Socio-spatial integration and dynamics in the metropolitan áreas of Madrid and Copenhagen

Espacio, Tiempo y Forma, Serie VI, Geografia, t. V, 1992, págs. 67-90 Socio-spatial integration and dynamics in the metropolitan áreas of Madrid and Copenhagen T. RUBIO. * G. KRISTENSEN. T. ROJO. *** 1. INTRODUCTION A City is a socio-spatial unit, which requires to strengthen integration in two levéis of interaction —both the social and the physical— in order to develop cohesiveness amongst its inhabitants. By cohesión we understand the sharing of common culture, in the sense of moral norms of behavior and techniques. Related to the frequency of patterned interaction is a measure of valué integration, that is the sharing by the members of valúes and beliefs. In collectives where a high degree of consensus exists, there is less behavioral deviance than in groups where consensus is attenuated (DURKHEIM, 1897). The longer the integration has been going on, amongst groups, the more settied the normative behavior. The acceptance of norms and valúes takes place mainly in the primary groups (COOLEY, 1902): "those characterized by intímate face to face association and cooperation. They are primary in several senses but chiefly in that they are fundamental in forming the social nature and ideáis of individuáis". Those who migrate lose their interaction with their primary groups or closest social network (BOTT, 1957). That is why, in cities, institutional proDept. Geografia. UNED, Madrid, Spain. Dept. of Economics. University of Odense. Denmark. * Dept. Sociología. UNED, Madrid, Spain. 67 T. RUBIO - G. KRISTENSEN - T. ROJO motion of social interaction is specially relevant for those who have moved in recently (new dwellers), because they become loóse in valúes and norm reinforcement that w/as usually held by their group back in their communities of origin. For a society to build a common culture, Its members have to interact and nevií individuáis (migrants) have to find or build an integratlon network in which to get hold of the normativo behavior of their new society. The idea of one self is built through Communications with others (COOLEY, 1902 and MEAD, 1934). To Parsons (1951), the foundations of a social system are motivated actors, who play roles governed by the expectations of other actors involved with them in a web of social interaction. 2. MEASURING SOCIO-SPATIAL INTERACTION IN RESIDENTIAL ÁREAS Since the Chicago School fo Sociology, during the 1920's in the United States, and up to now, social segregation in cities has been studied in many occasions. Some selections of articles can be found in Hawley and Rock (1973), and in Frisbie and Kasard (1988). In this paper an effort is made to introduce specific indicators, both of general interaction of different groups defined on occupational basis, as well as integration policios for migrants. We assume that the housing market promotes or restricts social integration through housing availability to different groups. With the data available, we are able to measure the physical proximity in the same municipaiities of different social groups. The indicator we are using to measure socio-spatial integration of groups is the presence of each social group in a given municipality related to the average presence in the considered metropolitan community. The mix of different occupational groups in residential área will be used as an indicator of social interaction. It is also tested how housing prices affect different occupational groups (considered as income groups) to move in or out of a municipality. In that sence our conclusions will be in terms of testing whether the housing market prices are increasing or decreasing the opportunities for socio-spatial interaction amongst groups and likewise the level of social cohesión in a city. Very often disintegration or segregation has a negativo emotional sound while integration most often has a positive sound. Morrill (1991) e.g. 68 Socio-spatial integration and dynamics in the metropolitan áreas of... says: "The motivations for segregation are structural —that is a desire to minimize interaction with certain other kinds of people". This sentence can of course be turned around in a positiva statement: "The motivations for segregation are structural— that is a desire to maximize interaction between certain kinds of people". This article tries, based on empírica! data, to discuss costs as well as benefits of socio-spatial integration in a dynamic framework. 