Courtly Patronage of the Ancient Sciences in Post-Classical Islamic Societies

AL-QANÍARA XXIX 2, julio-diciembre de 2008 pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 COURTLY PATRONAGE OF THE ANCIENT SCIENCES IN POST-CLASSICAL ISLAMIC SOCIETIES EL MECENAZGO CORTESANO DE LAS CIENCIAS ANTIGUAS EN LAS SOCIEDADES ISLÁMICAS POST-CLÁSICAS SONJA BRENTJES Universidad de Sevilla Historians of science, medicine and philosophy in Islamic societies will agree without hesitation that courtly patronage was of extraordinary importance for the introduction, spread and maintenance of the ancient sciences, as well as for the many new results that scholars achieved in these fields in different Islamic societies. Despite this generally held conviction, there are no studies of the phenomenon and its various forms in specific Islamic societies. A second conviction, In this paper I study evidence for courtly patronage for the ancient sciences in specific post-classical societies in the Arab and Persianate worlds. I show that there are plenty of historical sources for seriously challenging the widely held belief that courtly patronage for the ancient sciences disappeared in the post-classical period. I discuss similarities and differences between the classical and post-classical period at large and between specific post-classical dynasties in particular. I ask which disciplines courts sponsored, which products they privileged and which institutions and norms they used and mobilized for and through their patronage. I compare the relationship between patronage for scholars in two main settings —the court and the madrasa. I suggest that the proposed causal link between the disappearance or decrease of courtly patronage and the so-called decline of the ancient sciences needs to be revisited. Key words: Courtly patronage; Post-classical societies; Ancient sciences. Este artículo estudia el mecenazgo cortesano de las ciencias de los antiguos en determinadas sociedades post-clásicas del ámbito cultural árabe y persa. El autor muestra que un gran número de fuentes históricas cuestionan la idea, muy extendida, de que ese mecenazgo desapareciera en las sociedades post-clási- cas, y analiza a ese respecto las similitudes y las diferencias entre los períodos clásico y post-clásico en general, y entre distintas dinastías del período post-clásico en particular. Indaga también qué disciplinas y resultados financió y favoreció ese mecenazgo, y a través de qué instituciones y normas se ejerció, comparando sus dos principales escenarios: la corte y la madrasa. Como conclusión, sugiere que la hipótesis de que la desaparición o el debilitamiento del mecenazgo causaron el llamado declive de las ciencias de los antiguos debe ser revisada. Palabras clave: mecenazgo cortesano; sociedades post-clásicas; ciencias de los antiguos. albeit less firmly held, is the belief that one of the major factors that led to what is usually called the decline of the ancient sciences was the disappearance of courtly patronage at some unclear point in time. 1This vagueness results from disagreement about when the decline commenced, and from a lack of clear statements about when courtly patronage ended. Opinions on the matter vary greatly, some seeing the eleventh century as the starting point, others the fifteenth or sixteenth century. 2Given the importance of these historiographical problems it is surprising that very little research has been done assessing the evidence for the disappearance of courtly support for all or some of the ancient sciences, and the link between this phenomenon (if it indeed can be shown to have happened) and changes in the content and innovative power of research that occurred in later Islamic societies. In this paper I will focus on courtly patronage of the ancient sciences after 1200 in the territories between Egypt and India. I will show that courtly patronage of the ancient sciences did not disappear in this post-classical period. Several dynasties extended their support to scholars interested in a variety of ancient sciences. Such a claim finds clear substantiation in dedications and ownership marks attested in manuscripts; notes appearing in biographical dictionaries and historical chronicles about scholars at courts and their contacts with rulers, princes, emirs, viziers, other court officials and powerful women at courts; and courtly protocol and official honorific titles specified in administrative sources. The more challenging problems arise from the limitations of these materials and the need for non-trivial interpretations of the information they offer. Since courtly patronage continued Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 404 SONJA BRENTJES 1See for instance Makdisi, G., The Rise of Colleges: Institutions of Learning in Islam and the West, Edinburgh, 1981, 77-78. 