¿De la invisibilidad al empoderamiento de género y la integración de los migrantes? Repercusiones del trabajo doméstico y el cuidado en las mujeres migrantes en Grecia

ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1(31), 2022, 77-100 77 ¿De la invisibilidad al empoderamiento de género y la integración de los migrantes? Repercusiones del trabajo doméstico y el cuidado en las mujeres migrantes en Grecia From invisibility to gender empowerment and migrant integration? Repercussions of live-in domestic work and caregiving on female migrants in Greece Theodoros Fouskas University of West Attica (Greece) & European Public Law Organization (EPLO) [email protected] https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0507-217X George Koulierakis University of West Attica (Greece) & European Public Law Organization (EPLO) [email protected] https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3705-1007 Lola Lyberopoulou European Public Law Organization (EPLO) [email protected] Andrea De Maio European Public Law Organization (EPLO) [email protected] Resumen: El artículo se centra en el caso de las trabajadoras domésticas inmigrantes (criadas, niñeras y cuidadoras) en Grecia y en el impacto del trabajo doméstico en su integración en la sociedad griega/Grecia. Según los resultados de las entrevistas en profundidad, basadas en las conclusiones del proyecto "Voices of Immigrant Women" (VIW) (Erasmus+ 2020-1-ES01-KA203-082364), las mujeres migrantes están atrapadas en un marco de condiciones laborales invisibles y de explotación y se enfrentan a la discriminación Abstract: The article focuses on the case of female migrant domestic workers (maids, nannies and caregivers) in Greece and on the impact of domestic work on their integration in Greek society/Greece. According to the results of in-depth interviews, based on the findings of the “Voices of Immigrant Women” (VIW) project (Erasmus+2020-1-ES01-KA203-082364), female migrants are entrapped in a frame of invisible and exploitative working conditions and face discrimination at work. There are multiple cases where an employer treats migrant Recibido: 25/02/2022 | Revisado: 01/03/2022 | Aceptado: 31/05/2022 | Online first: 08/06/2022 Publicado: 30/06/2022 Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1(31), 2022, 77-100 ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Theodoros Fouskas | George Koulierakis | Lola Lyberopoulou | Andrea De Maio 78 en el trabajo. Son múltiples los casos en los que el empleador trata a las trabajadoras domésticas migrantes de forma inhumana, gritando y gesticulando, ejerciendo abusos físicos y verbales, así como contratándolas con contratos falsos o contratos de trabajo que la trabajadora nunca ha leído, lo que las hace vulnerables y susceptibles de sufrir diversas formas de explotación. La situación se agrava aún más por el control que se ejerce sobre la empleada, dificultando su acceso a otras ocupaciones y prolongando así su permanencia en el trabajo doméstico. En este contexto laboral, la mayoría de las mujeres migrantes son indiferentes a la colectividad y a la solidaridad y están aisladas de sus compatriotas y de otros trabajadores. La servidumbre les deja limitadas las oportunidades de empoderamiento para la movilidad social ascendente, siendo escasos los casos en los que la salida del trabajo doméstico ha supuesto un aumento de las oportunidades de las mujeres para convertirse en agentes principales de sus propias vidas y salvaguardarse de la explotación y de los trabajos informales y mal pagados, para vivir en libertad e independencia. domestic workers inhumanely, by shouting and gesticulating, exercising physical and verbal abuse as well as hiring them with false contracts or labour contracts that the worker has never read, which renders them vulnerable and susceptible to various forms of exploitation. The situation is further burdened by the control exercised over the employee, hindering their access to other occupations and thus prolonging their stay in domestic work. In this working context, most female migrants are indifferent to collectivity and solidarity and are isolated from their compatriots and other workers. Servitude leaves them with limited opportunities of empowerment for upward social mobility, there being only few cases where escape from domestic work has led to an increase of women’s opportunities to become the primary agents of their own lives and safeguard themselves from exploitation and informal and low-paid jobs, to live in freedom and independence. Palabras Clave: Inmigrantes; mujeres trabajadoras; trabajadoras inmigrantes; trabajadoras domésticas; integración social; Grecia Keywords: immigrants; women workers; migrant workers; domestic workers; social integration; Greece Introduction: Migration, the feminisation of labor and domestic work in Greece Greece experienced flows of migrants from neighbouring Balkan countries and the Republics of the former Soviet Union in the early 1990s, as well as from Africa, the Middle East and Asia in early 2010 (Fouskas and Tsevrenis 2014). In the late 1980s, Greece was mostly a country that received immigrants, rather than a country from which citizens emigrated. Census statistics prove that, in 1981, there were 180,000 foreigners residing in Greece, amounting to 2% of the total population, 63% of whom were from more developed countries. In the 1991 census, although there were no significant changes in numbers, less than 50% of foreigners were from developed countries. However, in the 2001 census, the number of foreigners had more than quadrupled, including 762,000 individuals residing in Greece without Greek citizenship, 7% of the total population, which at the time was just over 11 million. The most recent census of 2011 (Hellenic Statistical Authority, ELSTAT 2014) registered 912,000 foreigners in Greece, an increase of 150,000 individuals from 2001. Between 2015 and 2017, the incoming refugees were mainly from Syria. The current migration flows are mixed, including migrants, asylum seekers and refugees (Fouskas, 2021a; ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1 (31), 2022, 77-100 From invisibility to gender empowerment and migrant integration? Repercussions of live-in domestic work and caregiving on female migrants in Greece 79 Fouskas, 2021b; Sassen, 2021; Ministry of Migration and Asylum, 2021a) 1 . As of 31 December 2021, there were 693.517 Third Country Nationals (TCNs) (see Table 1) residing legally in Greece, 59.216 beneficiaries of international