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Adverb orientation: semantics and pragmatics

García Núñez, José María

Abstract

Orientation is a well known property of some adverbs in English. Early approaches to the topic simply offered a systematisation of paraphrase relations between these adverbs and the corresponding adjectives. Current cognitive (Nakamura, 1997) and Event Logic (García Núñez, 1999) approaches have discovered simpler semantic components in adverb orientation. This study presents cases of Subject Oriented Adverbs pragmatically oriented to non explicit participants, and demonstrates that the proposed analyses in terms of simpler meaning components provide a good basis for a predictive and explanatory account of adverb orientation to both explicit and implicit participants.

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ELIA 3, 2002, 299-315 ADVERB ORIENTATION: SEMANTICS AND PRAGMATICS José Ma ía Ga cía Núñez Uni e sidad de Cádiz O ien a ion is a well known p ope y o some ad e bs in English. Ea ly app oaches o he opic simply o e ed a sys ema isa ion o pa aph ase ela ions be ween hese ad e bs and he co esponding adjec i es. Cu en cogni i e (Nakamu a, 1997) and E en Logic (Ga cía Núñez, 1999) app oaches ha e disco e ed simple seman ic componen s in ad e b o ien a ion. This s udy p esen s cases o Subjec O ien ed Ad e bs p agma ically o ien ed o non explici pa icipan s, and demons a es ha he p oposed analyses in e ms o simple meaning componen s p o ide a good basis o a p edic i e and explana o y accoun o ad e b o ien a ion o bo h explici and implici pa icipan s. Key wo ds: hema ically dependen ad e bs, e en ad e bs, ad e b scope, hema ic s uc u e, deon ic modali y 1. Ad e b o ien a ion Since Jackendo (1972), a numbe o ad e bs in English ha e been ci ed as exhibi ing he p ope y o o ien a ion. In e y gene al e ms, o ien a ion can be desc ibed as he p ocess by which he adjec i al oo o an ad e b can be asc ibed o some pa icipan in he e en modi ied by he ad e b; u he mo e, o ien a ion is assumed o a ge one pa icula a gumen : sen ence subjec . To illus a e his in oduc o y de ini ion, conside sen ences (1)-(4) and hei espec i e pa aph ases in he co esponding (a) sen ences. Es udios de lingüís ica inglesa aplicada 300 J.M. Ga cía Núñez ELIA 3, 2002, pp. 299-315 (1) Ma ha willingly sen he sec e iles o John. (1a) Ma ha was willing o send he sec e iles o John (2) John was willingly sen he sec e iles by Ma ha. (2a) John was willing o be sen he sec e iles by Ma ha. (3) Ma ha wisely sen he sec e iles o John. (3a) I was wise o Ma ha/ Ma ha was wise o send he sec e iles o John. (4) John was wisely sen he sec e iles by Ma ha. (4a) I was wise o John/ John was wise o be sen he sec e iles by Ma ha. As can be seen in he examples, bo h ac i e and passi e subjec s can be a ge s o o ien a ion1. Some au ho s (McConnell-Gine 1982, E ns 1984, Wyne 1994) ha e no ed ha o ien a ion is a hema ically a he han a syn ac ically based 1 He e we omi cases o o ien a ion o passi e deep subjec s like he one in (i) (pa aph ased in (ii)). (i) John was sen he sec e iles wisely by Ma ha. (ii) John was sen he sec e iles in a wise manne by Ma ha. In o he wo ds, we will ocus on cases o wha can be e y gene ally classi ied as disjunc and p e e bal adjunc occu ences o ad e bs. The p e e bal adjunc occu ence o wisely in ac i e sen ences like (iii) is ambiguous be ween a subjec -o ien ed and a manne eading. He e we a e in e es ed only in he o me . (iii) Ma ha wisely sen he sec e iles o John. Lea ing ou pos e bal adjunc occu ences o o ien ed ad e bs will no a ec he discussion below. Ad e b o ien a ion: Seman ics and… 301 ELIA 3, 2002, pp. 299-315 p ocess2. Sen ences whe e ad e b o ien a ion ails o ake place in he p esence o a subjec a e aken o cons i u e good e idence ha hema ic condi ions (mo e speci ically, agen i i y) a he han syn ac ic condi ions a e he key ea u e o o ien a ion. (5) * Ma