Christianity and Chinese Rites Controversy: Spirit Tablets in 17th Century

Journal of Chinese Studies Editor-in-Chief Tongtao Zheng Xiamen University Executive Editor Yu Zhu Xiamen University Editorial Assistant Amy Sung Xiamen University Editorial Board Huanhai Fang, Xiamen University Shengli Feng, Chinese University of Hong Kong Shui-Lung Fung, BNU-HKBU United International College Wei Hong, Purdue University, U.S.A. Rulong Li, Xiamen University King-Long Ling, National Taichung University of Science and Technology Hong Liu, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore Jinghui Liu, California State University, U.S.A. Colin Mackerras, *ULI¿WK8QLYHUVLW\$XVWUDOLD Shiu-Kee Shum, University of Hong Kong Chung-Mou Si, University of Hong Kong Shek-Kam Tse, University of Hong Kong Ling Wang, University of Minnesota, U.S.A. Jie Xu, University of Macau Nora Yao, University of Auckland, New Zealand Linsheng Zhang, Osaka Prefecture University, Japan Tongtao Zheng, Xiamen Uinversity Zhen Zou, University of Minnesota, U.S.A. JOURNAL OF CHINESE STUDIES 9ROXPH1XPEHU6XPPHU JCS$UWLFOHV On Quality Assurance Issues of Sino-foreign Cooperation in Operating Schools TONGTAO ZHENG 1 Creating Community Service Learning: Using Successful Experiences of College Advanced Heritage Language Learners to Help Young Heritage Language Learners of Chinese JINGHUI LIU 9 Phases of Professional Development in the Tertiary Institution in China: Through a Comparative Approach YU ZHU 20 A Network of Desires: The “Group of Wives” and the Death of Li Ping’er JUNJIE LUO 31 2QWKH,Q¿QLWLYH6WUXFWXUHLQ&KLQHVHIURP the Noun Small Clause HUANHAI FANG & MATTHEW JOHNSON 47 Syntactic Derivation of Chinese A-not-A Questions MINGLE GAO & XI CHEN 60 Christianity and Chinese Rites Controversy: Spirit Tablets in 17th Century PEDRO LUENGO GUTIÉRREZ 71 The Ties That Bind: An Overview of Traditional Chinese Family Ethics QIJUN HAN 85 JCS 5HYLHZV2WKHUV Beyond the Middle Kindom: Comparative Perspectives on China’s Capitalist Transformation, by Scott Kennedy DAVID BUCK 100 &RPLQJWR7HUPVZLWKWKH1DWLRQ(WKQLF&ODVVL¿FDWLRQLQ0RGHUQ&KLQD, by Thomas Mullaney LAURETTE COINTET 104 An Outstanding Australian Expert Who Wrote/Edited 38 books on Chinese Studies – Professor Emeritus Colin Mackerras SHUI-LUNG FUNG 106 New Age: New Media SHIU-HON WONG 113 JOURNAL OF CHINESE STUDIES, 1 (1), 71-84 ISSN: 2224-2716 Copyright © 2012 Overseas Education College of Xiamen University Christianity and Chinese Rites Controversy: Spirit Tablets in 17th Century1 Pedro Luengo Gutiérrez 8QLYHUVLW\RI6HYLOOH6SDLQ The funeral practices promoted by the European Catholic missionaries in China provide an interesting example of the adaptation of the Asian world in the 17th and 18th century. In this scope RQHPXVWKLJKOLJKWWKHVSHFL¿FSUREOHPRIWKHZRUVKLSRIWKHDQFHVWRUVDQGPRUHVSHFL¿FDOO\WKH design of the spirit tablets for this purpose. The movement of the Chinese population and of the missionaries between the continent and other Christian settlements in Asia facilitated the arrival of these models to territories such as the Philippines. Yet in this archipelago, the prolonged establishment of other religious orders in a radically distinct context came to prohibit the use of said models. The art promoted by the Society of Jesus in China and in other neighboring territories prior WRWKHLUGLVVROXWLRQKDVEHHQD¿HOGRIVWXG\WUDGLWLRQDOO\FRQFHUQLQJWKHHQFRXQWHURIGL- verse religious practices. Also the presence of Dominicans and Franciscans in the southern part of the Chinese empire has attracted the interest of investigators; however, the artistic references in these cases are much less. The practices of the Jesuits, the members of the Propaganda Fide, the Franciscans and Dominicans and including the intervention with their own power on the part of the Chinese Empire were marked as the distinct stages of the aforementioned Controversy of the Chinese Rites. In order to explain the missionaries’ problems in adapting in this context, one must assess recent studies concerning popular rites written by Menegon (2009), from which one can extract interesting conclusions in the ¿HOGRIDUWKLVWRU\8QIRUWXQDWHO\WKHVKRUWDJHRIJUDSKLFVRXUFHVDQGRIFRQVHUYHGZRUNV KDVPDGHUDWKHUGLI¿FXOWWKHPRQRJUDSKLFVWXG\RIWKLVFURVVLQJRIWUDGLWLRQVDQGLWVFRP- parison with what occurred in culturally similar circumstances. Within the general interest that can be caused by the artistic production prior to the prohibition of the Chinese rites, one must distinguish the relation with Christian funeral practices. The problem has recently developed from a perspective not exclusively artistic, allowing for an approach to a more general context from a scarcely addressed problem (Standaert, 2008). It is precisely within the framework of this study that results in the better understanding of the new graphic documentation about the ancestral tablet located in the Casanatense Library, as well as the representations of those in the Archive of the Order of Jesus in Rome that have already been published2. Within the set of problems that provided synthesis between funeral traditions as disparate as those of the Catholic and the Chinese—there already was Buddhist or neo-Con- 1 Requests for reprints should be sent to Pedro Luengo Gutiérrez. E-mail: [email protected]2 Biblioteca Casanatense, Roma. Mss. 2569. Ff. 338r-340v. JOURNAL OF CHINESE STUDIES, 1(1), 71-84 LUENGO 72 IXFLRQLVW²WKHPLVVLRQDULHVZHUHDEOHWRLGHQWLI\HVSHFLDOO\VLJQL¿FDQWREVWDFOHVWKHFXOWRI worship to the ancestors being one of the most well known. These types of rituals were very well established in the Chinese population and maintained a double quality serving both civil and religious purposes. To understand its complete dimension in the case of the Emperor, one can consult Rawski (1988). The missionaries decided to reinterpret these same rituals within the sphere of the Christian tradition, while at the same time modifying some DVSHFWV$IWHUWKHVH¿UVWDWWHPSWVDWUHLQWHUSUHWLQJWKHULWXDOVWKH\REVHUYHGWKDWWKHVXSHUVWLWLRQWKDWVXUURXQGHGWKLVOLWXUJ\ZDVGLI¿FXOWWRHUDGLFDWH,QWKHVDPHZD\WKHVDFUL¿FHV connected to the wakes appeared as heretical practices and did not conform to the Council of Trent. Finally, the Chinese belief that the spirit of the dead resided in the board and that it could move itself from one tablet to the other, practicing a particular ceremony, resulted LQDGLI¿FXOW\WRLQWHUSUHWIURPD&KULVWLDQSHUVSHFWLYH3. The incorporation of the cross and of allusive inscriptions to the Creed was also behind the attempt to Christianize the ritual, but the practice did not spread as was expected. For this reason, Europe raised the radical option of its prohibition. For this reason, the Chinese government came to pronounce the rituals to be civil celebrations, and therefore, had nothing to do with Christianity (Mungello, 2009, p. 168). On the other hand, it was evident that to ban them, would have brought the Chinese Christians to face severe penalties as stipulated by the legislation in force, and that to the rest of the population it would be interpreted as a gesture of disloyalty to their ancestors4. Before the attraction that continued supposing the spiritual conquest of China, this controversy was the main subject of the missions throughout the 17th century. One of the ¿UVWHIIHFWVZDVWKHHGLWLQJRIYDULRXVZULWLQJVLQZKLFKZHUHGLVFXVVHGWKHYDOLGLW\RIWKH rites to the ancestors and also the configuration of the tablets. The liturgical-theological cast a shadow on the artistic problem, and perhaps for this reason, the graphic examples are especially limited. In this discussion—very active in the south of China—the Hispanic missionaries took on some of the key roles. The Spanish Dominican, Francisco Varo was responsible for the initiation of an internal dispute in China on the problem of the rites (Menegon, 2008). Within his writings, it can be highlighted his entitled catechism 6KHQJML- DR0LQJ]KHQJ㚆ᮉ᰾䅹 , and his work titled %LDQML 䗘⾝ (ca. 1656) in which he expresses KLVSRVLWLRQDJDLQVWWKHSUDFWLFHRIVDFUL¿FHWRWKHWDEOHWVWKHPDQXVFULSWRIWKLVUHPDLQHG hidden until the Jesuit Simao Rodrigues located it again in 1681 (Standaert, 1995). With its ¿QGLQJWKHUHEHJDQDQHZGLVFXVVLRQRQWKHWRSLFLQWKH)XMLDQSURYLQFHZKHUHWKHUHZDV involved other central characters like Li Liangiue and Yan Zanhua, the father