2For the various positions on the issue of decline, its date, its conceptualization, and its scope see for instance Sayílí, A., The Observatory in Islam and its Place in the General History of the Observatory, Ankara, 1960, 402-429; al-Hassan, A.Y., Factors behind the Decline of Islamic Science after the Sixteenth Century, accessible on-line in the personal Website of the author: http://www.history-science-technology.com/Articles/articles%208.htm (15-08-08); Saliba, G., Islamic Science and the Making of the European Renaissance, Cambridge, 2007; Sabra, A.I., “The Appropriation and Subsequent Naturalization of Greek Science in Medieval Islam,” History of Science, 25 (1968), 223-243; Abdalla, M., The Fate of Islamic Science Between the Eleventh and Sixteenth Centuries: A Critical Study of Scholarship from Ibn Khaldun to the Present, accessible on-line in the “Australian Digital Theses Program”: http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040618.091027/index.html (15-08-08), 95-141. after 1200 under several major and minor dynasties, the changes in scientific activities and the decrease in new results cannot be ascribed to lacking “state” support as such. The changes themselves, their character, scope, disciplinary, spatial and temporal occurrences as well as the modes in which they appear and the values they reflect, will not be discussed here. Neither will I offer suggestions about the factors contributing to such changes. All this goes far beyond the purpose and possibilities of this paper. But even more important, these issues are deeply steeped in prejudices and assumptions characteristic of scientific activities in our own days. There are no in-depth studies of specific cases that contextualize such changes in the value system of their times and places. In addition, the rigorous questioning of the assumptions underlying our judgments and of the suitability of our methods has only begun recently. I use the term “ancient sciences” in this paper as a shorthand for the mathematical sciences (geometry, number theory, arithmetic, algebra, magic squares, mathematical cosmography and geography, astronomical handbooks, ephemerides, time-keeping and related issues), medicine, philosophy (metaphysics, logic, natural philosophy, economics, ethics, politics) and the occult sciences (astrology, alchemy, geomancy, numerology and related fields). The reason for doing this is that the use of the term “science” suggests a modern understanding and excludes medicine, philosophy and the occult sciences, while the use of the term “rational sciences” would exclude the mathematical sciences and include important religious disciplines such as uóùl al-dên, which I will not explore here. I will focus primarily, however, on the mathematical sciences and medicine, touching upon philosophy and the occult sciences, excluding astrology, only in a cursory manner. The reason for this limitation is found on the one hand in the lack of systematic surveys on the history of philosophy under most of the dynasties I will discuss in this paper (exceptions are the Safavids and the Mughals), and on the other in the fact that my research interests focus primarily on the mathematical sciences with some additional interest in a social history of medicine. Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 COURTLY PATRONAGE OF THE ANCIENT SCIENCES IN POST-CLASSICAL ISLAMIC SOCIETIES 405 1. Courtly patronage of the ancient sciences in the classical period 3 Courtly patronage of the ancient sciences in the classical period took place both in the form of personal relationships between a patron and a client and as an outgrowth of relations of loyalty between families. According to Mottahedeh, loyalties were the result of three cultural activities: providing benefits, concluding various types of formal commitment (oaths, vows, guarantees of safe conduct) and showing gratitude. Benefits (ni‘ma) given by a ruler to his subjects served to create stable, reciprocal ties. Generosity (sam×ça) was expected from the ruler when handing out benefits, but when combined with indulgence (mus×maça) could diminish the ruler’s reputation. 4Formal commitments regulated “duties and obligations that could be enforced without coercion.” 5Practitioners of the ancient sciences benefitted from the second type of formal commitment, the vow. The vow was made to God, and contained a promise to do some particular good work on the basis of a good intention. Repairs of irrigation channels and bridges, or the building of mosques and, later, madrasas, could be announced publicly in the form of such a vow. In combination with the actual work of repair or construction, the vow served to elevate the symbolic and real power of the ruler who made it. Practitioners of the mathematical sciences, in particular surveyors and muhandisùn (geometers, engineers, architects), were often involved in the repair and replacement work. The recipient of benefits was obliged to show gratitude (shukr al-ni‘ma), since masculine honor was based on acknowledging received benefits, reinforced by the Qur’×n’s repeated reminder that the (true) believer is grateful for God’s continuous benefits. 