ha eluc an ly ecei ed he le e . (6) * John was wisely seen by Ma ha. 2. O ien a ion: a seman ic/ p agma ic p oblem A less obse ed ac abou hese subjec -o ien ed ad e bs is ha some o hem can a imes be o ien ed o pa icipan s ou side he a gumen s uc u e o he sen ence, which is an amoun o saying ou side he explici con en o he u e ance. Qui k e al. (1981: 625-626) pu s o wa d and discuss examples like (6) and (7), whe e wisdom is asc ibed o some pa icipan in e able om he con ex o u e ance. (7) Wisely, he mee ing ended ea ly oday. (8) Wisely, Bill’s ca is in a ga age o e nigh h oughou he win e . In hese examples he pa icipan s whose wisdom is highligh ed by he ad e b, hough implici and in e able om con ex , a e s ill iden i iable as he indi iduals who b ough abou he e en s desc ibed in he sen ences, i.e., a e agen i e pa icipan s. Ano he impo an hing o no ice is ha o ien a ion o an implici agen in ol es sen ence modi ica ion, while o ien a ion o a hema ic agen in ol es VP modi ica ion. Tha is, in (7) and (8) he whole sen ence is judged wise and he pe son who caused he e en emains implici . On he o he hand, in (9) we ha e wo possible in e p e a ions: ei he he sinking o 2 The e is ne e heless a ia ion among hese au ho s as o how s ong he co espondence be ween syn ac ic and hema ic s uc u e is. They a e no hence equally likely o keep o he subjec -o ien a ion hypo hesis. 302 J.M. Ga cía Núñez ELIA 3, 2002, pp. 299-315 he ship is judged as wise and Joan is he agen ha caused he e en , o he whole e en (including he agen ) is judged as wise; on he la e in e p e a ion he agen esponsible o he b inging abou o he e en mus again be an implici agen , someone who had Joan sink he ship. (9) Wisely, Joan sank he ship. I is impo an o no ice ha (7) and (8) a e no sui able con ex s o all ypes o o ien ed ad e bs. Willingly, which was classi ied as an o ien ed ad e b on a pa wi h wisely, canno o ien o an implici agen , as he unaccep abili y o (10) makes mani es . (10) * Willingly, he mee ing ended ea ly oday. Any solu ion o he p oblem o o ien a ion mus be consis en wi h he di e ences and simila i ies be ween o ien ed ad e bs. Failu e o do so will necessa ily mean missing he ac s abou he g amma / p agma ic dis inc ion, o hose abou he seman ic homogenei y o ad e b o ien a ion, espec i ely. On his ske chy i s app oxima ion o (7)-(10), we a e, on he one hand, dealing wi h he hema ic concep s (less so wi h he syn ac ic ones) ad oca ed by p e ious heo ies o ad e b o ien a ion, and, on he o he , eso ing o a p agma ic in e en ial p ocess which ce ainly goes beyond he limi s o syn ax o seman ics. In so doing, we ha e come ac oss he so o gene al heo e ical p oblem we wan o add ess in his wo k: how can p agma ics be made con inuous wi h g amma ?, how can g amma bias p agma ic in e en ial p ocesses? I is a his poin possible o se he goals o his wo k. Fi s o all, i seems necessa y o es ablish wha kind o linguis ic phenomenon o ien a ion is. Is i a g amma ically o a p agma ically cons ained phenomenon? Should we analyse ad e b o ien a ion as a ully g amma ically cons ained Ad e b o ien a ion: Seman ics and… 303 ELIA 3, 2002, pp. 299-315 phenomenon, o should we le ou p agma ic abili ies do pa o he wo k? Secondly, do o ien ed ad e bs o m a homogeneous class, o a e he e di e ences be ween hem?, do hese di e ences impinge on o de e mine he kind o o ien a ion hey ealise? In he nex sec ion, we assess he empi ical bene i s o h ee heo e ical p oposals ha migh in p inciple be able o accoun o he e ised ac s. The i s wo ely on a ully g amma ical ea men o ad e b o ien a ion; he las one, he one we will a gue o he e, allows o a p agma ic ea men cons ained by seman ic ac o s. 3. G amma ically-based accoun s o ad e b o ien a ion The i s heo e ical possibili y we will explo e consis s in analysing ad e b o ien a ion oge he wi h o he hema ic phenomena as lexico-g amma ically speci ied. In his pe spec i e, subjec o ien ed ad e