of Yan Mo, who also would write a response to the %LDQML, also arising other texts that came to examine the popular religious practices about the cult to the ancestors5. In this respect, the works 3 One of the annotations to the drawings it expressly mentions: 2PQLQRLJLWXUQRQSRVVXQWUHVLGHUH LQWDEHOODOLJQHDQXQTXDPSRVVXQWELEHUHDXWFRPHGLUHQHTXHODUJLQLIHOLFLWDWHVDXWLQIHOLFLWDWHV6LHUJR FODUHVFLDPXVDQLPDVQRQUHVLGHUHLQWDEHOOLV Biblioteca Casanatense, Roma. Mss. 2569. F. 339v. 4 Finally they were prohibited by Clement XI in bulls of 1704, 1710 and 1715. In spite of these measures the tablets continued to be widely used by Chinese Christians until at least the end of the 19th century. Therefore, the knowledge of the génesis of their models is particularly interesting. 5 Some of the texts of Yan Mo are the Jizukao, ⾝⾆㘳 (ARSI, Jap-Sin I, 38/42, 41/1a), or the Kaoyi, 㘳 ⯁ (ARSI, Jap-Sin I, 28/42, 40/6b), Although some of the most remarkable for this topic will be discussed later on. CHRISTIANITY AND CHINESE RITES CONTROVERSY 73 of Yan Mo should be highlighted, ೤䅘 VWXGLHGE\6WDQGDHUWRUPRUHVSHFL¿FDOO\0X]KX kao ᵘѫ㘳 , 6WXG\RQWKHWDEOHWVRIGHFHDVHGSHUVRQV or of Muzhu zonglun ᵘѫ㑭䄆 , 6XPPDU\RQWKHWDEOHWVRIGHFHDVHGSHUVRQV6. The area of Fujian had been converted into the center of operations for the Order of Preachers in China, together with some straggling Franciscans and some Jesuits in clear deterioration (Fernández, 1958). It should be remembered that the second quarter of the 17th century was highlighted by the Hispanic attempt to establish themselves in current day Taiwan, which provided a perfect link between the convents of Manila and the continental missions in China (Borao, 2009). The traditional contact of this part of the continent with archipelagos such as the Philippines, where missionaries used to spend several years in training and acclimatization, made them think that the effect they would produce in the entire region would be much more than until that point had been intuited (San Roman, 2001). Surely the accumulated experience in the Philippines with the Chinese, there called sangleyes, pre-ceded by the direct knowledge of the Mexican initiatives, produced its own interpretation from the adaptation of the Chinese method opposite of that of the Company. Fujian, which was much more heterogeneous in the missionary practices and with a popular religion distinct from that of the North, offered a more suitable scenario from which the missionaries there were able to highlight to the Christian cultural elites various theological and liturgical chapters. The geo-strategic position of the province facilitated that this discussion was made global, permitting the participation in it missionaries of the metropolis and of Puebla de los Angeles (St. Clair Segurado, 2000). The texts of the Spanish missionaries such as Pedro de la Piñuela, a collaborator of Varo, and from Marbella Agustín de San Pascual (1637-1697), as well as the responses from others like Bartolomé Marrón created a discussion in all the Order that served as background to the problem of design of the tablets of the ancestors7. The central element of the discussions was the rituals to the ancestors and their tablets, a widespread practice of worship at the time. Within the different types of traditional Chinese tablets at the time, one can highlight ⾎ѫ⡼ shenzhupai (spirit master sign) and the ⾎ ս shenwei (spirit seat). This type of plate, customarily crafted out of wood, is an important part of the popular religious practices that had gone and mixed with the larger Oriental religions. Actually, they can be equally found on domestic altars as in temples. On the other KDQGLWVFRQVWLWXWLYHPDWHULDOVXVXDOO\KDYHDQLPSRUWDQWUROHVLQFHLQVRPHFDVHVLWV¿UVW version is produced on paper, from which the ancestral spirit is then transferred to another wood engraving by means of the appropriate ceremony (Menegon, 2009). The function and location of each one of the memorial stones deserves a commentary that consequently should be based on the investigations of Menegon. The cult of the ancestors was ordinarily found in the domestic sanctuaries (jiatang, ᇦา ), or in the ancestral halls (citang, ⾐า ,QJHQHUDOWHUPVLWFDQEHVDLGWKDWWKH¿UVWRIWKHGHDGWREHUHPHP- bered were those closest to the immediate family, meanwhile the second tombstones perpet- 6 The location of this document is given by the Ricci Institute in ARSI, Jap-Sin I, (38/42) 41/1b. 7 From between these they would be able to highlight la 5HIXWDFLyQGHOXVRGHODVWDEOLOODVSRUHO3 0DUUyQ. Provincial Archive of Ávila. 