , 1979. original Greco-Roman religion experienced. Also, the researchers of the old paradigm unconsciously set up the introduction of Christianity as a solution to this historical period in decline. This notion of decline is rooted in the work of Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, where the adulatio concept is used to define the rituals of worship. Gibbon references about emperor worship are based on the Annales of Tacitus, since Tacitus used the term adulatio often to refer pejoratively to the rituals with which the Greek cities honored the Roman emperors. As shown by Woolf 15 , writers like Tacitus and Juvenal created the vision of a Greek world in decline. This is a Roman construction of the Greek identity, wherein Romans claimed that Greeks had lost their fundamental virtues, and at the same time considered themselves as the heirs of these former Greek fundamental values. Influenced by the image projected by these sources, historians understood the imperial cult to be a result of the gradual process of Hellenization or Orientalization of the Roman religion during the Late Republic. This trend characterized studies such as those by Festugière, Nilsson, Taylor and Liebeschutz 16 . 5. Nock also laid the foundation for the skeptical attitude among historians about the belief of communities of the Roman Empire in the superhuman character of the princeps. Authors such as Veyne, Liebeschutz, and even Fishwick in his early studies, questioned the possible inclusion of the emperor in the divine sphere 17 . This interpretation results from the consideration of the imperial cult as a kind of political homage without any religious involvement. In this interpretation, therefore, the humanity of the emperor prevailed against his divinity, despite the fuzzy line that existed in antiquity between the world of men and gods. 6. In this regard, Scott and Bowersock have studied a selection of classic texts (Quintilian, Seneca, and Suetonius) in their articles and they have favored the view that no intelligent person could ever believe in the superhuman nature of the ruler. The studies carried out by Scott and Bowersock established a division of participants in the rituals of imperial cult into two groups: the rich, educated and skeptical, and the poor, ignorant and gullible 18 . However, epigraphical and archaeological evidence about emperor worship does not correspond to the interpretation that has been made from many literary sources. It certainly cannot be considered universal skepticism regarding the superhuman nature of the princeps, because this would be giving primacy to the beliefs of some members of society over the beliefs of others, considering as false the outside view of ourselves, i.e. the idea of deification of a mortal. Also, the resistance of 15 W OOLF , 1994. 16 F ESTUGIÈRE , 1972, pp. 126-127; N ILSSON , 1925, p. 288; T AYLOR , 1931, p. 54 and L IEBESCHUETZ , 1979. 17 V EYNE , 1976, p. 561; V EYNE , 2005, p. 69; L IEBESCHUETZ , 1979, p. 75, and F ISHWICK , I, 1, p. 33. 18 See: S COTT , 1932; B OWERSOCK , 1973; Q UINT ., Inst. 6, 3, 77; S EN ., Apocol. 11, and S UET ., Vesp. 23, 4. the Christians to the imperial cult is well known; and they were a poor community and without expertise in the paideia. 7. Subsequently, the new paradigm was led by the research of Price in Rituals and Power 19 , whose background can be traced in the chapter Hopkins devoted to the study of the imperial cult in his work Conquerors and Slaves 20 . The latter author is attributed with calling attention to the limitations posed by a rationalist approach to the study of religions of antiquity. Hopkins highlighted the importance of the fictitious and incredible stories that are built around the figure of the princeps and members of the domus, since these fabulous stories largely elevated its protagonists over the rest of the population and forged their mystification. Also, although Hopkins noted the diversity of emperor worship, he also warned that these rituals permitted the inhabitants of the Roman Empire to know that they were part of a single political system. Hopkins’ idea is an affirmative key for further studies on religious identity in the Roman world. In addition, Hopkins, according to his knowledge of anthropology and sociology, considered that the imperial cult was the result of the enormous power differential that existed between the subjects and the emperor. This is an essential aspect to understand emperor worship and it has been extensively dealt with by other historians ever since. 