protection, 213.016 EU citizens and in total 965.749 legal migrants (Ministry of Migration and Asylum, 2021b). Table 1: Residence permits by categories/reason Category (EU) Total Employment 108.037 Other 329.662 Family reunification 252.146 Studies 3.672 Total 693.517 Source: Ministry of Migration and Asylum (2021a). According to the Asylum Service (Ministry of Migration and Asylum, 2021a), the number of asylum applications by TCNs within the Greek territory over-multiplied between 2013 and 2019: from 4,814 applications in 2013 (a monthly average of 688 applications), to i.e., a 14.3% rise between 2013 and 2014. In 2014, there were 9,431 applications at a monthly average of 786, a rise of 39.8% between 2014 and 2015. In 2015, there were 13,186 applications at a monthly average of 1,099, an increase by 287, 1% between 2013 and 2014. In 2016, there were 51,041 applications at a monthly average of 4,254, an increase of 14.9% between 2016 and 2017. In 2017, there were 58,629 applications at a monthly average of 4,886, marking an increase of 14.2% between 2017 and 2018. In 2018, there were 66,929 applications at a monthly average of 5,580. 2019, there were 77,243 applications at a monthly average of 6,440 applications), an increase of 15.4% between 2018 and 2019. According to the Asylum Service in 2020, the number of asylum applications by TCNs in the Greek territory were 40.502 and in 2021 (until 31 December) 28.320 (see Table 2) (Ministry of Migration and Asylum (2021a). Regarding the recognition of refugee status at 1st and 2nd degree, 2457 were recognized in 2016, 9378 in 2017, 12.797 in 2018, 13.833 in 2019, 26819 in 2020 and 13.781 until 31 December 2021 (Ministry of Migration and Asylum (2021a). According to the National Centre for Social Solidarity (2022), the estimated number of unaccompanied minors amounted to 2,209 (92 % boys), while 8% were under the age of 14. The total number of places in accommodation centres (shelters) are 2,482 and 95 emergency accommodation facilities. Based on the data of the National Centre for Social Solidarity 1.629 children are in Shelters, 302 in Supported Independent Living apartments (SIL), 18 in Relocation facilities, 60 in Emergency accommodation facilities, 172 in Reception and Identification Centres, 28 in Open Accommodation Facilities. Table 2: Asylum Applications - 2021 (until 31.12) per gender and age groups Age group Gender 0-13 14-17 18-34 35-64 65+ Total Male 2529 3411 12036 3582 47 21605 Female 2136 369 2902 1265 43 6715 Total 4665 3780 14938 4847 90 28320 Source: Ministry of Migration and Asylum (2021a). 1 Afghanistan, Pakistan, Syria, Bangladesh, Turkey, Iran, Somalia, Albania, Egypt, Congo, see Ministry of Migration and Asylum (2021a). Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1(31), 2022, 77-100 ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Theodoros Fouskas | George Koulierakis | Lola Lyberopoulou | Andrea De Maio 80 Feminist scholarship on migration underlines that in the context of globalisation (Parreñas, 2000, 560-581) social constructions of gender and racial stereotypes drive men and women into specific roles and organise their experiences. The presence of women is not a new element, as female migration has always been an important component of international migration (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2002, 2004; Yeates, 2009; Anderson and Shutes, 2014; Yilmaz and Ledwith, 2017; Land, 2019; Yamane, 2021). The change is based on the economic roles that are undertaken by migrant women during the migration process (Campani, 2000; Parreñas, 2001; Lan, 2006; Monreal Gimeno, Terrón Caro, Cárdenas Rodríguez, 2014). More and more women are migrating alone as heads of households and economically active subjects, while fewer than in the past are migrating as dependents of their husbands. This new development of international migration in relation to the participation of women has been recorded in literature under the term “feminisation of migration” (Castles and Miller, 1998:16). Many women from rural areas migrate autonomously or through family reunification programmes; others, who are unskilled, migrate autonomously and at an increasing rate from urban areas due to poverty or family issues. Those who have secondary or higher education migrate autonomously because they are unable to find jobs commensurate with their qualifications. Others migrate due to political unrest, widespread violence and gender discrimination. Women also migrate following their husbands or families. Family reunification is considered to be the easiest way to legally enter certain countries, due to restrictive migration policies. Independent forms of female migration include those who migrate alone or before their husbands, as both the labour market and the gender division of labour in reception countries offer them more employment opportunities. The International Labour Office (ILO) (2022) stresses that domestic workers are “those workers who perform work in or for a private household or households”. They provide direct and indirect care services, and as such are key members of the care economy. Their work may include tasks such as household chores (e.g., cleaning, cooking, washing and ironing clothes), taking care of children or elderly or sick members of a family, gardening, guarding the house, driving for the family, and even taking care of household pets (Table 5). A domestic worker may work on a fulltime or part-time basis, be employed in a single household or by a service provider, be living in the residence of the employer (live-in) or in her own residence (live-out). Social constructions of gender cannot be considered separate from social constructions of class, race and nationality (Tyner, 1994). Migrant women are employed as domestic workers thus as labour migrants in various countries that continuously demand precarious, low-status/low-wage service workers and domestic work (Tyner, 1994; Anderson, 2000; Glenn, 2010; Fouskas, 2019). International division of labour and the feminisation of migrant wage labour (Tyner, 1994, 594; Parreñas, 2000, 563) based on patriarchy and subordination (Tyner, 1994, 594) as well as class, gendered and racial stereotypes are manifested within the labour recruitment process (Tyner, 1994, 590), helping to channel migrant women of the migration flows into domestic services (Tyner, 1994, 590; Lan, 2003a, 2003b; 2003c; Pyle, 2006; Lorente, 2017; Parreñas and Silvey, 2021). ILO emphasises that at present, domestic workers often face inadequate wages, excessively long working hours, have no guaranteed weekly day of rest and at times are vulnerable to physical, mental and sexual abuse or restrictions on freedom of movement (ILO, 2022). ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1 (31), 2022, 77-100 From invisibility to gender empowerment and migrant integration? Repercussions of live-in domestic work and caregiving on female migrants in Greece 81 In Greece, migrant women have become part of a cheap workforce reserve that is continually renewed while the division of labour prompts and entraps migrants into wage labour and low-status/low-wage jobs, distinguishing them by class, gender, race-nationality and means of entrance into the country (Fouskas, et al. 2019a, 2019b). In Greece, female migrants are employed as live-in and/or live-out domestic workers (house cleaning, caregiving) via direct-hire in households of Greek employers or via employment agencies and cleaning companies (cleaning offices and residences) to support themselves and mainly their families back in their homeland (Anderson and Phizacklea, 1997; Lazaridis, 2000; Tastsoglou and Maratou-Alipranti, 2003; Psimmenos, 2007; Triandafyllidou, 2013; Maroukis, 2018). There is still demand in Greek society for domestic servants, particularly for female contract workers, due to deficiencies in the national welfare system, not only from the upper but also from the middle-class due both to the employers’ need to shift the burden of house and family care but also as an indication of status quo. Concerning female migrant participation in the main sectors of economic activity (Table 3), 59.4% of female migrants can be found in the household sector followed by accommodation and food service activities at 17.2%, manufacturing at 7.2%, agriculture, forestry and fishing at 3.5%, and wholesale and retail trade at 2.7%. Shadow economy in Greece is estimated at 26.45% of the country’s GDP (Deléchat and Medina, 2021). Moreover, the percentage of uninsured workers is among the world’s highest (37.3%) and so is the percentage of working irregular immigrants (4.4%) (Schneider and Williams, 2013, 90-96). Table 3. Female migrants’ participation in the main sectors of economic activity, 2017 Agriculture, forestry and fishing 3.5% Manufacturing 7.2% Wholesale and retail trade 2.7% Accommodation and food service activities 17.2% Activities of households as employer 59.4% Total of migrant women employed 5.8% Source: Kapsalis, 2018. Methodology The article attempts to address the following central question: Are there cases of female migrants whose migration path has changed towards upwards social mobility and socioeconomic integration? In the analysis unit in Greece of the case study designed for the “Voices of Immigrant Women” (VIW) 2 project (2020-1-ES01- KA203-082364, 2020-2022 co-financed by the Erasmus + program of the European Union) 3 the main research technique of in-depth interviews was utilized. Ten (10) interviews were conducted with migrant women in Greece (Table 4) in order to understand the impact of women’s migration trajectory, social networks and contextual conditions on their integration or marginalisation in host societies. 2 https://viw.pixel-online.org/ 3 The “Voices of Immigrant Women” project (2020-1-ES01-KA203-082364) is co-financed by the Erasmus + program of the European Union. The content of this publication is only responsibility of its authorship and neither the European Commission nor the Spanish Service for the Internationalization of Education (SEPIE) are responsible for the use that may be made of the information disseminated in this publication. Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1(31), 2022, 77-100 ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Theodoros Fouskas | George Koulierakis | Lola Lyberopoulou | Andrea De Maio 82 Table 4: Research sample No Country of origin Age Entry year in Greece Family status Employment Employment change 1 Congo 29 2012 Single Professional interpreter for a Service provider in migrant/ refugee accommodation centrer Created her own blog & eshop, brand of clothes that she designs & sews & works as an entrepreneur 2 Kenya 50 2010 Widowed Live-in nanny & housekeeper Founded and runs an NGO to assist refugees/migrants 3 Georgia 50 1995 Widowed Live-in domestic worker, elderly caregiver, private nurse at hospitals Live-in domestic worker, elderly caregiver, private nurse at hospitals 4 Philippines 57 1996 Widowed Live-in domestic worker Live-out domestic worker 5 Ukraine 56 2000 Widowed Live-in domestic worker, cleaner, nanny Live-out service worker, cleaning offices & residences 6 Ukraine 53 1998 Married Live-in caregiver, elderly caregiver Live-out caregiver, elderly care 7 Nigeria 52 1999 Married Live-in domestic worker (nanny, caregiver to older people) Live-in domestic worker & caregiver for a family with children 8 Albania 54 1996 Married Live-out domestic worker, cleaner Live-out domestic worker, cleaner 9 Philippines 55 1997 Married Live-in domestic worker Live-out domestic worker 10 Bulgaria 35 2005 Married Live-out domestic worker (nanny, caregiver to older people, cleaner at a hospital) Live-out domestic worker (nanny, caregiver to older people, cleaner at a hospital) Source: “Voices of Immigrant Women” (VIW) project (Erasmus+ 2020-1-ES01-KA203-082364) (2020- 2022) These interviews were conducted in person during the first half of 2021. Applying this technique allowed the researches to delve into the migrant women’s own vision of their migration path and their integration/inclusion process in the country of arrival. It also helped in identifying possible “success stories” of women’s integration and inclusion in Greece. The main constraint during the research were the Covid-19 pandemic restrictions. In order to minimize these limitations, researchers provided a flexible availability on their part and extended the planned time of the research. Interviewees were given an informed consent 4 form, which stated that data confidentiality is guaranteed 5 . In the context of ethical issues and anonymity, names or personal details of the participants would not appear in the interview transcript. The methodological design and the information collection instruments have been designed by the University Pablo de Olavide, as the scientific coordinator of the VIW project, and validated by all partners. 