The Transition. Convergence and discrepancy in the international and national press coverage of Spain’s major postwar international news export

Como citar este artículo: TULLOCH, Christopher David y GUILLAMET LLOVERAS, Jaume (2018): “The Transition. Convergence and discrepancy in the international and national press coverage of Spain’s major postwar international news export”, en Revista Internacional de Historia de la Comunicación, pp. 05-22. 5 THE TRANSITION. CONVERGENCE AND DISCREPANCY IN THE INTERNATIONAL AND NATIONAL PRESS COVERAGE OF SPAIN’S MAJOR POSTWAR INTERNATIONAL NEWS EXPORT 1 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/RiHC.2018.i11.02 Recibido: 03/10/2018 Aceptado: 08/11/2018 Publicado: 15/12/2018 Christopher David Tulloch ORCID https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5476-0887 Universitat Pompeu Fabra, [email protected] Jaume Guillamet Lloveras ORCID https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8385-1588 Universitat Pompeu Fabra, [email protected] 1 Los resultados presentados en este artículo corresponden a los proyectos de investigación "Noticias Internacionales de España. la Transición" (CSO 2009-09655), "El papel de la prensa diaria en la Transición" (CSO 2012-36774) y "El papel de la prensa no diaria en la Transición" (CSO 2015-67752-P) Christopher David Tulloch y Jaume Guillamet Lloveras Revista internacional de Historia de la Comunicación, Nº11, Vol.1, año 2018, pp. 05-22 6 Resumen: El papel de la prensa nacional y extranjera en la cobertura informativa de la Transición española a la democracia (1975-1978) ha sido una referencia constante en la historiografía del período de cambio político en España tras el final de la dictadura de Franco, así como en la cultura periodística. En este artículo presentamos los resultados generales de tres proyectos de investigación sobre el papel de la prensa extranjera, de la prensa diaria española y de la prensa no diaria enlos que se pueden comprobar convergencias y discrepancias en el relato informativo, las valoraciones editoriales y los posicionamientos políticos. La mayor independencia y libertad informativa de la prensa extranjera contrasta con la proximidad de la prensa española al rey y al gobierno, con la excepción del apoyo crítico a la reforma de las nuevas revistas políticas y los diarios surgidos en los primeros meses del proceso de cambio político. Palabras clave: Transición española, corresponsales extranjeros, prensa diaria, revistas políticas, periodistas Abstract: The role of the national and foreign press in the news coverage of the Spanish transition to democracy (1975-1978) has been a constant reference in the historical study of the period of political change after the end of the Francoist dictatorship. In this article we present the general results of three research projects concerning the role of the foreign press, of the Spanish daily press and the magazine marketin which we can observe both convergence and discrepance in the news narrative, editorial behaviour and political standpoints. The greater independence and informative freedom of the foreign press contrasts with the proximity of the Spanish press to both King and government with the exception of the critical support to reform expressed in both the new political magazines and newspapers during the first few months of the process of political change. Keywords: Spanish Transition, foreign correspondents, daliy press, political magazines, journalists Introduction Transition studies is undoubtedly a growing field within international political science. Interested scholars can access key texts that cover the external stimulation of democracy and the context of regime transition (Pridham, 1991, McGrew 1997) along with comparative works concerning democratic regeneration in Latin America, South Africa, Russia and Eastern Europe (Filgueira and Nohlen 1994; Anderson, 1999; Jones 2001; Gross 2004; Voltmer 2006). In this sense, the post-Francoist Spanish transition to democracy is no exception as the abundant literature available on the subject illustrates (Carr and Fusi, 1993; Maravall 1982; Preston 1986; Clark and Haltzel 1987; Tuñon de Lara 1991; Tusell 1996, 1999; Soto 1998; Townson 2007). Within the wider field of transition studies, the role of the press in political change is itself an emerging field in journalism history studies. In that sense, the specific contribution of both the international press (Tulloch 2015; Guillamet 2016) and local journalists (Barrera, 1995; The Transition. Convergence and discrepancy in the international and national press coverage of Spain’s major postwar international news export Revista internacional de Historia de la Comunicación, Nº11, Vol.1, año 2018, pp. 05-22 7 Zugasti 2008, Quirosa-Cheyrouze 2009; Guillamet 2018) in the conquest of political liberties and the consolidation of a democratic system in Spain are