8. It would be Price, however, who further developed the new paradigm shift. He realized that because of the Christian culture in which many of the researchers were socialized, they favored the artificial division between religion and politics. This unconscious application of concepts from Christianity downplayed the religious implications of the imperial cult and promoted a vision of this historical period as being in a state of decline. Price proposed the use of anthropological and sociological theories, such as those by Geertz and Bourdieu, to avoid these limitations. As a result, his contributions have allowed us to analyze emperor worship as another religious practice and to include the emperor in an intermediate position between the divine and the human. Price analyzed the consequences of the power relationship between the subjects and the princeps in Asia Minor. He considered the imperial cult the answer Greeks gave to the intervention of the Roman emperor power in their lives. Emperor worship, such as that given to traditional deities, marked the power difference between the subjects and the ruler. In addition, thanks to the advances introduced by Price’s work, currently the imperial cult cannot be reduced to a tool of the elite to flatter the princeps without impacting the rest of society. The festivals in honor of the domus Augusta incited the created of a civic identity among the inhabitants, as the cities found theirself fully immersed in these festivals. The inhabitants of these cities benefited from ludi, meat consumption that followed the sacrifices, and the munificence of the flamines and the flaminicae. 19 P RICE , 1984. 20 H OPKINS , 1978. 9. Finally, it is important to mention the new interpretive trends that, following the thesis introduced by Price, delve into new perspectives of analysis that demonstrate the complexity of the imperial cult. Sartre, Friesen, Burrell, Kantiréa, Lozano, Camia, Frija and Fujii are some examples of researchers who make up these new interpretive trends in the Greek East, while Clauss, Gradel, Koortbojian, Scheid, Panciera and Cole do the same in the case of Italy and the Latin West. Although Fishwick’s work follows a more descriptive and independent method of work, his studies are also fundamental. Furthermore, Versnel, Woolf and Gordon’s analysis are especially interesting. All this new research includes Price’s advances, but also provides other clues about the divine status of the emperor, the relevance of diversity and heterogeneity of the imperial cult, theorization about the divinization of power to explain the birth of emperor worship, and the importance of previous religious traditions of the communities that practiced the imperial cult as opposed to the idea of a progressive process of Hellenization or Orientalization. 10. The present research on the imperial cult in Baetica has been written in light of Price’s new paradigm and the new perspectives of analysis that Rituals and Power generated from the late twentieth century. Therefore, first, I inserted emperor worship into Roman polytheism, because it was interconnected with the rituals in honor of other gods. The imperial cult took on many forms and occupied different spaces in the cities, but this does not necessarily mean that it should be considered the most important cult of the Principate as some researchers often do. The present study also deals with the importance of power in the process of divinization of emperors and it highlights the involvement of the whole society in the rituals in honor of the domus imperatoria. 11. One of the main features of the imperial cult was its diversity. There was no single theory on the relationship of the princeps with the rest of the gods supported and disseminated from Rome, and as such there was no unique, well defined and immutable model for exporting the imperial cult to the provinces to explain the new status of the emperor. To a large extent, the proliferation of these rituals was due to the absence of fixed rules of conduct, which allowed the cities to develop their own practice according to their cultural roots. Among the different aspects that determined the variability of emperor worship, I have emphasized to following: the community in which the cult was practiced (as it was adapted to previous traditions of each people); the princeps to whom worship was directed (as the emperors’ attitudes varied, and even during the same mandate their actions did not always respond to fixed rules); the private or public nature of the cult; the historical situation in which it was carried out; the evolution of emperor worship throughout the Principate, and the geographical and cultural context (the rituals were not the same in Rome as they were in the provinces). In addition, we must take into account the different ways in which the people responded to the imperial cult (appropriation, rivalry, or opposition) because their responses to emperor worship was not unanimous, given that the attitude of individuals varied not only depending on 7. Epigraphic, archeological, sculptural and numismatic evidence shows the rapid emergence of the imperial cult since the beginning of the Principate in Baetica. Among some of the oldest evidence are the priests who led the incipient cult in the cities: the pontiffs and flamines. There are also images of members of the domus imperatoria such as the sculpture of Livia, identified with Fortuna or Abundance, that was found on the Cerro del Minguillar (Baena, Cordoba) as well as the colossal head of Augustus from Italica, for which