6 Mottahedeh argued that patronage during Buyid rule resulted from this triangular net of benefits, formal commitments and gratitude. 7In Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 406 SONJA BRENTJES 3This part is an abbreviated extract from a larger paper on patronage of the mathematical sciences in Islamic societies, to appear in Robson, E. and Stedall, J. (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of the History of Mathematics, Oxford, forthcoming. 4Mottahedeh, R., Loyalty and Leadership in an Early Islamic Society, Princeton, 1980, 90-91. 5Ibidem, 43. 6Ibid., 72-76. 7Ibid., 42. exchange for promotion, a patron expected his protégé to serve him in various ways as long as either of the two lived. 8Many of the scholars who worked as astrologers or physicians at Buyid and other courts of the period stayed until they died in courtly service, often through the reign of more than one ruler. It is no exaggeration to claim that many of the most productive and innovative astronomers/astrologers, physicians and philosophers spent long years in courtly service. This means that the impressive results of nearly five centuries of mathematical, medical and philosophical research and teaching were produced through the institution of patronage at its major centres, namely, central and local courts. The patronage relationships that rulers, viziers and other courtiers maintained with physicians, astronomers/astrologers and philosophers were discussed in a variety of terms. A patron extended honor (ikr×m) and benefits, often in a generous manner, to the men who healed him, cast his horoscope or observed the stars. The physicians and occasionally also the astronomers/astrologers are said to have served (khadama) their patrons, often until their patrons’ death. Honor paid to a client could take many forms, including precious robes, monetary gifts, privileged ranking in seating at court during official occasions, and inclusion in caliphs’, sultans’ or viziers’ groups of boon companions (nadêm). Patrons also shared other more personal favors with their clients. The scholars engaged in patronage relationships were expected to offer expertise in areas such as healing, observing the planets and stars, casting horoscopes, constructing instruments, writing books, making automata or repairing clocks, water wheels, channels, and other infrastructural components. An important professional service of physicians and astrologers was to accompany their patrons on military campaigns, pilgrimages, and other travels. Teaching sons of rulers, their relatives, and other courtiers was another service scholars of the mathematical sciences provided for their patrons. Scholars of all disciplines dedicated books and instruments to patrons from the early Abbasid period. It is, of course, not always clear whether the dedication was an expression of gratitude for benefits received or a proposal to enter into a patronage relationship. The vocabulary used in histo- Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 COURTLY PATRONAGE OF THE ANCIENT SCIENCES IN POST-CLASSICAL ISLAMIC SOCIETIES 407 8Ibid., 82-84. ries of scholars and bibliographies includes translating, writing, composing or doing a work for a ruler, a vizier or a scholar. Instruments as well as texts were named after patrons and designed specifically for them. 9 Other ways of talking about patronage relationships in the ancient sciences included terms like ittaóala bi (to be bound to, to be connected with), ghul×m(boy, youth, military slave, servant), çamala (to carry), a‘ûama (to invite), ‘azzaza (to elevate, to exalt, to make dear), irtaba÷a(to bind, to commit, to engage), istakhdama (to hire, to engage the service), istaçÝara (to summon, to fetch), isht×qa il×(to covet, to desire ardently), çaûiya ‘inda (to enjoy the favors, to be in the good graces) and da‘×(to summon, to call, to urge, to invite). 10 Some of these expressions, such as irtaba÷a, istakhdama and da‘×, were applied to both rulers and viziers, while others such as çamala were used only of rulers. Irtaba÷a, istakhdama and da‘×describe relationships in which power, although asymmetric, is shared because not only did scholars look for patrons, but rulers and viziers likewise tried to attract clients to their courts, occasionally going to great lengths to do so. But scholars did not always accept the prospective patron’s offers, invitations or gifts. The Saljuq sultan Sanjar (r. 511-582/ 1117-1157) sent the enormous sum of 1,000 dinars to ‘Abd al-Raçm×nKh×zinê(fifth/twelfth century), a freed slave of Byzantine origin. Kh×zinêrefused to take the money, saying that he possessed ten dinars, three of which sufficed to finance him for a year, plus a cat. He also rejected the same sizable monetary gift when it was offered by the wife of one of the Saljuq emirs. 