salient examples of these press/power dynamics. This paper attempts to draw together preliminary conclusions regarding the three consecutive research projects led by the Journalism Research Group at the Pompeu Fabra University in Barcelona focussed on the role of the international and national press as well as national and international weekly magazines during the Spanish transition to democracy in the late 1970s. The first project (2010-2012) focussed on the foreign correspondents and included field work in London, New York, Paris, Rome and the national archives as well as interviews with former journalists. Results were presented at IAMCR Durban 2012. The second project (2013-2015) shed light on the role of the national daily press and included exhaustive data retrieval and ethnographic work with leading journalists and politicians at the time, results of which were posted at IAMCR Montreal 2015. The third project (2016-2018) has worked on the political and general information magazines both in Spain and abroad. Some partial results of this Project were presented at IAMCR Leicester2016 and Cartagena de Indias 2017. The initial general results of this latest project –presented for the first time at IAMCR 2018- allow us to begin to draw across-the-board conclusions based on the results of all three studies. In order to attempt to extrapolate wider and cross-comparative ideas and given the limited nature of the space available, the authors discarded a lineal project-by-project approach in favour of an analysis of five key issues –the passing of Franco, the debut of King Juan Carlos, the first Suarez government, the legalization of the Spanish Communist Party and the result of the first free electionswhich dominate the early part of the Transition (November 1975 to June 1977) and which are clearly and constantly present in the three fields of journalistic production –international press, local newspapers and magazinesunder analysis here. 1 The Francoist legacy: condemned in the foreign press, respected on the pages of national dailies One of the most glaring discrepancies between the coverage of the international and the national press of the Spanish transition to democracy is their initial reaction to the Christopher David Tulloch y Jaume Guillamet Lloveras Revista internacional de Historia de la Comunicación, Nº11, Vol.1, año 2018, pp. 05-22 8 death of Franco and retrospective analysis of his regime. As a general rule, the foreign press takes no time in framing Francoism as undeniably negative and his dictatorship as the illegitimate continuity of the Civil War. The Italian press sets the tone. Less than 24 hours after his death, Alberto Viali in La Stampa refers to his rule as a “crazy, Nazistyle” dictatorship. Carles Casalegno in the same paper speaks of an end to “forty years of absolute power built on one million dead”. French daily Le Figaro openly doubts that the end of the dictatorship means the immediate beginning of freedom. Walter Haubrich, in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ) condemns Franco for his cruel attacks both on liberalism as well as communism. The Munich-based Suddeutsche Zeitung (SZ) writes that towards the end of his regime the “isolated dictator” had returned to his “fascist origins” and shown a genuine incapacity for preparing the arrival of a democracy. The New York Times (NYT) acuses Franco of committing “atrocious reprisals” and of governing through terror and its Spain correspondent Henry Giniger spoke of a man who “when in doubt, repressed”. The NYT editorial entitled “hated by many, loved by few”, published the day after Franco’s death, summarises the papers position. An interesting exception to the rule is the British press which shows itself to be more benevolent towards Franco. In spite of criticism regarding the nature and resistance to change of his regime both The Times and The Daily Telegraph speak of his successful military career, his independent stance during the Second World War and the prolonged period of peace and political stability enjoyed by Spain in recent decades. The latter even goes as far as saying that the Spanish people will suport Prince Juan Carlos because they are “anxious to conserve and construct the prosperity reached under the firm and stable government of Franco”. (Guillamet 2016: 47-49) For obvious reasons related to issues of censorship and press control –the 1966 Press Law is still firmly in place- and newsroom inertia of so many years of strict supervision, Spanish national newspapers offer a contesting portrayal of the legacy of Franco. In the days following his death, there is a tone of widespread approval for a regime normally couched in terms of the ‘modernization’ and ‘guarantee of national unity’ which his rule had represented. For Ya, ABC and to a slightly lesser extent, Informaciones, it is time for grieving and for the recognition of