a chronology from the time of Augustus to Claudius has been proposed. Finally, the altars from Trigueros (Huelva) and Corduba of the Augustan age are especially interesting. III. On the beginning of the imperial cult in Baetica: 1. Most researchers analyzing the beginning of the imperial cult at the supra-local level in Baetica follow Étienne’s theory which states that the organization of this cult began in Flavian times, due to the senatorial character of the province, and not in the Julio-Claudian age, as occurred in Tarraconensis and Lusitania. Authors like Delgado, Gónzalez Fernández, and Fishwick favor this interpretation, however, only the latter has extensively argued this theory. According to Fishwick, Flavian times not only saw the introduction of the provincial imperial cult in certain regions of the Latin West, such as Baetica, Gallia Narbonensis, and Africa Proconsularis, but also, with Vespasian’s rise to power, there was a reformulation of the provincial imperial cult with the aim of legitimizing the access to the power of the new dynasty. In this way the emperor at the head of power received cult before his death and consecration in Rome. My starting point is different from that of the aforementioned authors, because I believe that the preconceived idea that there was a different evolution of the imperial cult in the imperial and senatorial provinces should be discarded. In my opinion, Baetica, like Lusitania and Tarraconensis, initiated a supra-civic organization of the imperial cult beginning with the official consecration of Divus Augustus in Rome. As I noted earlier, Baetica was one of the regions of Hispania that was closest culturally to the power that dominated the Mediterranean. Consequently, I consider that Tacitus’ text regarding the sending of an embassy from Hispania Ulterior in 25 AD to request the construction of a temple to Tiberius and Livia is evidence of the existence of both the concilium and a cult to Divus Augustus. I believe that the lack of evidence of the existence of flamines provinciae in Baetica and Tarraconensis during the Julio- Claudian dynasty could be due to similar dynamics in both provinces. Only beginning in the Flavian age did these provinces erect statues with the priests’ names upon the termination of their flamonium, at which time the honors of flamines provinciae became standardized. 2. According to Fishwick, the introduction of the term Augusti/Augustorum in the titles of the flamines from the Flavian government signifies the beginning of the provincial imperial cult before the emperors’ conversion into Divi. In this regard, Fishwick’s detailed study is of great value and is very consistent with his concept of emperor worship. However, in my opinion, he creates a rigid dividing line between the veneration at the civic and provincial level which is primarily a theological separation that is inconceivable in any kind of religion. It is not likely that the communities of Baetica could accept the meaning of some specific rituals in their cities but deny them in the provincial festival that possibly took place in Corduba. That is why I find it difficult to admit that Baetica would have waited for the Flavian government to initiate worship of the Augusti, when its stipendiary cities, colonies, and municipalities had been worshiping the Augusti since the time of the first princeps. More than an imposition of the emperor Vespasian, the appearance of the term Augusti/Augustorum in the titles of flamines provinciae Baeticae must be understood as the materialization at the provincial level of what was happening in the different centers of Baetica. Here communities had organized the worship of members of the domus Augusta regardless of whether or not they had been deified in Rome. The most common priestly title in Baetica was that of the flamen Divorum Augustorum. In my opinion, that title reflected a gradual process of deification of power, because worship of the Divi and of the Augusti was merely the development of a devotion to the domus Augusta as a whole. The inclusion of members of the imperial family in worship suggests that the most important aspect was the abstract notion of power as well as the existence of a dynasty that controlled it, which meant the sacredness thereof, and especially, of the emperor at the head of the Empire at that time. According to the epigraphic information, it seems undeniable that a consolidation of the imperial cult occurred during the Flavian dynasty. The increasing number of Divi/Divae and Augusti/Augustae necessitated its organization, at which time all the members of the domus imperatoria, both present and past, took precedence. Undoubtedly, the strengthening of the imperial cult in Flavian times in Baetica was not an isolated event. The concession of ius Latii and the strengthening of emperor worship reflect the progressive integration of the communities of Baetica in the Roman system but also the development of this Roman system. The system was not pre-designed or unchangeable, thus the Roman power carried out a kind of policies in Baetica which the Urbs could then use in other provinces. 