4 i) Participants have been informed of the procedure and purpose of the study; ii) Participation of the sample and continuation in the research has been voluntary; iii) The investigation has been carried out under the principle of confidentiality of the data provided, ensuring the correct use of the same, iv) The research participants have signed the informed consent. 5 All personal data obtained in the study is confidential and will be treated in accordance with Law 4624/2019 on data protection. ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1 (31), 2022, 77-100 From invisibility to gender empowerment and migrant integration? Repercussions of live-in domestic work and caregiving on female migrants in Greece 83 Results: Voices of immigrant women in live-in domestic work regarding work conditions, healthcare, community associations and rights Concerning the reasons for emigrating to Greece, difficult socioeconomic situation and political instability in combination with changes in their family status were quoted most. In many cases, when their husband who was the main provider passed away, they decided that they could not stay in their country because if they did, they and their children would face great difficulties and would have no future prospects. Interviewee 2 (Kenya, 50) revealed: So, I decided that I cannot go back home because if I went home, life would be hell for us. My children were not going to have any future so I decided to stay with my expired visa and seek asylum again. Based on the female migrants interviewed, multifaceted administrative procedures need to be followed in order to establish their legal status in Greece. Once they arrive in the country on various short-term visas (e.g., tourist, work contracts), they easily find themselves in a precarious or irregular state with enormous everyday difficulties with their lives and also with employers. What emerged were: i) nonpossession of or failure to acquire/renew work and/or residence permits in the country of reception; ii) seeking and relying on third parties for access to work and social protection, iii) inability to obtain registered work and a work permit because of the original informal situation and iv) inability to maintain their legal status due to financial or personal changes. Residence permits are directly associated with the positive evaluation of their application after a lengthy waiting period (in cases of asylum seekers) or with legal stay and employment (for economic migrants) and in both cases with delays due to administrative impediments. Interviewee 3 (Georgia, 50) sees herself as: I am tired and disheartened. Exhausted. Nothing else. It was worth it, though, because I was able to do a little more, even if it was a small contribution, to help my family. I did as much as I could have done here. Family reunification has also been used as a mechanism for the union of family members and must be further enhanced by migration policy. Family members, relatives, or an individuals’ wider network of friends who had arrived in the country earlier played an important role in the transfer of women to Greece and the majority of the people they know are employed in similar occupations. These individuals are a motivation for a woman either to imitate them or be persuaded to come to Greece. In addition, they mediate between the employer or the employment office in Greece and will also be the people who, either alone or with the candidate employer, will pick them Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1(31), 2022, 77-100 ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Theodoros Fouskas | George Koulierakis | Lola Lyberopoulou | Andrea De Maio 84 up from the airport. Interviewee 3 (Georgia, 50) mentioned that an employee of the office helped her to get to the employers’ residence. She stated: A man from the office brought me to the employers’ house by taxi. I could not speak Greek fluently, but I could say a few words. When they had asked me at the office, in the beginning, I told them I wanted to work with children, because I love children. and I had decided that. However, there was high demand for the care of the elderly, everyone was asking for grandpa and grandma care, so I did not have a choice. In addition, people in the family or the wider network of friends in the city are a means of connecting with new employers. In certain cases, female migrants choose to live together, share an apartment, so they can celebrate collectively, maintaining customs and traditions. From the interviews it seems that the church and collective living during their days-off become very important elements in the life of female migrant domestic workers in Greece in terms of collectivity and solidarity. Work conditions According to the interviews, female migrants face problems caused by their working conditions particularly in live-in domestic work. Only 2/10 cases exercised another type of work as entrepreneurs/cultural mediators or NGO workers. Engaging in atypical, precarious or service occupations identifies female migrants with informal work. This precarity and uncertainty is also visible during the Covid-19 pandemic. For freelance workers their work days and therefore their remunerations were less. Concerning female migrants interviewed, work for them is limited to those service occupations and sectors that reflect their roles or responsibilities in the household, like cleaning and care-giving as domestic workers. Domestic workers have multiple duties (as maids, maidservants, nannies/babysitters, housekeepers, carersnurses, caregivers) depending on the employer's demands: household cleaning and chores (e.g., laundry/cooking meals), and/or caregiving/nursing of an older adult, a child (childcare) (see Table 5). Many turned to prayer and found strength in their faith to draw the courage to justify and deal with their current situation, working conditions in servile labour and to boost their hopes for the future. Migrant women spend most of their time in the employer’s residence. They leave their place of work as live-in domestic workers for a few hours to run errands (Monday-Friday) (e.g., grocery shopping, walking a dog) but mostly when they have a day off, usually from Saturday afternoon to Sunday to be with friends and compatriots. They spend that day in their shared apartment (boarding house) with 6-11 individuals or even more in suburbs like Kypseli, Koukaki, in Ampelokipi, or in Amerikis Square and elsewhere. They return to the employer’s residence on Sunday night to sleep or on Monday very early in the morning. The payment that a female migrant live-in