bs (SOAs hence o h) would assign hema ic p ope ies o a numbe o a gumen s in he s uc u e in which hey appea . This possibili y has been explo ed in ela ion o adjec i al modi ica ion and he hema ic s uc u e o NPs by Higginbo ham (1985). He a gues qui e con incingly ha modi ie s bea a hema ic g id o emp y a gumen s uc u e o hei own which, as i we e, is subo dina ed o he hema ic g id o he lexical ca ego y hey modi y and bo ows a gumen s om i . To illus a e his posi ion, conside wo sen ences like (11) and (12). (11) Ma y sank he ship. (12)Ma y willingly sank he ship. The p oposal unde e ision would claim ha he ansi i e e b sink in (11) con ains he g amma ical in o ma ion ha i s ex e nal a gumen is an Agen and i s in e nal a gumen a Theme/ Pa ien . Being a lexico- 304 J.M. Ga cía Núñez ELIA 3, 2002, pp. 299-315 g amma ical speci ica ion, ailu e o mee his equi emen yields an ung amma ical exp ession. We can now, on he basis o his ske chy p esen a ion, hypo hesise wha would be he ough ou lines o a lexico-g amma ical ea men o ad e b o ien a ion: he hema ic g id o willingly in (12) would con ain an emp y slo o be illed by a hema ic agen in he a gumen s uc u e de ined by he p edica e sink. The p oposal would wo k accep ably well o willingly, which, acco ding o he e iewed ac s, sys ema ically o ien s o he Agen . Howe e , i would ail o accoun o he o ien a ion o sen ence-modi ying ca elessly o an implici agen . On his basis, we can p o isionally conclude ha ad e b o ien a ion o a hema ic Agen is encoded in he g amma ical con en o eluc an ly bu no in ha o ca elessly. An al e na i e heo e ical app oach would es on an iden i ica ion o o ien a ion possibili ies and s uc u al loca ions. As we ha e seen (c . oo no e 1) he wo ele an s uc u al loca ions a e p e e bal posi ion and sen ence posi ion. This app oach is he one adop ed by Jackendo (1972), Thomason and S alnake (1973), T a is (1988) o Bowe s (1993). All o hem ha e ied o accoun o he o ien a ion ac s on he assump ion ha syn ac ic posi ion su ices o cons ain in e p e a ion. Omi ing de ails abou he p ecise na u e o he heo ies launched, we can see ha hese p oposals wo k well in he case o p e e bal ad e bs (which o ien o agen a gumen s), bu can ha dly p o ide a s able a ge o o ien a ion in he case o sen ence SOAs ( he agen a gumen in he case o eluc an ly, he agen a gumen o an implici agen in he case o sen ence ca elessly). G amma ically-based accoun s o SOAs do no seem o gua an ee he empi ical co e age o he ac s pu sued in his wo k. In he ollowing sec ions, we p esen a heo y o SOAs which bo h u ges an in e ac i e iew o he seman ics/ p agma ics in e ace and yields empi ical bene i s in ela ion o he e ised ac s. Ad e b o ien a ion: Seman ics and… 305 ELIA 3, 2002, pp. 299-315 4. Subjec -o ien ed ad e bs and deon ic modali y Nakamu a (1997) om a Cogni i e G amma pe spec i e, and Ga cía Núñez (1999) wi hin an E en Logic amewo k p o ide accoun s o ad e b o ien a ion which make use o wo in ima ely ied concep s: hema ic s uc u e and deon ic modali y3. The idea is ha SOAs exp ess some kind o deon ic e alua ion o he e en s which hey modi y4. Roughly, he ad e bs in (13) and (14) somehow e e o some pe son ( he speake in (13), he agen in (14)5) who judges he epo ed e en as undesi able o some eason o o he , and who is esponsible o he b inging abou o he ele an e en . (12) Ma ha oolishly pu he sec e iles ou on he ke b. (13) Ma ha eluc an ly pu he sec e iles ou on he ke b. Close conside a ion o hese cons i uen s o ad e b o ien a ion and hei g amma ical ealisa ions will lead, we belie e, o a ully explana o y accoun o he ac s and p oblems ske ched ou in sec ions 1 and 2 abo e. 3 The idea appea s mo e clea ly in Ga cía Núñez (1999) han in Nakamu a (1997), o his la e au ho , hough also iden i ying subjec o ien ed ad e bs wi h modal seman ics, ails o dis inguish be ween modal deon ic a ge ( he pe son who e alua es) and hema ic a ge ( he pe son esponsible o he ac ion). 