3. With regard to the relationship between the concilium of Baetica and emperor worship at the supra-civic level, it is observed that there is more information about the functions of the concilium that are not related to the imperial cult. Perhaps we should question the traditionally established link between the beginning of the imperial cult and the configuration of the assembly, at least in this territory, as well as the fact that the flamen provinciae was presiding over meetings from the beginning, since there is no information about these priests before the end of the first century. There were different legati which went to Rome for various reasons: those that went to congratulate and thank the emperor for a specific action, those related to the development of the imperial cult at the supra-local level, those dealing with judicial issues such as protection against abuses from the governors, those which demanded information on an issue, and even those responsible for requesting legal-administrative privileges from the princeps. Regarding the seat of the assembly, the number of inscriptions found in Corduba that are mentioned lead one to believe that the concilium’s meetings normally took place in Corduba. Furthermore, in this city there were different spaces that could be linked to the presence of rituals associated with the imperial cult at a supra-civic level. But we should not overlook the two epigraphs from Astigi referring to the provincia inmunis. In my opinion, they could indicate that the concilium of Baetica occasionally met in Astigi. Although nothing can categorically confirm this, one might suggest the possibility that the assembly met in more than one city sporadically. Undoubtedly, the capital of the Conventus Astigitanus also had sufficient infrastructure to host the rituals on occasion. Finally, with regards to the geographical extension of the concilium, it is important to highlight that there is a piece of evidence of a flaminica provinciae Baeticae originally from Norba and two inscriptions with two flamines provinciae Baeticae found in Castulo and Acci, respectively. Only in the text of the flaminica is it indicated that his origo was Norba, however, according to the place where the epigraphs of the two flamines were found, it could be argued that these priests were also from cities outside the province. The three communities, Norba, Acci, and Castulo, correspond with regions belonging to Hispania Ulterior prior to the last administrative reform of Augustus. This is very interesting evidence that might indicate the survival of a few social ties existing prior to the final delimitation of Baetica. If these people occupied the provincial priesthood it was because their cities sent legati to the concilium or because the elite of these centers were able to participate individually in the assembly. It seems, therefore, that changes in the sides of a province affected the relationship between the concilium and the province. 4. Information on the functions that imperial cult priests could have played in Baetica is very scarce. This information is reduced to the limited clues offered by the Lex Flamonio and epigraphic evidence from the province. Thanks to the lex we know that the flamen provinciae carried out sacrifices. In this context, these ritual acts must be conceived as the means through which the emperor and the imperatoria domus were present in the community who took care of them (cultus) through the rituals that the flamen led. The population benefited from the sacrifices, banquets and games that were carried out during the imperial festivals that were organized by the concilium. In these festivals the benefaction of the princeps materialized. As a result, the emperor was honored along with members of his family to maintain order. Also, both the inscriptions of the flamen provinciae and the Lex Flamonio show that the priest was linked to the dedications, votive offerings, and the care of images of the domus Augusta. However, we should not forget that the Lex de Flamonio refers to the Narbonensis and we use it as an analogy in Baetica. Thus, these conclusions could be modified in future studies. As for civic priests of the imperial cult, as expected, they undertook various actions that promoted the worship of the emperors in the cities of Baetica. This includes financing and maintaining certain sacred spaces where imperial divinities were worshipped. In addition, these civic priests made offerings, dedications, and consecrations to the Augustan Gods, the Imperial Virtues, deified emperors, and to some members of the domus Augusta. 