the figure of the dictator. The op-ed content during the first seven days following his death constitutes one constant tribute to Franco. While Informaciones publishes four consecutive editorials on Franco before turning its attention to the new King, Ya offers no less than six editorials about his role in contemporary Spanish history and a uniformly positive reading of his political testament. The Catholic daily refers to Franco as “the great Spanish figure of the 20th century” whose mark on Spanish society is “so huge that any superlative would only reduce it”. Ya also considers that Franco not only paved the way for the Transition but is also directly responsible for the popularity of the new Monarch when stating that “Franco has won his last battle which was to offer the masses to the King so that the Monarchy will not have to build itself in a vacuum but The Transition. Convergence and discrepancy in the international and national press coverage of Spain’s major postwar international news export Revista internacional de Historia de la Comunicación, Nº11, Vol.1, año 2018, pp. 05-22 9 rather on the grounds of popular adhesion” (Tulloch, 2017: 91). ABC’s lauding of the figure of Franco goes beyond the first few days and weeks and continues into months. In May 1976, and coinciding with the six month commemoration of his death, the Madrid daily still openly revindicates the “common historical patrimony” that Franco represents. On November 20th 1976, -exactly a year after his deaththe paper offers a full length editorial recalling the figure and legacy of the dictator. Outside of the capital, on the day following his funeral, the publisher of La Vanguardia Española in Barcelona, the Count of Godó, offers a full length article in which he exalts the figure of Franco and declares himself to be proud to have formed part of the Spain he forged. After a few days, La Vanguardia left behind references to the legacy of the dictator in favour of clear support to the King. The reaction of the Spanish magazines was more varied given that some such as Cuadernos para el Diálogo, Triunfo or Cambio 16 had already emerged on the newsstands with an attitude clearly favourable to political change unlike others such as Gaceta Ilustrada or La Actualidad Española which were tied to the main newspapers and thus showed themselves to be more benevolent in their treatment of Franco. The Anglo-American political weeklies analysed in this study –The Economist, Time and Newsweekwhile as equally critical of the Francoist legacy as their daily newspaper counterparts, tend towards a double analysis of how his death may affect institutions such as the Armed Forces while at the same time offering projections about the consequences of the changes ahead. The Economist expresses its relief at the passing of what it calls on its front cover “Spain’s little old man” but also refers to the King as the “Prince-in-waiting so few people know” ad gives tips on “how to exorcise Franco’s ghost”. Time in a long six page retrospective talks of “36 years of iron rule” and in articles which reflect the political uncertainty at the time publishes pieces entitled “After Franco, hope and fear” or “Juan Carlos: the Uncertain King”. Newsweek also carries out this double coverage combining a moderately negative look back at the Francoist years accompanied by doubts about the political future of Spain as can be seen by the content of articles such as “Waiting in the wings” or “Deathbed Politics”. Christopher David Tulloch y Jaume Guillamet Lloveras Revista internacional de Historia de la Comunicación, Nº11, Vol.1, año 2018, pp. 05-22 10 2 The King’s first twelve months: from widespread criticism to full support of pro-democratic measures in both international and national press While Transitionist literature has been extremely favourable towards the figure of Juan Carlos I, one of the most interesting transversal observations of the coverage carried out by international press, national dailies and magazines at the time refers to the reservations shown by all alike regarding the capacity of the young Monarch to carry out plans for reform and to lead Spain into a new political future. Unlike the discrepancies between the foreign press and national newspapers regarding the figure of Franco, the young King is the subject of across-the-board criticism in the first few months of his reign. The international press is disappointed at the Monarch’s opening moves. To begin with, the King is widely portrayed as the heir to Franco –Giscard d’Estaing had coined Juan Carlos I “a prefabricated King”- who does not represent a break with the past. The Suddeutsche Zeitung urged the King to act quickly so as not to lose credibility (24 Nov 75) The nomination of Torcuato Fernández Miranda as president of the Kings Council is seen as a gesture to the extreme right and is openly criticised in the NYT (3 Dec 75). With the exception of the Daily Telegraph and the Washington Post, the foreign press is frustrated by the nomination of Arias Navarro as Prime Minister. The NYT warns the King of choosing the “continuation of Francoism without Franco”. (10 Dec 75) Haubrich in the FAZ says that this first cabinet does not correspond to that desired by Spanish democrats. The NYT accuses the King of “not operating with courage” (23 Dec 75) while La Stampa is furious at the exaltation of Franco in the King’s Christmas message (27 Dec 75). The continuist policies of Arias Navarro are received with disappointment by foreign correspondents. Reforms are considered to be too slow and the spring of 1976 presents unrest in Catalonia, the Basque Country and the arrest of political opposition. Arias Navarro is interviewed by Arnaud de Borchgrave in Newsweek and his immobilist philosophy only generates greater frustration (5 Jan 76). The Times accuse the King of “not putting his weight behind change” (31 Mar 76) and the Corriere della Sera (15 Mar 76) points towards Arielza and Fraga as immediate solutions. Sandro Viola en La Repubblica states that Juan Carlos’ Spain is “practically the same as under Franco” (3 April 76) and Le Figaro states that Juan Carlos’ desire for change is challenged by Arias’ desire to perpetuate the Francoist heritage. (20 April 76) On 26th April Newsweek provides Arias Navarro’s political death sentence when revealing how the King has referred to his premier as an “unmitigated disaster”. The Transition. Convergence and discrepancy in the international and national press coverage of Spain’s major postwar international news export Revista internacional de Historia de la Comunicación, Nº11, Vol.1, año 2018, pp. 05-22 11 As for national titles, even the staunchly pro-monarchist La Vanguardia Española, while welcoming the arrival of the King as a sign of democratic regeneration, complains of the apparent lack of distribution of power. The creation of the necessary conditions for the conversion of Spain into a modern European state seemed to be hindered by the lack of measures taken for the provision of such a change. While –as in the case of the death of Francothe international press is much quicker to oppose Arias Navarro than their national counterparts, that does not mean the national press protected Arias Navarro from criticism. La Vanguardia, which had initially offered lukewarm support to Arias Navarro, begins to publish articles critical of both his economic policies and his close relations with the Franco nostalgics known as the “bunker”. Ya is infuriated by the lack of communicative skills displayed by the premier in his first live televised speech at the end of January. By April the paper withdraws the support it had lent to Arias Navarro and both this paper along with Informaciones criticize his inability to face up to the far-right bunker and push the need for a democratic programme, a calendar for change and a timeline to make political reform a reality. Arias Navarro’s forced resignation comes as no surprise to both the international and national press. The Italian press celebrates the decision and now considers the King an artifice of change. The Times says the end of Arias Navarro puts an end to jokes about “Juan Carlos The Brief” and both Le Monde and the NYT say that ‘resignation’ is a euphemism and argue that it has been forced by the King. The real surprise will be the substitute. While Arias Navarro’s resignation on the 1st of July was to change the dynamics of the coverage of the King in both the national and international press, the foundations for this about-turn were laid a month before coinciding with the King’s visit to the United States in June 1976 for the bicentenary of US independence. The Kings speech at the US Congress is the launching pad for more favourable criticism particularly in the international press where reaction is glowing. The NYT proclaims Juan Carlos “a King for democracy” (4 June 76). Le Figaro talks of a “new image” for Spain and the SZ refers to the Monarch as “a King who, in the New World, has broken with the Francoist legacy”. (8 June 76). A similar effect is perceptible in the national press. From June onwards newspapers such as Informaciones and Ya reflect the Monarch as a symbol of the reconciliation needed to guide Spain through complex political times. The former dedicates no less than eight editorials to him throughout the second half of 1976 -along with a special edition on the 22nd November 1976 dedicated to erasing Franco from the collective memory in favour of the Kingwhile the latter also dedicates a special issue on the anniversary of his confirmation as Head of State. New titles on the newsstand such as Christopher David Tulloch y Jaume Guillamet Lloveras Revista internacional de Historia de la Comunicación, Nº11, Vol.1, año 2018, pp. 05-22 12 El Pais –it