3. SOCIO-SPATIAL EQUILIBRIUM AND GOALS AND ME ASURES OF THE POLITICAL AUTHORITIES TO INFLUENCE THE GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF PEOPLE 3.1. Socio-spatial Equilibrium People in a free society act under the impression of externa! variables, or conditions given from outside. Social segregation is based on economic factors such as income distribution, housing price structure, manufacturing structure. Under free cholee the citizen will, given the externa! conditions, find the óptima! place to settie. In his search for the best place he wiü try to minimize distance to Job, minimize housing costs at the quaüty he wants, minimize distance to stores, schools and friends and try to find the most beautifu! área. Under the given background variables a certain social segregation wil! occur. If the background variables e.g. the price structure of housing or the income distribution is changed a new/ sociospatial equilibrium will occur and the segregation structure wiü change. 3.2. Goals of Integration The decisión made by the public authorities to influence the cholee of the individua! depends on a number of public goals of which the following 6 seem relevant for our discussion; 1. Spatial socio-economic equilibrium. 2. Integration. 3. Freedom to move and settie in a non-discriminatory way. 4. Possibility to choose. 5. Attract (good) tax payers. 69 T. RUBIO - G. KRISTENSEN - T. ROJO 6. «Equal» distribution of burdens from social groups. In this article the socio-spatial equilibrium and the development in this equilibrium in Madrid and Copenhagen will be discussed as the general background for the situation as the politicians want to «adjust». 3.3. Measures The political measures to influence the settiement of people are in a free society only minor. There are two dinnensions in influencing (adjusting) the free settiement, one to influence the settiement «between» municipal units and one to influence the settiement «within» a municipal unit. Moving people between the municipals has the character of competition on the distribution of wealth, growth and burdens. Within a municipal unit the questions of care taking as well as integraron are more dominating. The measures are: a) City development plans. b) House building programs. c) Distribution of appartments. 1. Social disadvantaged. 2. Immigrants, refugees. The socio-spatial «equilibrium» and the political «adjustments» shall now be discussed on empirical basis. 4. EMPIRICAL DESCRIPTION AND INVESTIGATION OF THE SOCIOSPATIAL EQUILIBRIUM The comparative description of the socio-spatial structure of Madrid and Copenhagen gives problema concerning the available statistics in particular three áreas: the time periods available, different geographical administrative structure and different methods for classification of social groups. In order to make some sort of comparison it has been necessary to accept smaller differences in the time periods used for the two cities, to accept differences in geographical units and quite big differences in the definition of social groups. 70 Socio-spatial integration and dynamics in the metropolitan áreas of 4.1. Main Lines in Population and Income Development in Spain and Denmark The general development has been different in Spain and Denmark for the considerad period 1981-1988. The Spanish population is still growing and the metropolitan área is growing as well, only Madrid City (Central Districts) has a declining population. The Danish population is stagnating, the metropolitan population is declining and Copenhagen City (municipality) is declining even more rapidly. In Denmark the income level was about two and a half times higher than in Spain. The economic growth rate a little higher for Spain than for Denmark. TABLE 1. POPULATION AND INCOME PER CAPITA (1987) AND GROWTH OF POPULATION AND INCOME PER YEAR IN SPAIN (1981-1986) AND DENMARK (1982-1988) POPULATION POP. GROWTH PC. INC INC GROWTH ÁREA .