2-Derecha. Section of Chinese Rites (RCh). Tomo 35. Tomo 6. Ff. 98-147. La 5HVSXHVWDDODTXHHVFULELyHQXQIUDQFLVFDQRHQGHIHQVDGHODVWDEOLOODVFKLQDV […] por %DUWRORPp0DUUyQ APA. 2-Derecha, RCh, T. 35. JOURNAL OF CHINESE STUDIES, 1(1), 71-84 LUENGO 74 uated the memory of the more distant yet prominent dead. In any of these spaces, this cult of the ancestors was mixed with Taoist and Buddhist images and/or with other popular devotions. In this way, it served a ceremonial function in a high-status family, while the more humble family would make due with just a domestic altar, thus avoiding the liturgy of the mausoleums. As was to be expected, the Chinese Christians of different areas maintained this type of space in an attempt to Christianize the altars, such as occurred in Zhangzhou or Fu’an. To do this, it seemed to be that the missionaries generated a series of models that were exhibited in missions, which thus facilitated their Order and production by traditional artisans. Once the inscription was completed, it was then necessary for it to be inspected and assessed by a missionary. The graphic documentation about these models was especially scarce until now, and could be summed up in two examples offered up by Jesuit sources. Fortunately, a series of annotated drawings has been uncovered where these practices are described. They deal with three pages in whose fronts offer concrete examples of the WDEOHWV$VSHFWVVXFKDVLWVGDWHDXWKRUVKLSRUVSHFL¿FSXUSRVHDUHOHIWIRUVSHFXODWLRQRU FRQ¿UPDWLRQIURPRWKHUVHFRQGDU\VRXUFHV8. The inscriptions on the drawings are made in Chinese characters, along with its phonetic transcription and Latin translation9. These models go along with explanations written principally in Spanish, although other explanations are even interspersed in Latin with Italian phrases. The unity of the whole work makes one think it is the product of one author, most likely a Spanish missionary, along with the assistance of local helpers in other works of greater format. The drawings found today are linked to documentation dating from the middle of the 18th century, although it is likely these respond to problems dating to the end of the previous century in the coastal region of China, owning to Fu’an and Shanghai as well as Fujian10. Their subsequent binding with documents within a later collection are fundamental to the understanding of the ambassadorship of Cardinal Tournon and the Controversy of the Chinese Rites at the beginning of the 18th century. In actuality, other texts of this particular Dominican origin dating from the 17th century are conserved in the same Casanatense library. Supporting the connection with the world of the Order of Preachers, exists a decorative element of questionable interpretation. Finishing off the composition, on many Jesuit tombstones from early on appeared the IHS, that without totally generalizing were found in various later cases. In these drawings, that option is substituted with two stars in the form of a pointed cross, or of the cross of Saint John, that can be linked to one of the attributes of Saint Domingo, the founder of the order. If this dating is to be considered valid, the drawings would be contemporaneous of the other two drawings known to date—those that were sent by the French Jesuits in the 17th 8 In the same volume of the library can be found la 0HPRULHHQRWL]LHGHOOHPLVVLRQLGHOOD&LQDLQIRUPDGLJLRUQDOLIDWWHFRPHSHUPDQGDUOHDGXQDPLFRLQFRQ¿GHQ]DHFRQVHJUHWH]]D, written by Giovanni Pietro da Mantova between 1746 and 1749. 