appears just a month before the tripare also enthused by Juan Carlos’ reception in the US and see him the key to changing Spain’s image abroad. As for magazines, Time is equally enthusiastic and considers Juan Carlos to be “A New King with Clout” (7 June 76). Cambio 16 lends the Royal trip considerable coverage but, in a stark reminder of the austere conditions under which the national press was still force to manoeuvre, is threatened with suspension by the government for having published an image of the King apparently tap dancing on the front cover of the magazine. In this sense the possible reservations that the Spanish magazines may have had concerning the figure of the King are constrained by the protection lent to him by the Press Law. That said, all of them see the Monarch as the only figure capable of forcing reforms beyond the continuity of Francoism. The new democratic magazines insist in counterbalancing the figure of the King with that of Franco as well as the positive relationship he has with his father Juan de Borbón, son of Alfonso XIII and legitimate heir to the throne whose return was blocked by Franco. 3 Suárez: from ‘unwelcome surprise’ to Transition figurehead The nomination of Suárez as prime minister knocked the international and national press out of their stride. Many foreign correspondents had laid their weight fully behind Areilza seen by the NYT as a figure who “has stopped fighting the Civil War and is now trying to pull the country away from its old antagonisms” (23 Dec 75) The national press also coveted Areilza as can be seen by its clear support even as late as May 1976 for his proposal of a national pact for reform and by the fact that he was clearly the minister most closely associated with the King. The weekly magazines gave him considerable space along with Fraga who offered lengthy exclusive interviews to the Angloamerican publications. Along with the fallout of the exclusion of Areilza and Fraga, the widespread scathing criticism of the nomination of Suarez in the international press is largely due to him being received as another heir of the Regime. The French press is unanimous in its opposition to him. In the UK, the Financial Times says the choice of Suarez shows the weakness of the King and the political system he has inherited and criticises his youth, lack of experience and minimal contacts with the opposition The Guardian fears that Suarez could be worse than Arias. (10 July 76) The German press states that this decision shows that, despite cosmetic changes, Spain is still a regime. The Italian press considers him to be a Fascist imposition that will not last. The Transition. Convergence and discrepancy in the international and national press coverage of Spain’s major postwar international news export Revista internacional de Historia de la Comunicación, Nº11, Vol.1, año 2018, pp. 05-22 13 Although couched in more moderate terms, the national press is in harmony with its international colleagues on this issue. Many Spanish papers considered the new Prime Minister not to have the political weight or democratic pedigree in order to carry out reforms. The choice of Suárez provokes a strongly worded editorial in La Vanguardia Española, a surprising reaction given the King’s open support for him. The traditionally moderate daily questions not only the capacity of the politician to bring Spain into the democratic era –“its possible that it’s a good change, its probable that it isn’t”- and considers this decision to represent a profound political crisis especially given that he did not dispose of a team especially after neither Areilza nor Fraga were to be named in the new Cabinet. The composition of the first Suarez Cabinet was considered to be made up of second string politicians. Informaciones wrote at the time that “the absence of first rate political figures and the relative anonymity of many of its components contribute to fostering doubts and suspicions” (Zugasti 2007: 71). El Pais explained that as journalists read through the list of names, the most frequent question in the newsrooms was “Who’s he?” Delkader at El Pais remembers that “the antecedents of Adolfo Saurez were not the cleanest slate for transforming the regime” (Zugasti 2007: 70). This newspaper was of course responsible for publishing the most damning criticism of the new government. Ricardo de la Cierva’s piece entitled “What a mistake, what an immense mistake!” where he refers to the “first Francoist government of postfrancoism” forms part of Transition folklore regarding the press’ reception of Suárez. To back its arguments, the next day the paper publishes a full page spread of the criticism of the Suarez cabinet in the international press. ABC, while more complimentary in its tone towards Suàrez at the beginning –largely due to his proximity to the Kingcannot comprehend the absence of Areilza and Fraga and