-„„ 1986 %/YEAR $/YEAR %/YEAR Spain 38.800.000 0.4 7.454 3.1 Madrid 4.323.495 Madrid C.D 1.029.010 1988 Denmark 5.100.000 0.0 19.866 2.1 Copenhagen 1.711.730 Copenh. City 467.850 4.2. The Metropolitan Sub-areas In discussing the degree of segregration the measuring units for áreas and social categories are important. If the áreas considered constitute great shares of the total área, the degree of integration will seem to be great. The measure for segregration will tend to rise as smaller área units are considered. The same holds to some degree for the size of social category considered. In this article the área units for Madrid are given on two levéis, aggregated on 9 units of which 4 are central districts and 5 metropolitan municipalities, on this aggregated level house prises were available for 1982 and 1987. Disaggregated data were available for Madrid on 43 municipal units of which Latina was the most densely populated in 1986 with 282.460 inhabitants and the smallest was Villanueva P. with 1.497 inhabitants. For Copenhagen the units are 50 municipal áreas, of 71 0.4 0.3 •1.2 0.0 -.2 -.8 7.454 — — 19.866 21.924 17.804 T. RUBIO - G. KRISTENSEN - T. ROJO MADRID METR OPOLITAN ÁREA MUNICIPALITIES NO^*^"- Alcobendas EAST: Coslada SOUTH: Alcorcón SOUTH:Fuenlabrada WEST:Boadill, Colmenar V. Mejorada S.Sebastián Paracuellos Rivas-Vac. S.Fernando H: Torrejón A. Velilla S.A. Getafe WEST Móstoles Leganés Parla Pinto Brúñete Majadah. Pozuelo Rozas(Las) Villanueva VillaviciosE 72 Socio-spatial integration and dynamics in the metropolitan áreas of which the Copenhagen municipality with 467.850 inh. was the most densely populated in 1988, and the smallest was Skaevinge with 4.946 inh. For all these áreas housing prices were available, besides there are data on outpendiing from each municipal unit. For the Copenhagen municipality further data on more disaggregated geographicai level were available. When comparing Madrid and Copenhagen some difficulties arise due to differences in administrativo áreas. Due to the importance of the size of the geographicai área and because the city centres differ from the surrounding áreas attension will also be paid to the metropolitan centres below where Madrid City (Central Districts) will be hold up against Copenhagen City (municipality). 4.3. The Social Categories Not only the geographicai áreas give troubie in the comparison even worse are the the comparison of social groups. Different categories are available for Madrid as well as for Copenhagen. The two set of definitions which seemed to be the most informativo were: The social categories used for Madrid Technicians Managers Public Administration Employees Commerce/Trade Services Agriculture Transportation and Building industry Armad Forces Not Specified Unemployed Not in Labour Forcé and for Copenhagen Self-employed White Collar Workers Biue Collar Skilled Workers Blue Collar Unskilled Workers Not Specified Unemployed Not in Labour Forcé 73 T. RUBIO - G. KRISTENSEN - T. ROJO TABLE 2. DEVELOPMENT IN POPULATION AND SOCIAL GROUPS IN THE MADRID METROPOLITAN ÁREA 1981 TO 1986 1981 1986 1981 1986 % SHARE OF POP. GROWTH Tot. pop 4.258.835 4.323.495 100 100 1.5 Tech 184.219 224.013 Mana 27.840 46.794 Pub. Adm 305.312 335.224 Com/Trade 135.803 127.166 Services 172.136 165.408 Agricul 8.966 6.537 Tra/Bulld 419.877 344.404 Arm. For 16.322 18.879 NotSpec 16.318 21.157 Unempl 251.840 335.940 Not in L 2.720.208 2.697.679 63.9 62.4 -0.9 TABLE 3. DEVELOPMENT IN POPULATION AND SOCIAL GROUPS IN THE COPENHAGEN METROPOLITAN ÁREA 1984 TO 1988 4.3 0.7 7.2 3.2 4.0 0.2 9.9 0.4 0.4 5.9 5.2 1.1 7.8 2.9 3.8 0.2 8.0 0.4 0.5 7.8 21.5 68.1 9.8 -6.4 -3.9 -27.1 -18.0 15.8 29.7 33.4 YEAR 1984 1988 1.711.730 67.812 520.189 93.203 151.098 100.789 68.120 710.449 1984 1988 SHARE OF POP. 100.0 3.9 28.7 5.5 9.2 5.7 4.0 42.9 100.0 4.0 30.4 5.4 8.8 5.9 4.0 41.5 % GROWTH -0.6 1.5 5.1 -2.4 -4.8 3.0 -2.1 -3.9 Tot. pop 1.722.792 Self-empl 66.821 White Col 494.832 Skill 95.534 Unsklll 158.655 Not Spec 97.893 Inemp 69.587 Not In L 739.490 Notice that the two tables 2. and 3. can not be compared directiy. For Copenhagen the flrst seven categories are inclusive of children and the young under educatlon, related to the sepárate groups. This is not the case for Madrid. Although the differences In the two set of data material are great they nevertheless indícate a parallel development in the social structure in the two áreas. There is a clear development in the direction of more highiy educated people and fewer less educated people. From the data it seems r^jalistic to compare public administration employees with white collar 74 Socio-spatial integration and dynamics in the metropolitan áreas of workers and to compare the group transportation and building industry with blue collar workers (skilled and unskllled). 