domestic worker receives ranges between 400-1.200 euros a month (differences based on country of origin, ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1 (31), 2022, 77-100 From invisibility to gender empowerment and migrant integration? Repercussions of live-in domestic work and caregiving on female migrants in Greece 85 employers); but the average salary is between 500-750 euros a month. Those who provide private care to the elderly are responsible for administering medication, preparing meals and tending to their personal needs as well as keeping them company at home or in hospital as private nurses. Similarly, those who provide childcare are responsible for assisting, accompanying and generally caring for them (see Table 5). Generally, sooner or later they feel intense physical, emotional and mental exhaustion at the end of the day. Interviewee 9 (Philippines, 55) explained that generally, employers are polite to her, but there are many cases of oppressive or restrictive behaviour towards her. For example, she was not allowed to go out or meet others, the employer kept her passport, and there were delays in her monthly payments. Her tasks were to clean only the employer’s house (clean the furniture, floors, rooms, vacuuming, washing the dishes and clothes, cooking, ironing and clean the windows), buy a newspaper for the employer, go to the supermarket, tidy up the kitchen. Occasionally she did not cook. If there was a pet (usually a dog), she would have to tend to its needs (see Table 5). She strived to remain with the same employers for many years in order to build trust. Regarding the behaviour of the employers, she had problems with the children in one residence, who hit her and made a mess on purpose. In another case, when an item of the employer’s wife was not found, she was blamed, and she was physically and verbally abused. When the item was found where the employer had placed it, she tried to leave the event behind. In 2017 when the last employer left Greece for another EU country, she moved from live-in to liveout domestic work, cleaning different residences, a job where her responsibilities are limited to basic chores of cleaning and ironing, for 5 hours for 3-4 employers a week, receiving a total of 700 euros a month. Migrant women disassociate themselves from family and community bonds and relations, thus breaking primary and secondary social and labour solidarity and protection mechanisms. Regarding female migrants, labour is limited to those service occupations and sectors that reflect their roles or responsibilities and restrictions in the household, like cleaning and care giving as domestic workers, as well as the fulfilment of personal and individualized needs. The situation is further aggravated because of racial and gender-based discrimination/violence in the labour market and also by employers. In low-status service occupations, such as domestic work, although seen as a means of survival, the working relationships with employers result in dependence, patronage, exploitation and pseudo relations, informal values and perceptions that generate, tolerate and/or reproduce atypical/casual tactics and attitudes towards welfare, marked by emotionally stressful activities. Female migrants are self-entrapped in areas of economic activity with limited opportunities for socioeconomic advancement and develop an inability to leave an employer. Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1(31), 2022, 77-100 ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Theodoros Fouskas | George Koulierakis | Lola Lyberopoulou | Andrea De Maio 92 impacted her life and development in Greece. The job opportunity that emerged offered her the chance for “salvation”, i.e., to have a successful outcome to her choice to migrate. The migratory initiative of Interviewee 6 is associated with linear progress in their search for a better income. The difficulties she experienced emphasize the importance of the resilience required to survive in a foreign country. Interviewee 6 stressed the difference between live-out and live-in caregiving. In the latter, she is greatly restricted; she has no personal life or privacy. She has to keep an eye on the elderly all day long and overnight. Now, she feels “free”. When she works for an employer, she does it conscientiously and respectfully. She feels grateful to the Greek employers who employed her and perceive her as part of their family. Her work offers her security and the sense that she is useful and can help her family. She feels that her employers appreciate and stand by her in case of need. She misses her family, but she is content, given that she can help her husband and children. Interviewee 3 (Georgia, 50) was uncertain of her future as she believed she had grown old and would probably have to leave eventually. She was unsure as to how much longer she would be able to work. She mentioned that due to the difficult and demanding tasks, age is a crucial factor; when employers are told her age, they feel reluctant to offer her a job. Her plan for the future is to return to Georgia soon in order to spend as much time as possible with her grandchildren. “I am tired and concerned. Exhausted. Nothing else. It has been worth it, though, as I could make a contribution, albeit s small one, to help my family. I did as much as I was able to do here”, she commented. She feels physically and psychologically drained due to her work conditions. She explains that her work has been demanding and difficult, but also that she felt closer to the person she cared for. She felt compassion. The greatest difficulty at work is ironing and cooking, as employers have specific demands. Interviewee 8 (Albania, 54) is anxious about whether she will continue to have a job in Greece. Once her children have settled down in regular jobs, she would like to return to Albania because she cannot work as a live-out domestic worker and cleaner much longer, due to age. She is grateful she found a job in Greece, stressing that “good health and work are above all” and is hoping to have saved enough money to be able to retire. She is, however, aware that employment of female Albanians leads to dead-end, low-status occupations characterized by horizontal development or mobility within the occupation itself rather than upward. The second case, such as that of Interviewee 2 (Kenya, 50) shows that when a woman escapes subordination and develops critical consciousness and collective behaviour, she is ultimately led to