consequently talks of a government without leaders while gradually withdrawing support for the new leader. Ya considers Suarez’s time in the Movimiento as a negative sign for the consolidation of genuine democratic change. According to a staff writer at the time, “while it is true that the “what a mistake” article was written by de la Cierva we all thought it to be true” (Tulloch 2017: 95). Ya considers his nomination as a “victory for the prudent reformists” and suggests the opposition take note and start to renew their leaders given the clear empathy between the King and the PM. Informaciones is equally surprised by the choice and considers Suarez’s background in the Francoist rank and file to be an obstacle and “an unfavourable starting point”. The only clear exception to the rule is the favourable reaction of the far-right newspaper El Alcazar. This publication sees Suarez as “one of their own”; a former black shirt figure from the rank and file of the Movimiento who should be able to out and end to the reform process. The paper goes on to urge Suarez to tackle the economic crisis before unveiling any political reforms and reminds the new premier that he represents a generation fully able to enjoy the ‘peaceful’ years brought by Francoism. Not surprisingly El Alcazar was one of only two papers –ABC was the other- Christopher David Tulloch y Jaume Guillamet Lloveras Revista internacional de Historia de la Comunicación, Nº11, Vol.1, año 2018, pp. 05-22 20 and censorship imposed on national publications –and particularly the magazine marketunder the 1966 Press Law, which it must be remembered, was only modified just prior to the first legislative elections of June 1977. The playing field for prodemocratic journalism was then not quite the same on both sides. 7 Concluding remarks Continuity and change. These two words could be employed to summarize the role played by the media during the Spanish transition to democracy. They are, in many ways, words which could also be used to describe the political process itself which, without achieving the democratic break demanded by the Francoist opposition, did culminate in a series of elections regulated by a reform bill approved by the Francoist Lower House before self-dissolution. The results of the three research projects, concerning the role of the foreign, local and weekly magazine press respectively, offer different profiles of political behaviour which, with some important nuances tend to coincide in one fundamental aspect: the unconditional support for the liberalizing measures of the successive governments of Carlos Arias Navarro and Adolfo Suarez and permanent criticism regarding any actions or measures which cast doubts of the political objectives of the reform or slow the pace, extent and intensity with which they were to be carried out. Continuity and change can be seen to take place in the three playing fields under analysis. The leading national dailies coming from Francoism maintain a position favourable to the reform proposals while at the same time making quite clear their support towards the conservative agenda headed by Alianza Popular (Manuel Fraga) and the Union de Centro Democratico (Adolfo Suárez). Support for the opposition parties can be found in the new dailies which appeared in 1976 onwards. The general weekly magazines follow a similar pattern although the main difference lies in the fact that the magazines are both quite clearly more open to including the voices and contributions of the democratic opposition and leftwing political groups as well as openly critical of figures and institutions of Francoism. In this sense, many of the new post-1975 press carries the baton originally led by some magazines. This restrained opposition both in press and weeklies is largely due to the control over the press exercised the 1966 Press Law –which was only partially reformed prior to the elections of June 1977- as well as to the precedence/prior employment of many editors and staff writers. This prudent response can also be explained by the uncertainty surrounding the Transition, the resistance shown by the armed forces and the climate of violence generated by ETA as well as extreme right and left political movements. The Transition. Convergence and discrepancy in the international and national press coverage of Spain’s major postwar international news export Revista internacional de Historia de la Comunicación, Nº11, Vol.1, año 2018, pp. 05-22 21 Continuity and change is also expressed through the foreign press but this time it is more clearly shown given the greater freedom given to foreign reporters and the political distance with which they were able to approach their work in comparison to their Spanish colleagues. In fundamental issues, the foreign correspondents and columnists coincide with the national press. 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