4.4. The Social Integration in Metropolitan Municipalities In this section the degree of social integration will be defined summarily as the similarity between the individual municipals composition of social groups with the composition in the whole metropolitan área. It will be measured as the highest share which any municipal has of a certain social group compared with the average for the whole área. TABLE 4. HIGHEST SHARE OF A SOCIAL GROUP IN A MUNICIPAL UNIT IN MADRID METROPOLITAN ÁREA 1986 (43 UNITS) COMPARED WITH ÁREA AVERAGE HIGHEST AVERAGE % Tech 12.3 5.2 Mana 4.5 1.1 Pub. Adm 12.8 7.8 Com/Trade 5.1 2.9 Services 5.5 3.8 Agricul 4.1 0.2 Tra/Bulld 21.4 8.0 Arm. For 1.4 0.4 Not. Spec 1.3 0.5 Unempl 10.8 7.8 Not in L 70.1 62.4 TABLE 5. HIGHEST SHARE OF A SOCIAL GROUP IN A MUNICIPAL UNIT IN COPENHAGEN METROPOLITAN ÁREA 1988 (50 UNITS) COMPARED WITH ÁREA AVERAGE HIGHEST AVERAGE % Self-employed 8.6 4.0 White Collar Workers 42.0 30.4 Blue Collar Workers (sk+unsk) 22.5 14.2 Not Specified 8.1 5.9 Unemployed 6.5 4.0 Not in Labour Forcé 46.5 41.5 75 T. RUBIO - G. KRISTENSEN - T. ROJO gives 55.8 %. Therefore it seems plausible to assume for the Copenhagen metropolitan área the social segregration gives lower costs of pendiing for blue collar workers. 4.7. The General Equilibrium and Urban Dynamics Without intervention from public authorities the market torces créate a general equilibrium characterized by a certain social segregation. First the above discussion shows, taht the segregation is not specially high neither in Madrid ñor in Copenhagen on the municipal level. Second that the socio-spatial equilibrium has been changed in both towns among other reasons due to changed structure of housing prices. When taiking about "equilibrium" it should be noticed that the actual situation at a given moment can more likely be described as "disequilibrium", because the adjustment process most certainly is not finished. It must be assumed that there is a continous flow of people decided by differences in house-prices. 5. THE CENTRAL ÁREAS. MADRID AND COPENHAGEN CITY As described above the differences in size betw/een the municipal units in Copenhagen were very big. Besides it was mentioned that changing Job opportunities in different áreas might influence the degree of segregation, finally the centre works in a way which differs from the suburbs. Therefore the Madrid City (Central Districts) and the Copenhagen City (municipal) will be described separately. Calculations show that the group «Not Specified» most likely represent high income groups. The table 10. and 11. show similarities and differences between Madrid City and Copenhagen City. In both cities the share of high income groups are rising more rapidly than in the metropolitan área, but while in Madrid City the high income groups are overrepresented compared with the metropolitan as a whole the high income groups are underrepresented in Copenhagen City. The chango in social structure in the City is due to new Job opportunities because the industrial structure changes. The most instructivo examples of this is the development in the labour división between the city core and its surroundings. Table 12 shows the development in share of jobs in the Copenhagen municipality in manufacturing compared to finance and business service. 82 Socio-spatial integration and dynamics in the metropolitan áreas of TABLE 10. SHARE OF SOCIAL GROUP IN MADRID CITY 1981 1986 COMPARED WITH METROPOLITAN AVERAGE 1986 MADRID CITY AVERAGE AVERAGE METRÓPOLIS AVERAGE 1981 1986 1986 Tech 7.7 Mana 1.1 Pub. Adm 9.2 Com/Trade 3.4 Services 4.9 Agricul 0.1 Tra/Build 4.7 Arm. For 0.5 Not Specified 0.4 Unempl 5.1 Not in L 37.3 8.7 1.8 9.8 2.8 3.6 0.1 3.5 0.6 1.0 7.0 i8.8 5.2 1.1 7.8 2.9 3.8 0.2 8.0 0.4 0.5 7.8 62.4 TABLE 11. SHARE OF SOCIAL GROUPS IN COPENHAGEN CITY 1983 AND 1988 COMPARED WITH METROPLITAN AVERAGE 1988 COPENHAGEN CITY METRÓPOLIS AVERAGE AVERAGE AVERAGE 1983 Self-employed 2.7 White Collar Workers 23.8 Blue Collar Workers (Skilled) 15.1 Not Specified 4.8 Unemployed 5.2 Not in Labour Forcé 48.4 1988 1988 2.7 26.3 14.3 5.7 4.7 46.2 4.0 30.4 14.2 5.9 4.0 41.5 In the City job opportunities rise for white collar workers (especially the highest payed within this group) and the decline for blue collar (esp. unskilled) workers. This gives white collar workers motive to move in and blue collar workers a motive to move out. Due to the different point of departure this development makes better «integration» in Copenhagen and «segregation» in Madrid. 