11 The term çamala reflects the often violent nature of medieval society and the role of scholars as pawns in conflicts between rulers, invaders, rebels, and other claimants to power. When Sebügtegên (d. 387/997) and his son Maçmùd (r. 388-421/998-1030) conquered parts of Central Asia and Iran, they forced numerous scholars to flee westwards into the protection of the Buyid dynasty, or else carried them away to Ghazna. Among those who had to relocate after the fi- Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 408 SONJA BRENTJES 9Charette, F., “The Locales of Islamic Astronomical Instrumentation,” History of Science, 44 (2006), 123-138, 133, tables 2a, 2b. 10 This list is by no means exhaustive. 11 Al-Bayhaqê,Ô×hir al-Dên, T×rêkh çukam×’ al-Isl×m, M.·.Muçammad (ed.), Cairo, 1996/1417, 181. nal campaign in 408/1017 were the scientist AbùRayç×nBêrùnê (363-440?/973-1048?) and the physician Abùl-Khayr al-·asan. 12 The Ghaznavids were not the only dynasty that forced scholars into their patronage. Various Khwarazmshahs brought scholars to their court in this manner, as did some dynasties in the post-classical period such as the Mongols in the thirteenth century and Timur (r. 771- 807/1369-1404) and his family in the late fourteenth to fifteenth centuries. 13 The historical sources paint a complex and rich picture of different forms and styles of patronage. Successful relationships that lasted a lifetime are found, as are those of a more fluid nature. Cases of stability over two or even three successive rulers occurred at several courts during this period. However, cases of conflict and failed continuation of patronage were far from exceptional. Important factors in the fluidity of courtly patronage included enmity among members of the patron’s family and towards his clients, as well as military, economic, and political instability. Competition among different factions within a ruling family and among families of administrators, and the growing influence of the Turkish military slaves upon the choice of the next caliph made patronage an unreliable field of social relations. As a result the figure of the itinerant, and often impoverished, scholar emerged. The asymmetry of power and the inherent instability of this imbalance are reflected in the various forms of punishment that a patron could heap on a client, either on his own behalf or on the behalf of another client. Extortion, loss of office and property, exile, imprisonment, and execution were widespread means of regulating access to power and funds among the civil elites, in particular on the level of viziers and their immediate entourage. Scholars of the mathematical sciences, even those who were powerful patrons in their own rights, also suffered under the arbitrariness of the patronage system. Several were exiled, incarcerated or killed. Boundaries that separated patronage from other kinds of relationships, for instance those that existed in the realm of craftsmanship, are often blurred due to a lack of precise information in the sources. Ibn al-Nadêm (d. 383/993) used the term ghul×m, which in the tenth Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 COURTLY PATRONAGE OF THE ANCIENT SCIENCES IN POST-CLASSICAL ISLAMIC SOCIETIES 409 12 Ibidem, 36; Matvievskaya, G.P. and Rozenfel’d, B.A., Matematiki i astronomy musul’manskogo srednevekov’ya i ich trudy (VIII-XVII vv.), Moscow, 2, 264. 13 Al-Bayhaqê,T×rêkh, 36, 173. century primarily meant a military slave, to describe relationships involving scholars of the mathematical sciences and instrument makers. In most cases, the owner or master of a ghul×mwas either an astrologer or an instrument maker. Instrument makers like Açmad and Muçammad, the sons of Khalaf (third/ninth century), often started their career as ghilm×n(plural of ghul×m) and later had ghilm×n themselves. Both brothers had been ghilm×nof the astrolabe maker ‘Alêb. ‘½s×(third/ninth century) and then trained six other men as their ghilm×n, all of whom became known as instrument makers. 14 Hence it is perhaps reasonable to interpret this relationship as one between a master and an apprentice rather than one of patronage. 