empowerment as she struggles to change her life. The internal strength that emerged through the experiences of Interviewee 2 (Kenya, 50) was connected to her life purpose, decision-making and goals. She was led to consider herself as able and entitled to make decisions. Such cases are of great concern to social policy and migration policymakers who seek to facilitate integration, investigate the conditions of personal service occupations, combat undeclared work and identify weaknesses in workers' rights and organisations. Interviewee 2 (Kenya, ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1 (31), 2022, 77-100 From invisibility to gender empowerment and migrant integration? Repercussions of live-in domestic work and caregiving on female migrants in Greece 93 50) was motivated due to circumstances. She migrated to be united with her husband and live as a family, but had to seek employment as her husband (who worked for a delivery company and in train station cleaning), had passed away earlier in Greece. Interviewee 2 (Kenya, 50) had never dreamed of starting an NGO in a foreign country, particularly in Greece. She also never expected to travel abroad. Although adapting was difficult for her, as soon as she had a semblance of stability, she began cooking for others in need. She explained: I didn't want to stay. It was a difficult time for me. Then I started it…. Smallscale cooking in my small kitchen in my small pot and then taking the food to the streets to feed the needy. Now I have pots and cooking utensils to prepare meals for more than 1000 people. Interviewee 2 (Kenya, 50) mentioned that many foreigners face difficulties. However, there are Greeks who also face similar difficulties because of the economic crisis. In fact, in the city centre she also helps Greeks who are destitute, e.g., do not have electricity in their homes or need food supplies. She also makes an effort to visit apartments to provide help, for example in the case of the elderly. On her way back from her employers’ residence, she sees many individuals from Africa suffering and sleeping on the streets. She feels privileged because although her husband has passed away, she has been able to support her family. She decided to start cooking for those in need and has also provided temporary accommodation to individuals from African countries, e.g., Kenya, Nigeria, Ghana. Interviewee 2 said: And I thought, I'm privileged because although my husband has passed away, I can still get a job and support my children. There are Africans here, sleeping outside in the cold or heat. So, I decided that every Saturday, when I don't go to work, I would cook in my house and give food to the homeless. I did it for a long time, and I also got some off the street and I put up them in my house. Interviewee 2 (Kenya, 50) explained that she currently sees many cases, many people who are in need even more than before. She does not only help refugees, but also the unemployed. She continues to provide support to individuals in need despite current challenges connected to the Covid-19 pandemic. The NGO provides English language lessons and all basic needs except shelter. Sometimes she provides people with shelter in her apartment but she also hands out food. Now her team not only teaches English and Greek but mathematics as well. The initiative of Interviewee 1 (Congo, 29) could act as motivation towards the independence of immigrant women beyond traditional female occupations. In addition, in light of the above, the promotion of labour market integration must initially be oriented towards the recording, recognition and evaluation of skills, the facilitation of Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1(31), 2022, 77-100 ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Theodoros Fouskas | George Koulierakis | Lola Lyberopoulou | Andrea De Maio 94 access to the labour market, and entrepreneurship promotion. Regarding the quantitative impact: Such initiatives could facilitate and inform immigrant women, aiming at developing micro-entrepreneurship (start-up companies) through legislation: a) on the issues of entry and residence (visa and residence permit), b) the simplification of the process of setting up small businesses and (c) the possibility of gross financing by banks and government grants (legislation) and also by increasing awareness of the positive role immigrant women can play in their capacity as entrepreneurs which, in turn, can contribute to economic growth for the reception country. Successful encounters can enable and be transformative to participants and programmes. Such cases can be extended to the field of micro-entrepreneurship both during the creation of new businesses (start-up) and during its development by providing know-how, consulting voluntarily and co-financing for innovative projects with added value. The development of micro-entrepreneurship can provide a way out – also for locals – of unemployment and the social exclusion of vulnerable immigrant women. The developments of the interviewee’s choices could encourage and provide adequate support to immigrant/refugee women to maximize their potential and ultimately help them enter the labour market successfully. Such cases could strengthen and develop the immigrant woman’s self-confidence, enhancing her professional and personal skills. They could act as a practical example to facilitate immigrant and refugee women’s integration into the labour market and society. Such initiatives should be considered due to their motivation, driving forces and emphasis on gender-based differences. Conclusions Educational provisions often overlook the socioeconomic outcomes and effects of migrant women on the job market. All women interviewed emphasized that education ensures psychosocial support for both adults and children and the smooth integration into the Greek educational system where a transitional period of preparation of those who will remain in Greece is crucial. Ensuring further vocational training will develop a plan for their integration and empower them towards social and labour market integration. All women interviewed argued that regardless of age, each person faces challenges in learning a new language. Bureaucratic obstacles were mentioned during school enrolment before and during the Covid-19 pandemic. Interviewees underline the necessity for a) multiple Greek language and culture courses, b) human rights and gender equality education and c) awareness events so local communities can