83 T. RUBIO - G. KRISTENSEN - T. ROJO TABLE 12. SHARE OF JOBS IN MANUFACTURING AND IN FINANCE AND BUSINESS SERVICE FOR COPENHAGEN CITY AND ALL DENMARK (PARENTESES) 1982 Manufacturing 13.7 (19.2) Finance and Business Ser. 13.40 (7.16) 1988 11.4 (19.6) 18.0 (8.8) TABLE 13. CHANGE IN SOCIAL GROUPS IN MADRID CITY 1981-1986 TOTAL GHANGE Technicians 5.920 Managers 6.373 Public Aministration Employees 641 Commerce/Trade - 8.275 Services -15.857 Agriculture - 941 Transportation and Building Industry -15.685 Armed Forces 599 Not Specified 5.390 Unemployed 16.172 Not in Labour Forcé - 6.861 Total - 59.197 Due to its "unfavorable" population connposition Copenhagen has as goal "gradually to change the physical environments in such a way, that they will to a greater degree be attractive for population groups, which gradually can supplement the actual population towards one with respect to age, education and employment more balanced population composition" (The Copenhagen City Plan 1989 p. 22). This nneans that "integration" defined as moving towards the average connposition of the population in the metropolitan área is a goal for Conpenhagen City. It seenns however as if Conpenhagen would not nnind to follow Madrid beyond a balanced population composition because the plan adds: "Parallel with this the municipal will try to support those professions and branches, who have special need for a central location...". The Copenhagen population politics seem to be a mixture of integration politics, politics fo matching Jobs with inhabitants and the politics of attracting good taxpayers. The actual change of social groups in Madrid and Copenhagen city área has total figures developed as shown in table 13. and 14. 84 Socio-spatial integration and dynamics in the metropolitan áreas oí... TABLE 14. CHANGE IN SOCIAL GROUPS IN COPENHAGEN 1983-1988 TOTAL GHANGE Self-empIyed - 294 White Collar Workes 7.088 Blue Collar Workers - 6.408 Not Specified 3.499 Unemployed - 2.968 Not in Labour Forcé -18.806 Total -17.889 Over the years the market mechanism has raised miserable districts to wealthy áreas, while rich districts have deteriorated, which indicates that the "equilibrium point" might not only change but also be unstable, and/or there might be severa! equilibrium points. Conscious politics of integration might therefore be expensíve and rapidly outdated. 6. HOUSING POLITICS IN SPAIN AND DENMARK As shown above in table 4. and 5. there was no alarming segregation when the municipal units were used as the geographical unit and the applied social categories. Even on district leve! the data did not reveal alarming segregation. Therefore we now consider a lower level of geographical units: housing blocks and expand the social categories to Include immigrants and refugees. 6.1 Social Housing Constructions To avoid segregation, the most important experiences in Spain are those practiced after the principies used in Italy e.g. Bologna, where the quality of housing is improved in center neighborhoods while strong efforts are made to secure that the usual residents do not have to move to cheeper áreas. In Denmark most blocks are built and administrated by "social housing coorporations" which are formally independent enterprises but under great influence of the municipalities. The leadership of these cooperations 85 T. RUBIO - G. KRISTENSEN - T. ROJO is either the municipal or the residents or a combination of both. The coorperation pays no inconne tax and can recelve financia! support from the municipal. A municipal can influence its housing availability through its engagement in the construcion of social housing, deciding the type, price range and composition of the housing suppiy. Thereby it has indirectly some possibllity to influence its population composition and localization. Some municipals engage in the constructions in order to attract people to the municipality. An often usad argument is to attract the people who actually work in the municipal but live (and pay taxes) outside. 