2. Courtly patronage of ancient sciences in the post-classical period Courtly patronage of ancient sciences in the post-classical period was characterized by two kinds of relationships to the classical period. On the one hand, it was institutionally similar to that of the classical period; on the other, it differed in two respects profoundly from the previous period. It was institutionally similar insofar as it took place first and foremost as a relationship between individuals. Rulers supported scholars, not disciplines, even if certain forms used for installing and legalizing patronage such as waqf (religious donation) apply an abstract, disciplinary rhetoric either with specifications for individuals or without. Rulers who decided to donate professorships for certain ancient sciences, in particular medicine, often did so because of a personal experience of need. In some cases, a vow made at an earlier moment of need preceded such a donation. Scholars praised rulers, not dynasties, in dedications and inscriptions. Historians, if they talked at all about activities relating to the ancient sciences, also mentioned them only in relationship to individual rulers, members of ruling families or courtiers. Hence when I speak in this paper of courtly or princely patronage, it is important to recall this individual character of patronage relationships. It is very rare that a dynasty as a whole or even only its heads followed one single, coherent approach towards the ancient sciences and their practitioners. The most that can Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 410 SONJA BRENTJES 14 Tajaddod, R. (ed.), Kit×b al-fihrist li-l-Nadêm, Tehran, 2nd ed., s.d., 343. be said in such rare cases is that several members of a dynasty supported a similar set of authors and texts and used them for similar purposes. The fact that the authors or texts that were patronized by various dynasties belonged to a limited number of disciplines, in particular medicine, astrology and to some extent magic, tends often to obscure the differences between individual rulers and other courtly patrons. In the post-classical period, the rhetoric used for negotiating and representing patronage relationships lost much of its earlier richness. It shrank mainly to the three concepts of honor or grace, benefit and service. Most of the patronage relationships between an Ayyubid ruler or prince and a physician, for instance, were described using this terminology. 15 The rhetoric of patronage under the Mamluks continued to revolve around the same terms as in the Ayyubid period. Clients linked themselves with and served specific patrons, and these patrons honored or benefited them. 16 New terms such as qarrara hu or fê(to appoint s.o. to, place s.o. in), istaqarra bi (to settle down, to take a permanent place of living, i.e. a permanent position) and ikhtaóóabi (to devote or dedicate an honor or service, to privilege s.o., to make s.o. special) reflect the demands and opportunities created by the system of endowed teaching institutes. Outside the Ayyubid-Mamluk domains, the impact of the endowed teaching institutes took longer to permeate the language of patronage. The continued importance of the courtly sphere for patronage of the ancient sciences in these other regions is reflected in the vocabulary used to describe relationships between patron and client. In addition to the prevalent rhetoric of service, honor and benefit, other terms like ittaóala bi (to be bound to, to be connected with), nasaba (to link, to bring into relation) or ta‘alaqqa (to be attached, to be dependent, to be devoted, to be connected, to belong) were used. They expressed the fact that a patron and a client were connected or bound to each other. 17 These shifts in rhetoric point to the institutional differences that separate patronage activities during the post-classical period from Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 COURTLY PATRONAGE OF THE ANCIENT SCIENCES IN POST-CLASSICAL ISLAMIC SOCIETIES 411 15 Ibn AbêUóaybê‘a, ‘Uyùn al-anb×’fê÷abaq×t al-a÷ibb×’, N. RiÝ× (ed.), Beirut, s.d., 584-6, 589-91, 598-601, 635-7 et passim. 16 Al-Sakh×wê, Shams al-Dên, al-®aw’ al-l×mi‘ fêahl al-qarn al-t×si‘, Beirut, s.d., 3, 296; 6, 112, 235; 8, 191; 9, 15; 10, 48. 17 Ibn al-Fuwa÷ê,Talkhêó majma‘ al-×d×bfêmu‘jam al-alq×b, M. Jaw×d (ed.), Damascus, 1962-1965, 4, pt.1, 40, 132, 149; pt. 2, 513, 754; pt. 3, 513. mination were ‘Abd al-Raçm×nÉùfê’s (290-375/903-986) Kit×b óuwar al-kaw×kib al-th×bita (from now on called Star Catalogue), Zakariyy×’b.Muçammad Qazvênê’s (599-682/1203-1282) ‘Aj×’ib al-makhlùq×tand Dioscorides’ (first century) Materia Medica. Éùfê’s Star Catalogue was repeatedly copied in the Safavid period in particular, but copies were also produced at Timurid and Mughal courts as well as at the courts of other Indian Islamic dynasties. 26 Qazvênê’s cosmography was copied by artists either in its Arabic versions or in its Persian or Ottoman Turkish translations at the courts of the Injus, Jalayirids, Aq Koyunlus, Timurids, in the environment of the Safavid, Mughal and Ottoman courts and under dynasties in the Deccan. 