learn about the background of migrants. All women interviewed noted that learning the Greek language is central in accessing social care and social services. They underlined the necessity of attending Greek language classes as it will help them in everyday communications with social services. Due to the existence of ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1 (31), 2022, 77-100 From invisibility to gender empowerment and migrant integration? Repercussions of live-in domestic work and caregiving on female migrants in Greece 95 lengthy procedures, legal support is required. According to their experience, interpreters are considered essential in public social services (healthcare, taxation services, municipalities, Unified Social Security Fund etc.). The majority of interviewees (9/10) believed that migrant community associations do not help female immigrants in work and other matters, and they need to turn to legal advisors for help. Some also stressed that one does not need to become a member of the association after becoming become familiar with the procedures or turning to lawyers for legal advice with their employment rights. The majority of women reported that their involvement in the church and religious organisations monopolized their interest. Female migrant domestic workers prefer to spend their spare time in church and Bible study groups rather than joining a union or a community association. In their spare time they contact their family members, do recreational activities, socialize or simply rest. Due to the work mode and employment, not only is the workforce's life at risk, but also its freedom and potential for progress and social development. Since migrant women are isolated and unable to find social and labour solidarity and assistance, social policy and labour protection measures as well as the active intervention of advocacy associations, trade unions and workers’ organisations regarding migrant workers' labour organisation and representation, response and resistance at the workplace, are imperative. Concerning their labour rights, migrants experience intense workplace instability and also in their relationships with fellow migrant workers. This workforce is distinguished by its lack of work rights and trade union representation. More and more migrants are becoming a part of a workforce reserve that is continually renewed and is divided into sectors according to the type of employment. Initiatives at local level should be taken into consideration based on their effect on aiding adaptation to everyday life. Grassroot actions such as support of Greek language learning programmes and targeted educational programmes in specific groups of immigrants and refugees or refugee women, lead to socioeconomic integration. Migrant groups need more protection under the national legal framework and labour inspection mechanisms so as not to fall victim to exploitation, social exclusion and poverty. Cases of resilience with female migrants leaving live-in domestic work such as that of Interviewee 6 (Ukraine, 53) emphasize that their life changed significantly for the better as soon as they broke free from the instability and dangers of live-in domestic work and caregiving. Another job was found when they could not, for psychological reasons, continue work as a live-in domestic worker. However, not all migrant women can escape such live-in domestic work. Regarding the “success stories”, such initiatives for vulnerable groups are based on the need to follow targeted actions to cover the socioeconomic difficulties Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1(31), 2022, 77-100 ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Theodoros Fouskas | George Koulierakis | Lola Lyberopoulou | Andrea De Maio 96 that are present, as they face problems of adaptation and integration into society. These initiatives could create the basis for interventions aiming at the integration (Krummel, 2012; Briones, 2020) of large numbers of individuals or families and could include the provision of psychosocial support services, counselling, support and enhancement of technical training, language learning, facilitating access to local services as well as to the host society, legal support, etc., aiming at the gradual attainment of independence and the ability of the beneficiaries to integrate into the social fabric of the host society. References Anderson, B. (2000). Doing the Dirty Work: The Global Politics of Domestic Labour. Zed Books. Anderson, B. and Phizacklea, A. (1997). Migrant Domestic Workers: A European Perspective. Leicester University. Anderson, B. and Shutes, I. (ed.) (2014). Migration and Care Labour: Theory, Policy and Politics. Palgrave Macmillan. Briones, L. (2020). Empowering migrant women: Why agency and rights are not enough. Routledge. Campani, G. (2000). Immigrant Women in Southern Europe: Social Exclusion, Domestic Work and Prostitution in Italy, in: King R., Lazaridis G., Tsardanidis C. (eds.), Eldorado or Fortress? Migration in Southern Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, 147-169. Castles, S. and Miller M. J. (2014). The Age of Migration: International Population Movements in the Modern World, 5th Edition. The Guilford Press. Deléchat, C. and Medina, L. (eds.), (2021). The Global Informal Workforce: Priorities for Inclusive Growth. International Monetary Fund. https://bit.ly/3t86O2d Fouskas, T. (2019). (Un)Maid in Greece: Repercussions of precarious, low-status work on family and community networks of solidarity of migrant Filipina live-in domestic workers and race discrimination at work, in J. Vassilopoulou, O. Kydiakidou, V. Showunmi and J. Brabet (Eds.) Race discrimination and the management of ethnic diversity at work. European countries perspectives. Emerald, 225-250. Fouskas, T. (Ed.), (2021a). Immigrants, Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Times of Crises: A. An International Handbook on Migration and Refugee Studies, Management Policies and Governance (Foreword by Giovanna Campani), European Public Law Series, vol. CXXIV, A. European Public Law Organization (EPLO). ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1 (31), 2022, 77-100 From invisibility to gender empowerment and migrant integration? Repercussions of live-in domestic work and caregiving on female migrants in Greece 97 Fouskas, T. (Ed.), (2021b). Immigrants, Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Times of Crises: B. An International Handbook on Migration, Asylum, Social Integration and Exclusion (Foreword by Marco Martiniello), European Public Law Series, vol. CXXIV, European Public Law Organization (EPLO). Fouskas, T. and Tsevrenis, V. (eds.), (2014). Contemporary Immigration in Greece: A Sourcebook. European Public Law Organization (EPLO) Publications. Fouskas, T., Gikopoulou, P., Ioannidi, E. and Koulierakis, G., (2019a). “Health inequalities and female migrant domestic workers: Accessing healthcare as a human right and barriers due to precarious employment in Greece”, Collectivus: Special Issue Migrations and gender from a transnational perspective, 6(2), 71-90. Fouskas, T., Gikopoulou, P., Ioannidi, E. and Koulierakis, G., (2019b). “Gender, transnational female migration and domestic work in Greece: An intersectional review of sociological research on access of female migrants to labour, healthcare and community associations”. Collectivus: Special Issue Migrations and gender from a transnational perspective, 6(1), 101‐131. Glenn, E. (2010). Forced to care: Coercion and caregiving in America. Harvard University. Hellenic Statistical Authority (ELSTAT) 2014. 2011 Population and Housing Census. ELSTAT https://bit.ly/2JmA0yw Hondagneu-Sotelo, P. (1994). Gendered transitions: Mexican experiences of immigration. University of California Press. Hondagneu-Sotelo, P. (2002). Doméstica: Immigrant workers cleaning and caring in the shadows of affluence. University of California Press. International Labour Office (ILO). (2022). Who are domestic workers? Geneva: International Labour Office (ILO). https://bit.ly/3hiU3fJ Kapsalis, A. (2018). Migrant workers in Greece. Topos (in Greek). Krummel, S. (2012). Migrant Women: Stories of Empowerment, Transformation, Exploitation and Resistance, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 38(7), 1175-1184. Lan, P. (2003a). Maid or Madame: Filipina Migrant Workers and the Continuity of Domestic Labor. Gender and Society, 17(2), 187-208. Lan, P. (2003b). Negotiating Social Boundaries and Private Zones: The Micropolitics of Employing Migrant Domestic Workers. Social Problems, 50(4), 525-549. Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1(31), 2022, 77-100 ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Theodoros Fouskas | George Koulierakis | Lola Lyberopoulou | Andrea De Maio 98 Lan, P. (2003c). They Have More Money but I Speak Better English! Transnational Encounters between Filipina Domestics and Taiwanese Employers, Identities, 10(2), 133-161. Lan, P. (2006). Global Cinderellas: Migrant Domestics and Newly Rich Employers in Taiwan. Duke University Press. Land, S. (2019). Maid: Hard Work, Low Pay, and a Mother's Will to Survive. Hachette. Lazaridis, G. (2000). “Filipino and Albanian Women Migrant Workers in Greece: Multiple Layers of Oppression,” in F. Anthias and G. Lazaridis (eds.) Gender and Migration in Southern Europe: Women on the Move, 49-79. Lorente, B. (2017). Scripts of Servitude: Language, Labor Migration and Transnational Domestic Work. Multilingual Matters. Maroukis, T. (2018). Migrant care workers' trajectories in a familistic welfare regime: Labour market incorporation and the Greek economic crisis reality-check. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 44(14), 2358-2374. Ministry of Migration and Asylum. (2021a). Information Note B December 2021 on Reception, Asylum and Integration Procedures and Annex. Ministry of Migration and Asylum (in Greek) https://bit.ly/3JZuw7o and https://bit.ly/3pEUiGH Ministry of Migration and Asylum. (2021b). Information Note B December 2021 on Legal Immigration and Annex. Athens: Ministry of Migration and Asylum (in Greek) https://bit.ly/3vfWuI9 and https://bit.ly/3C6VBmN Monreal Gimeno, M., Terrón Caro, M.T., Cárdenas Rodríguez, M. (2014). Women inmigratory movements in the northern border of Mexico-USA, Pedagogía social: Revista interuniversitaria, 3(23), 45-69. National Centre for Social Solidarity. (2022). Situation Update: Unaccompanied Children (UAC) in Greece 15 February 2022. Athens: /Ministry of Migration and Asylum/Special Secretariat for the Protection of the Unaccompanied Minors/National Centre for Social Solidarity https://bit.ly/3vA4OTp Parreñas, R. (2001). Servants of Globalization: Women, Migration and Domestic Work. Stanford University Press Parreñas, R. S. (2000). Migrant Filipina Domestic Workers and The International Division of Reproductive Labor. Gender and Society, 14(4), 560–580. Parreñas, R. S., and Silvey, R. (2021). The governance of the Kafala system and the punitive control of migrant domestic workers. Population, Space and Place, e2487. https://doi.org/10.1002/psp.2487 ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1 (31), 2022, 77-100 From invisibility to gender empowerment and migrant integration? Repercussions of live-in domestic work and caregiving on female migrants in Greece 99 Psimmenos, I. (2007). Work Culture and Migrant Women’s Welfare Marginalization. Greek Review of Social Research, 124(3), 9-33. Pyle, J. (2006). Globalization and the increase in transnational care work: The flip side. Globalizations, 3(3), 297-315. Sassen, S. (2021). A Massive Loss of Habitat: New Drivers for Migration, in Fouskas, T. (Ed.), Immigrants, Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Times of Crises: A. An International Handbook on Migration and Refugee Studies, Management Policies and Governance (Foreword by Giovanna Campani), European Public Law Series, vol. CXXIV, Athens: European Public Law Organization (EPLO), 59-92. Tastsoglou, E. and L. Maratou-Alipranti (2003). Gender and International Migration. Greek Review of Social Research, 110, 5-22. Triandafyllidou, A. (ed.), (2013). Irregular Migrant Domestic Workers in Europe: Who cares? Ashgate. Tyner, J A. (1994). The social construction of gendered migration from the Philippines. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, 3(4), 589-618. Yamane, S. (2021). Gender equality, paid and unpaid care and domestic work: Disadvantages of state-supported marketization of care and domestic work. The Japanese Political Economy, 47(1), 44-63. Yeates, N. (2009). Globalizing care economies and migrant workers: explorations in global care chains. Palgrave Macmillan. Yilmaz, G. and Ledwith, S. (2017). Migration and Domestic Work: The Collective Organisation of Women and their Voices from the City. Springer. Cuestiones Pedagógicas, 1(31), 2022, 77-100 ISSN 0213-7771 - e-ISSN 2443-9991 https://doi.org/10.12795/CP.2022.i31.v1.05 Theodoros Fouskas | George Koulierakis | Lola Lyberopoulou | Andrea De Maio 100