6.2 Social Integration in Social Housing Renting the appartments are supposed to be on favourable conditions, but are nevertheless cióse to market conditions. In finding the residents the coorporation is obliged to take social regards and reserve the lowest priced appartments to the low income people. Some "social" appartments are higly expensive and assigned to people with high incomes. It is the duty of the housing cooperation to make at disposal up to one of each three free sel appartment for the municipality. Beyond that the municipal authorities dispose of 25 % of the appartments for re-housing people from condemned houses, this means that the municipality can dispose of up to 50 % of the free appartments. Those percentages are related to each single department. By the assignments the municipality shall try to secure a "reasonable integration between different population groups in the individual housing departments". If necessary the municipality can demand that they shall approve every single assignment made by the housing cooperation. 6.3 Garanteed Máximum Percentage of Income to be Payed in House Rent In order to support each individual in his freedom to choose there has in Denmark been an increasing understanding for the importance of giving economic support to persons not to houses. The Dweiling Security Law has as main rule that people can pay up to 15 % of their income (after deduction for children) in house rent, if the income is belovkí 110.000 dkr (round 20.000 $). Of that share which is above 110.000 dkr people could pay 25 % in housing rent. The remaining rent is payed by the government if the rented dweiling has a reasonable size. 86 Socio-spatial integration and dynamics in the metropolitan áreas of 7. INTEGRATION OF IMMIGRANTS REFUGEES IN DENMARK Since 1960 Denmark has received a little more then 50.000 inmigrants from third countries defined as countries outside Europe and North-America. In the daily debate the integration of those groups takes the greatest space. 7.1 The Ishoj Case ishoj is a municipal unit in the south east of the Copenhagen metropolitan área. No other municipal unit is a home for so many people from third countries as Ishoj, which in 1990 had about 11 % of its population from third countries. In certain groups of housing blocks up to 20 % was from third countries. For the Copenhagen metropolitan as a whole the percentage is about 3 %. In 1976 the Mayor of Ishoj recommended a housing cooperation not to rerent free appartments to inmigrants if already more then 10 % of the population in that block was from third countries. The reason was to achieve a more diversified population composition in order to promote integration. The recommandation opened a debate whether this was race discrimination and against the rule to serve all people equal. The Public Proscecutor realized that the recommendation was against the words of § 1 of the law of race discrimination. The intensión of the recommendation was however to omit race discrimination by integration therefore the Public Procecutor found that it could not be considered as illegal. This point of wiev was approved by the Ministry of Justice and accepted by the Ombudsmand (The Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration). In 1980 the council of Ishoj decided that retrenting of free appartments should be approved by the municipality, and the recomandation of not rerenting to immigrants was repeled. In 1987 and 1988 approval was denied in 8 and 5 cases referring to nationality. In 1990 however a committy against racism brought the question into court and the recommandation and following practice was found not to be legal. It seems that the authorities, in order to promote integration can put underrepresented people in a house but not keep overrepresented groups out of a house. 87 T. RUBIO - G. KRISTENSEN - T. ROJO 7.2 The Vesterbro Case The lack of ability to stop individuáis from overrepresented groups to move ¡n has led to the situation where the schools in Vesterbro, a district in the centre of Copenhagen, has got 52 % children from third countries. The parents of the children blamed the politicians for lack of courage by not enforcing an effective education in Danish and meeting discipline of the forign school children. 