27 Such activities took place in specific locations, not always necessarily in the capital of a dynasty. The Jalayirids and Aq Koyunlus, for instance, asked for copies of Qazvênê’s work primarily in Baghdad. The Jalayirids also ordered a copy of the earlier work by Salm×nÍùsê (sixth/twelfth century) with a similar title and similar content, although more literary than scientific, but written in Persian. 28 This suggests that centres of painting experience and the availability of qualified painters were decisive factors for the illustration of scientific manuscripts. The fact that Salm×nÍùsê’s work, Dioscorides’ Materia Medica and other scientific texts were illustrated and illuminated in Safavid Shiraz in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries reinforces this claim. 29 However, as more manuscripts come to light Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 418 SONJA BRENTJES 26 Examples are MSS Paris, BnF, Arabe 4670, Iran, eleventh/seventeenth century; Arabe 6528, Gujarat, 1053/1643-4; Supplément persan 1551, Iran, late tenth/sixteenth century; Welch, A., Collection of Islamic Art, Geneva, 1972, 2, 69-70, mid-elev- enth/mid-seventeenth century. 27 Examples are MSS Cambridge, University Library, Nn. 3.74, 974/1566; Dublin, Chester Beatty 2/2, 952/1545; Istanbul, TopkapíSarayí, R 1660, Rabê‘ I 824/March 1421; London, British Library, Add. 23564, Shiraz, 845/1441, Or. 12220, Herat 910/1503-04; Manchester, John Rylands Library, Persian 2, 1029/1619, Persian 3, 1041/1632, Persian 37, ca. 1440; New York, Metropolitan Museum of the Arts, 34.109 (frontispiece of Istanbul, TopkapíSarayí, R 1660; Paris, BnF, Smith-Lesouëf (oriental) 221; Supplément persan 334, second quarter ninth/second quarter fifteenth century, in the style of Shiraz; Supplément persan 2051, ca. 885/1480, Shiraz; Rampur, The Raza Library, A 4600, 923-4/1571-2 and A 4601, 1001/1591-2; Welch, Collection of Islamic Art, 1, 122, five pages of a late ninth/fifteenth-century manuscript; Robinson, B.W., Persian Painting in the John Rylands Library: A Descriptive Catalogue, London, 1980, 35, 273-290, 295-312, 351; Cagman, F. and Taníndí, Z., Islamic Miniature Painting, Istanbul, 1979, 20-21. 28 MS Paris, BnF, Supplément persan 332, 790/1388. 29 MS Paris, BnF, Supplément persan 332, beginning of the tenth/beginning of the sixteenth century. and are carefully studied, our knowledge of where, when and for whom scientific manuscripts were illustrated and illuminated will continue to expand. Another important factor that determined the kind of manuscripts that were copied and illustrated was the image a ruler or prince wished to portray. The stories told about Ulugh Beg or Iskandar Sul÷×n (r. 811-818/1409-1414), for instance, suggest that they wanted to project the image of a scientifically educated prince. Hence they invested money, manpower and time in the production of high-quality illustrated copies of scientific texts for their libraries and for their personal use. Professionally decorated manuscripts made in Iran or India include astronomical handbooks such as the Ilkhanid Tables and Zêj-i Jadêd-i Gurg×nê,works on planetary theory such as Shams al-Dên Khafrê’s (d. 957/1550) al-Takmila fêl-tadhkira, Ibn Sên×’s (d. 430/1037) philosophical and medical encyclopedias Kit×b al-shif×’ and al-Q×nùnfêl-÷ibb, medical writings of other authors, books on theoretical geometry such as Euclid’s Elements, geographical works such as AbùIsç×q Ibr×hêmb.Muçammad Is÷akhrê’s (d. ca. 340/951) al-Mas×lik wa-l-mam×lik, treatises on astrology and works of mixed content. Mostly, the painters and calligraphers remained anonymous as did the recipients of the manuscripts. In a few cases, either some or all of this information is given. Examples are a manuscript of Ibn Sên×’s Kit×b al-shif×’that was written and illustrated for the Ottoman sultan Mehmet III (r. 1003-1012/1595-1603) and two manuscripts of the Persian translation of Éùfê’s Star Catalogue made by the court astrologer ·asan b. Sa‘d Q×’inêfor the governor of Mashhad Abù l-Fa÷ç Manùchihr (d. 1045/1636). 30 In contrast, Zangid, Ayyubid and Mamluk illustrated or illuminated scientific manuscripts are less numerous and cover a much smaller spectrum of themes and titles. Mechanics, natural history, astrology, medicine, the art of war and a broadly construed knowledge of horses and other useful animals were their main domains. At least one Zangid copy of Dioscorides’ Materia Medica is preserved in Istanbul. 31 Copies of al-Jazarê’s book on automata are extant from the Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 COURTLY PATRONAGE OF THE ANCIENT SCIENCES IN POST-CLASSICAL ISLAMIC SOCIETIES 419 30 Fihrist-i kit×bh×-yi kha÷÷ê-yi Kit×bkh×na-yi Millê-yi Malik d×biste be-¨st×n-i Quds Riýavê,1, 463-464. 