4 As we a e no dealing he e wi h modalisa ion o non ac ual p oposi ions (as is he case wi h modal deon ic e bs), deon ic modali y should be unde s ood mo e in i s deside a i e ( igh / w ong e alua ing) han in i s ins umen al sense. A e all, as Lyons s a es in ela ion o deon ic modali y, “... he so-be-i componen (...) is in ended o ha e an ins umen al meaning, bu i may be assumed o ha e de eloped ou o , and o include, an on ogene ically p io deside a i e” (Lyons, 1977: 826). 5 As his dis inc ion p o es c ucial bo h o dis inguishing SOAs and o he e ised ac s, we will, ollowing Wyne ’s (1994) e minology, e e o wisely- ype SOAs as E en Ad e bs (EAs hence o h), and o eluc an ly- ype SOAs as Thema ically-Dependen Ad e bs (TDAs hence o h). The o me ad e bs a e also known as agen -o ien ed ad e bs (F ey 2000), he la e as men al a i ude ad e bs (E ns 2000). 306 J.M. Ga cía Núñez ELIA 3, 2002, pp. 299-315 Once we accep ha o ien ed ad e bs a e like deon ic eadings o modal e bs, we simply ha e o eloca e concep s and ca ego ies which a e well-es ablished in modal seman ics. Fo example, i is ai ly uncon o e sial ha deon ic modal e bs equi e an agen , i.e., can only ope a e on a p oposi ion whose hema ic s uc u e includes an Agen , o whose p ocessing in a con ex in ol es he p esence o an agen . This can be seen in (15) (wi h an explici agen ) and (16) (wi h an implici agen ). (14) Ma ha mus pu he sec e iles away. (15) Ma ha mus ecei e he sec e iles omo ow (you/someone mus see o i ha she does). Likewise, modal deon ic e bs also imply an e alua o (a deon ic sou ce in Lyons’s (1977: 824) e ms). In bo h (15) and (16), his e alua o coincides wi h he speake ,a s he pa aph ases in (15a) and (16a), espec i ely, show. (15a) I is desi able om he speake ’s poin o iew ha Ma ha should pu he sec e iles away. (16a) I is desi able om he speake ’s poin o iew ha Ma ha should ecei e he sec e iles omo ow. The ac ha e alua o s can coincide wi h sen ence agen s is no a peculia i y o o ien ed ad e bs ei he . A deon ic modal e b like would a he also implies an agen i e e alua o . (16) Ma ha would a he keep he sec e iles in a sa e place. (17a) I is desi able om Ma ha’s poin o iew ha she should keep he sec e iles. A pa ial de ini ion o ad e b o ien a ion can be o e ed a his poin : i is he p ocess h ough which a subjec -o ien ed ad e b selec s an agen . This de ini ion is pa ial because i does no accoun o he pe cei ed syn ac ic di e ences in o ien a ion. In o he wo ds, he heo y will no be comple e Ad e b o ien a ion: Seman ics and… 307 ELIA 3, 2002, pp. 299-315 un il his new concep ion o o ien a ion is shown o bea on he abo e e iewed syn ac ic cons ain s on o ien a ion. In o de o explain he syn ac ic ealisa ion o o ien a ion, i is necessa y o ake in o accoun he seman ic ype modi ied by he ele an ad e bs. In he ligh o a deon ic classi ica ion o o ien ed ad e bs, he ques ion o wha s a e o a ai s is modi ied by he ad e b becomes a cen al one. As is well known, deon ic modal e bs ope a e on p oposi ions exp essing po en ial o possible s a es o a ai s (s a es o e en s). Robe s (1986: 212-213) o Ga cía Núñez (1999: 439-442) claim ha TDAs and EAs modi y p edica es deno ing ac ual e en s. A so o complemen a y ela ion seems o ob ain: deon ic modali y as exp essed by modal e bs deno es he desi abili y o a s a e o a ai s which is o be b ough abou by some agen ; deon ic modali y as exp essed by an o ien ed ad e b deno es he desi abili y o an ac ual e en b ough abou by some agen . To pu i g aphically, he modal o ce o wo sen ences like (18) and (19) would di e in he way shown by (18a) and (19a). (17) Ma ha mus bu n ou he sec e iles (18a) Deon ic pole: desi able E alua o : speake Po en ial s a e o a ai s: Ma ha bu ns he sec e iles. (18) Ma ha wisely bu n ou he sec e iles (19a) Deon ic pole: desi able E alua o : speake Ac ual e en : Ma ha bu n he sec e iles. 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