7.3 The Refugees The politics of integrating refugees is to make an "even distributíon" of refugees on municipal units so that all receive almost the some quota per capita. Besides the intensión is to hold families or friends together or if someone has arrived alone to place them together with people from their own country. This distribution politic has been mentioned as "distributing in groups" so that integration with the Danish population not means segregation from friends. 8. CHRISTIANIA: GHETTO OR POSSIBILITY OF FREE CHOICE For twenty years there has been more or less organized resistance against town renovations. Empty condemned buildings have been occupied by slum stormers who wanted to posses and preserve the oíd buildings. One of the most significant of those actions took place in Copenhagen in 1972 where condemned military barracks were «liberated» by slum stormers who declared the área for the «free state of Christiania» an alternative society and a social experiment. Reluctance from political authorities to restore «law and order» has brought up two decades of discussion of making Christiania legal. Of special points can mentioned that bars and inns have existed in the área without registration and authorisation, trade with drugs is supposed to be very high, the same is the case for trade with stolen goods. Christiania has a highiy varying population, with most people in the summer. The permanent population was 910 inhabitants on 1.1.-1989. Its distribution is shown in tabie 15. compared with the distribution of the Copenhagen metropolitan population. The área of Christiania is what Rojo and Rubio (1990) describe as a «bag of poverty». The ciffres does not however tell the whole story. Many 88 Socio-spatial integration and dynamics in the metropolitan áreas of 15. SHARE OG SOCIAL GROUPS IN THE COPENHAGEN METROPOLITAN ÁREA AND CHRiSTIANIA 1988/1989 Self-empiyed White Collar Workers Blue Collar Workers (Sk+Unsk) Not Specified Unemployed Not in Labour Forcé people have expressed that they feel that in Christiania they have found a humanity which they had missed. Christiania underline the fact that only differences can give people the possibility of choice. METRÓPOLIS 4.0 30.4 14.2 5.9 4.0 41.5 CHRISTIA 3.0 5.5 3.1 1.4 24.3 62.2 9. CONCLUSIÓN It seems to be ciear that income or occupationai groups tend to segregate in the metropolitan área after prices of housing. The trend is probably less noticeable in short term basis than in long term basis. The mobiiity will partly depend on the proportion of home ownership and public regulations. The way homes are made available in such a classified way, due to zoning regulations and due to the land prices —reiated to quality of Services— in each área, seems to be the next reievant variable to go deeper into. If the housing availability patterns the display of income groups, the actions to increas-ing socio-spatial integration should go in the direction of diversifying the houses offered as well inside in the same building as in the neighborhood. In the comparative study we have had some trouble because the statistics are not made uniformiy. If rules of the integration politic some day should be handed over to the Common Market it would demand a standardised European statistic. However as shown integration is a highiy local matter which hardly passes the municipal borders. Therefore there seems no need to coordínate statistics for the purpose of integration. 89 T. RUBIO - G. KRISTENSEN - T. ROJO ABSTRACT It is well known that towns tend to segregate socially, with lower interaction between different social groups, as a consequence. The role of the housing market is crucial in this procesa. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the social dynamics and the structuring capacity of housing over social interaction of groups, on the basis of comparative empírica! data, for the Madrid and Copenhagen metropolitan áreas. Keywords: integration, spatial equilibrium, ghetto, refugees. LITE R ATURE BoLiGMiNisTERiET, «Bekendtg0relse om almennyttig boligvirksomhed», Lovtidende (Nr. 2. 24. maj 1985) BoLiGMiNisTERiET, "Cirkulaere om organisation og udlejning af almennyttigt byggeri», Lovtidende (Nr. 27. 14. marts 1986.) BoTT, E. (1957): Family and Social Network. Roles, Normes and External Relationship in Ordinary Urban Families (Free Press, McMillan, New York 1971). CooLEY, C. N. (1902): Human Nature and the Social Order (New York, Schocken, 1962). 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