5. Although the information is sparse on details, in general it can be affirmed that the ritual around the imperial cult in Baetica was similar to that in the rest of the Roman world, affirming undoubtedly a wide variety of local differences. On the one hand, there were pro salute imperatoris rites, as well as taurobolia and criobolia rites with the same objective. On the other hand, the altars, the representation of instrumenta related to sacrificial action, and epigraphic finding from banquets reflect the practice of the praefatio and the immolatio. In addition, these priests, as well as the duoviri and other magistrates of the cities, funded munera in the amphitheater, races in the circus and ludi scaenici. This evidence helps define the magnitude of the festival in honor of the imperial family. 6. According to information provided by the Lex de Flamonio and certain clauses of the Lex Irnitana, it may be inferred that the flamines provinciae and the civic priests of Baetica had an official list of holidays when they would celebrate the officia sacra. These days would not only follow the important events that took place in the Urbs but also those related to events of special interest to the province that were linked to the domus Augusta. Also in Baetica they recited vows for the salus and the incolumitas of the emperor. For example, in Astigi there is a documented votorum nuncupatio in favor of Comodo on the anniversary of his birth on August 31, probably done between the years 190-192. 7. The transformation and monumentalization of the different urban centers of Baetica since the beginning of the Principate were accompanied by the incorporation of an architecture that allowed the emperor and members of his domus to always be present in the eyes of his subjects. However, although some of these spaces did correspond with places related to their worship and liturgy, this was not necessarily the case with all of these spaces. In the case of Baetica it is quite complicated to confirm the places dedicated to the imperial cult. The difficulty lies in accurate identification and in the employment of the necessary caution when ascribing new and old findings to the imperial cult. It is for this reason that the objective of the section of work was to establish guidelines to consider in the examination of places dedicated to the imperial cult that would also give a brief but clear vision of those that are preserved in the province. These guidelines, which I will further detail, perhaps can be used, or at least taken into account, in identifying new spaces devoted to the imperial cult in Baetica: I. Hypertrophy in the allocation of places of worship: First, in my opinion, we should avoid a trend that has been repeated among specialists dedicated to the imperial cult in the Iberian Peninsula: linking a holy place to the imperial cult when there is not enough information to ascribe a specific space to a particular deity, as occurred in Turobriga and Torreparedones. II. The diversity of spaces: not only temples: Second, without neglecting in any way the importance of temples and shrines, we should also focus on other venues that could have been used for the imperial cult. The information provided by the Greek East in this respect is much more abundant. In this regard, the preeminence of performance venues (theaters, amphitheaters and circus) and their relationship with the imperial cult has also been analyzed. III. The complexity of temples: Variegated divine presence: Thirdly, perhaps more attention should be paid to the issue of the theos synnaos in the Latin West. It is true that in most cases shrines were dedicated to a particular deity, however, sometimes they not only contained the image of the tutelary deity but they also had other secondary representations of gods and votive offerings directed thereto. In this regard, I think that not all temples had to be dedicated exclusively to the imperial cult because the emperor was also included in the temples of other gods. Furthermore, perhaps the consecration of Augustus and his conversion into Divus was the beginning of the erection of the sites dedicated to his worship in the Iberian Peninsula. From that moment, the Divus Augustus not only legitimized the power of his successor but also made sacred his person, having become Divi filius. The transmission of power within the imperial family guaranteed the stability of the government and, therefore, maximum prominence was given to the display of the dynastic image as a whole. Thus, one would expect that the dynastic image would have been displayed in the spaces dedicated to the imperial cult, with the addition of representatives of members of the imperatoria domus, especially of potential successors of the emperor, that would materialize the durability of power. Similarly, like what transpired in the Urbs, possibly the cult statue of the Diva Augusta was included in the sacred precinct that had been built for her deified husband. In addition, we should add the simulacra and signa of the imperial virtues and Augustan gods, which delved into the divine power of the dynasty and complicated the sacred area linked to the imperial cult, as is evidenced, for example, in the case of the cult complex of Astigi and Italica. IV. Multifocality: Finally, the fourth aspect is the multifocal character of the imperial cult in certain cities. 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