9 The phonetic transcription of some characters suggest that the Chinese used came from the south of the country as can be seen in examples ০, currently yes in Mandarin, mou in Cantonese and transcribed as meu. 10 In the coastal strip which grouped discussions in this regard are known with special interest in the problema of the tablets, which did not generate as much documentation as other missions in China. CHRISTIANITY AND CHINESE RITES CONTROVERSY 75 century, or included in Spanish publications11. Well known is the funeral cross of Cándida Xu (d. 1680) (Cuplet, 1691). Very similar to this is the funeral cross of Philippe Xu Yongchang (d. 1684) (Standaert, 2008). All of them seem to have been disseminated in the region of Songjian and Shanghai, creating a few different particularisms that were common in the Jesuit community in the capital. The similarity between its composition and that of the presented drawings is evident, which can help support the dating offered. Both share a common interest in reincorporating the cross, including inscriptions taken from the Creed, although in the cases presented now, the inscriptions are much more extensive. Along with these similarities, there are some relevant variants to take into consideration. As was indicated in both examples, these types of crosses used to be made of wood, copper, or in rarer cases, such as that of Cándida Xu, in silver. With the exception of wood— which is very rare—there has been no documentation as to the make-up of the Christian Chinese tablets. These types of materials are logical for the liturgical furnishings, though less appropriate for its exposure, but what’s more is it is thought that these works were PDGHORQJEHIRUHWKHGHDWKRIWKHIDLWKIXO,QWKH¿UVWSODFHWKHVHFURVVHVZHUHREMHFWVRI the Christian devotion and its death passed to form part of its furnishings, while the tablets would be created just after the death. Another notable difference is that these two crosses had inscriptions on the front and back of the cross, while those represented in the drawings only included it on the one side. The difference should have implied a distinct function, since it does not seem logical to have a tablet of commemorative steel with two faces. This explains that, when taking into account its function, it would not be that of a traditional tablet, but would come to serve as prayer tablets in Chinese which were used in burying the deceased12. Clearly, the ritual problems created by the tablets were minimized. The material utilized to make the traditional tablets in China did not seem to be of any JUHDWVLJQL¿FDQFHWRWKHPLVVLRQDULHV$FWXDOO\DOWKRXJKWKHDXWKRURIWKHGUDZLQJVGLGQRW PDNHDGLVWLQFWLRQEHWZHHQWKHVLJQL¿FDQFHRIHDFKRQHRIWKHPLQWKHULWXDORIWKHDQFHV- tors, according to Menegon, each material would correspond also with a ceremonial state in the Chinese tradition. This can be interpreted that the missionaries wanted to make the difference between a characteristic based on the economic level of the dead and his family, thus avoiding the problems that were offered in the transfer of the spirit from one tablet of a certain material to another. Actually, as soon as there was a newly deceased member in the IDPLO\WKH¿UVWWHPSRUDU\SLHFHZDVPDGHLQVLONWKHQDIWHUWKHQDPHLWZDVDGGHGseat RIWKHVSLULWOLQJZHL 䵸ս . This work should have been replaced during the funeral with a tablet of wood, known as muzhu, ᵘѫ , which then after the funeral would pass to the domestic sanctuary. When various generations had passed, some of these tablets would be moved more developed family mausoleums. In other instances, tablets were created to unite and group different members of the lineage. 11 )LJXUHGHOD&URL[DYHFODTXHOOHOHVFKUHVWLHQVGHOD&KLQHRQWDFFRXVWXPpGHVHIDLUHHQVHYHOLU Impr. F. de Louvement. 