31 MS Istanbul, TopkapíSarayí, Ahmet III 2127, 626/1228. Mamluk period, as are copies of Qazvênê’s ‘Aj×’ib al-makhlùq×tand Éùfê’s Star Catalogue. 32 Several illuminated manuscripts on horses reflect Mamluk experience with Mongol war tactics that posed a grave challenge to Mamluk cavalry. 33 Other texts sponsored by Mamluk sultans dealt with curing sick horses and the diseases of other animals. 34 Such texts show that Mamluk patronage of the ancient sciences and related knowledge did not include scholars only, but extended to members of their army and their stables. In addition, there exist single copies from the Mamluk period of each of the following: a work on war machines for the Ayyubid Éal×ç al-Dên(r. 564-589/1169-1193), AbùMa‘shar’s Kit×b al-maw×lêd, Is÷akhrê’s al-Mas×lik wa-l-mam×lik and Ibn al-Durayhim’s (712-761/1312- 1360) Kit×b man×fi‘ al-çayaw×n. 35 Another difference between the post-classical dynasties that sponsored the ancient sciences at their courts or through their endowment of teaching institutes concerns the disciplines that were privileged. In most cases, the only way to determine which disciplines were favored at court is to collect information about dedicated texts, instruments and other material objects such as medical bowls, amulets or miniatures. Although such dedications do not necessarily reflect the interests and tastes of the dynasties and their courts, they indicate at least perceptions among scholars, instrument makers and other craftsmen about what kind of discipline could expect an open ear and a friendly gesture. Zangid and Ayyubid princes received sundials, globes and Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 420 SONJA BRENTJES 32 Welch, Collection of Islamic Art, 1, 28-32; MS Paris, BnF, Arabe 2490, 922/1516; Atíl, E., Art of the Arab World, Washington, 1975, 102-114. 33 See for instance Muçammad b. ‘½s×al-¨qsar×’ê’s (d. 749/1348) Nih×yat al-su’l, in a copy produced in Mamluk Syria or Egypt in 1371, MS London, British Library, Add. 18866. Another work of this genre of furùsiyya is Muçammad b. Ya‘qùb ibn Khazz×m al-Khuttalê’s (eight/fourteenth century) Kit×b al-makhzùnfêj×mi‘ al-funùn. See De Bagdad à Ispahan: Manuscrits islamiques de la filiale de Saint-Pétersbourg de l’Institut d’Études Orientales, Académie des Sciences de Russie, Musée du Petit Palais, 14 octobre 1994-8 janvier 1995, Lugano-Paris-Milan, 1995, 170-176. 34 An example is AbùBakr b. Badr (or: Mundhir) al-Bay÷×r’s (d. 741/1340-1) K×mil al-óinבatayn. MS Bursa, Khar×jÄêOghlu, n.º 1122. 35 MSS Paris, BnF, Arabe 2583; London, British Library, Or. 5305; Escorial, Ar. 898; Ruiz Bravo-Villasante, C., El Libro de las utilidades de los animales de Ibn al-Durayhim al-Mawsili, Madrid, 1981. There are several other illustrated or illuminated scientific manuscripts that are either not dated or do not mention the place of their production, which are ascribed by art historians to Ayyubid or Mamluk Syria or Egypt. For a debate on Mamluk illustrated and illuminated manuscripts see Atíl, E., “Mamluk Painting in the Late Fifteenth Century,” Muqarnas, 2 (1984), 159-171. medical bowls with magic squares and incantations, some of which are obvious fakes. 36 Éal×ç al-Dên also received medical treatises and the aforementioned work on war machines. One of the Ayyubid viziers, Ibn al-Qif÷ê (d. 646/1248), was the recipient of a work on toponyms and other geographical information. 37 Thanks to Ibn AbêUóaybê‘a’s (592-670/1194-1270) dictionary on physicians and other scholars of the ancient sciences, our knowledge about Ayyubid patronage of these sciences is comparatively better than that of other Islamic dynasties in the same period. 38 As Ibn Abê Uóaybê‘a’s book proves, Ayyubid rulers enjoyed surrounding themselves with several physicians to whom they were often linked for a lifetime. In many cases a court physician only moved to the next Ayyubid court after a patron had died. In contrast, Ayyubid rulers did not consider astrologers a necessary scholarly group at their courts. Only a minority of Ayyubid princes patronized astrologers. Those who did apparently did not employ more than one astrologer at a time. More interest seems to have existed for philosophical debates at the courts in Hama and Damascus. In the first decades of the thirteenth century, scholars with strong interests in logic, metaphysics and kal×mfought at Mu‘aûûam ‘½s×’s (r. 615-624/1218-1227) court in Damascus about Ibn Sên×’s philosophical heritage and Fakhr al-Dên R×zê’s (544-606/1149-1209) evaluation of this oeuvre. Sayf al-Dên al-¨midê(d. 631/1233), who had been a client of the prince in Hama until the latter’s death, received an invitation to come to the Damascene court. There he excelled through his intelligence and eloquence. 