12 Standaert translates the instructions that the engraving quotes definitely on the use of this type of crossings: 2QHVKRXOGPDNHWKLVFURVVLQDGYDQFHFDVWLWLQFRSSHUHQJUDYHLWZLWKWKHLQVFULSWLRQVDQG H[SRVHLWLQWKHKRXVHRQO\OHDYLQJEODQNWKHGDWHRIGHFHDVHLQRUGHUWRLQVFULEHLWDIWHUGHDWK,QWKLVZD\ LWZLOOEHNHSWIRUHYHUDQGZLOOQRWGHFD\,IKRZHYHUWKLVLVQRWSRVVLEOHWKHQWKHUHLVQRSUREOHPLQXVLQJ ZRRGWRPDNHLW)RUPDNLQJWKLVFURVVRQHVKRXOGJRWRWKHFKXUFKWRJHWDPRGHO. Ibid. P. 123. JOURNAL OF CHINESE STUDIES, 1(1), 71-84 LUENGO 76 Although these last typologies were exclusive to families of higher status, the missionaries designed models to more properly respond to the custom of honoring entire families that would join other models more commensurate with the individual memory of the dead. The tablets of a complete family used to make reference to two generations would be developed dually to the left and right of the central column, while that on the ends of the tablets space was left for two accessory columns reserved for the most distinguished ancestors. Between the rituals carried out by both Christians and the gentiles for the memory of its IDPLOLHV¿YHYHUVLRQVDSSHDUVWLOOWKHWZRVTXDUHZD\VEHLQJWKHPRVWFRPPRQLQFRQWHPSRUDU\V&KLQD,QWKH¿UVWFDVHWKHUHLVDWDEOHWFRYHUHGLQODFHZKHUHWKHQDPHVRIWKHGH- ceased are not in sight13. Besides this, there exists a more common second method with the tablets in which the names of the ancestors of the previous two generations are cited. These WZRPRGHOVXVHGFRPPRQO\LQ&KLQDZLWKRXWEHLQJOLQNHGWRDQ\VSHFL¿FUHOLJLRQZRXOG be necessary to add to the three strictly Christian typologies. As stated in the annotation in the margin, their use was not yet common among the growing Christian community, yet surely they would be in the minds of the missionaries as they sought to spread them among the population. Two of them incorporate the stature of the cross on what is inscribed the phonetic transcription of the name of Christ in vertical writing, ᡁؑа㙦こส࡙ᯟⶓᡁ ㅹѫ 14. In some cases, the arms of the cross would be inscribed: 䋫/ୟަ 15. In contrast to what was happening in the crosses with described prayers, in these models, under the arms of the cross were the typical columns with the paternal family to the right and the maternal family to the left. To this group of three types of exclusively Christian tablets, one must add one more typology, this time without a cross, ended by a cross of St. John. Two corresponding tablets are inscribed in a single solution, with the memory of the father to the right and the memory of the mother to the left. In those cases, in some ways more similar to the individual tablets, the birth and death dates were added to both. Before moving on to individual wakes, it must be stressed that in the new interpretation WKHPLVVLRQDULHVPDGHWKH¿QDOFKDUDFWHURIWKHWUDQVODWLRQRIWKH&UHHG7KLVDI¿UPDWLRQ LVRQO\LQFRUSRUDWHGLQWKHVHWZRPRGHOV²XQGRXEWHGO\&KULVWLDQDQGWKH\¿QLVKZLWKWKH character zhu ѫ, which does not occur in the orations on the crosses. In the Chinese tradition, the inscription always ended with the character ZDQJ ⦻, that was completed with the superior accent when the wake was installed on the domestic altar, symbolizing the descent of the spirit to his tablet (Menegon, 2009). Obviously this proved to be ill suited for the missionaries, who took the steps to re-interpret it before prohibiting it. They took the character ѫ but took caution that its interpretation was that of Dominus and not the one of the two-syllabled shenzhu ⾎ѫ WDEOHRIWKHVSLULWVWKDW¿QLVKHGZLWKWKHWUDGLWLRQDOLQVFULS- 13 This form of Tablet is common to Christians, and gentiles, it has a table of lace, and as such the names of the deceased do not appear, that there is written in it. The interpretation of “table of lace” is not easy. It probably referes to a piece of wood prepared to accomodate other pieces of the same material that can subsequently be adjusted. Perhaps each corresponds to a character which would incorporate the names of the dceased family at a later date. 14 ᡁؑа㙦こส࡙ᯟⶓᡁㅹѫ , originally translated as “ngo sin ie Iesukilisuto ngo tan cju” and translated as (JRFUHGR>LQ@XQXP-HVXP&KULVWXP'RPLQXPQRVWUXPThe scond option, very similar to this, incorporates the inscription 㙦こส࡙ᯟⶓᡁㅹѫ , -HVXV&KULVWXV'RPLQXVQRVWHU In this case there are not inscriptions on the arms of the cross. 15 䋫/ୟަWUDQVODWHGDV³OLR¿XHLNL´RU)LOLXPVROXP CHRISTIANITY AND CHINESE RITES CONTROVERSY 83 FIGURE 3 Christian Tablets. Casanatense Library, Rome. Mss. 2569. F. 340r. FIGURE 2 "De cajoncillo" and Paper Tablets. Casanatense Library, Rome. Mss. 2569. F. 340r. JOURNAL OF CHINESE STUDIES, 1(1), 71-84 LUENGO 84 FIGURE 4 Chinese Tablets Used by Christians. Casanatense Library, Rome. Mss. 2569. F. 338v. View publication statsView publication stats