39 His strong self-esteem brought him many enemies, among them Shams al-Dên Khusrawsh×hê(d. 652/1254), his rival in the rational sciences and the teacher of Mu‘aûûam ‘½s×’s son and successor N×óir al-DênD×’ùd (r. 624-626/1227-1228), but more importantly Ibn al-Éal×ç al-Shahrazùrê(577-643/1181-1245), one of the leading Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 COURTLY PATRONAGE OF THE ANCIENT SCIENCES IN POST-CLASSICAL ISLAMIC SOCIETIES 421 36 Savage-Smith, E. and Maddison, F., Science, Tools & Magic, London, 1997. 37 Fihrist-i kit×bh×-yi kha÷÷ê-yi Kit×bkh×na-yi Millê-yi Malik d×biste be-¨st×n-i Quds Riýavê,1, 698. 38 Somewhat surprisingly, Ibn al-Qif÷ê has little to say about Ayyubid patronage of the ancient sciences in his dictionary. 39 Brentjes, S., “Orthodoxy”, Ancient Sciences, Power, and the Madrasa (“College”) in Ayyubid and Early Mamluk Damascus, Berlin, 1997, Preprint 77, 23, footnote 67; 24, footnote 70; 27, footnote 76. scholars of çadêth and a sworn opponent of logic, which he had unsuccessfully studied with Kam×l al-Dên ibn Yùnus (d. 640/1242) in Mosul. In addition to alienating leading ‘ulam×’in Damascus, Sayf al-Dên apparently also violated some of the rules of patronage by allowing the ruler of Amid, his native town, to negotiate with him about leaving Ayyubid patronage without actually taking up the offer. When the beleaguered lord of Amid answered a taunt by the head of the Ayyubid family al-K×mil (r. 615-635/1218-1238), which asserted that he had no scholar worth his name in his town, with the proud rebuke that Sayf al-Dên had accepted his offer to become the town’s new chief judge, the scholar’s fate was sealed. Al-K×mil’s brother al-Ashraf (r. 626-635/1228-1237), who had conquered Damascus one year after his brother Mu‘aûûam ‘½s×’s death and forced his nephew al-N×óir to leave for the fortress town Karak together with his teacher Khusrawsh×hêand his physician Ibn AbêUóaybê‘a, had developed a deep dislike for Sayf al-Dên. After the confrontation involving Amid, he dismissed the scholar from his chair at the ‘Azêziyya madrasa, according to a claim akin to that of Sib÷b. al-Jawzê(d. 654/1256): “Him who teaches something other than tafsêrand fiqh and turns to the doctrine of the philosophers I will expel.” 40 Although it is not known whether al-Ashraf asked Ibn al-Éal×ç for legal support, the scholar backed in principle the ruler’s breach of patronage conduct when he issued a fatw×against teaching any other discipline but çadêth, tafsêr and fiqh. 41 However, al-Ashraf surrounded himself with other scholars of the ancient sciences, some of whom he explicitly invited to join his entourage. 42 This is one of the reasons why I read the story of Sayf al-Dên’s dismissal by al-Ashraf primarily as a story of conflicts in patronage relationships between a brilliant and self-confident scholar, his peers and his patrons. 43 Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 422 SONJA BRENTJES 40 Ibidem, 23. 41 Ibid., 18. For a brief summary of the traditional reading of Sayf al-Dên’s house arrest see for instance Madelung, W., “The Search for God’s Law: Islamic Jurisprudence in the Writings of Sayf al-Dên al-¨midêby Bernard G. Weiss,” Islamic Law and Society, 4 (1997), 122-125, 122. 42 Brentjes, “Orthodoxy”, 24, footnote 69. 43 There are other points that support seeing Sayf al-Dên’s repeated troubles as resulting directly from his breach of courtly etiquette. Sib÷b. al-Jawzê, for instance, told a story of Sayf al-Dên angering Mu‘aûûam ‘½s×by coming too late to a session and not showing his respect to the ruler. This indiscretion allegedly induced Sib÷b. al-Jawzêto interfere in favor of his colleague. See Brentjes, “Orthodoxy”, 23, footnote 67. In contrast, philosophy was not a discipline that attracted much interest among the Timurids. First and foremost, they patronized history and geography, which traditionally were not considered scientific disciplines, except for mathematical geography. 44 Above and beyond this focus on history and geography that occupied an important position in Timurid self-representation, astrology and astronomy drew most of their attention. The casting of horoscopes was a regular component in Timurid intellectual culture. Iskandar Sul÷×n and Ulugh Beg patronized astronomy, geometry and arithmetic. The observatory and madrasa for the mathematical sciences built by order of Ulugh Beg in Samarkand are well known, as are the anthologies composed at Iskandar Sul÷×n’s courts in Shiraz and Isfahan. Several of the surviving manuscripts from Iskandar Sul÷×n’s courts contain scientific treatises on astrology, astronomy, geometry, mathematical geography, alchemy and medicine. Several Timurid rulers and princes, beginning with Timur himself, were dedicatees of texts which included scientific topics or were exclusively devoted to one of the ancient sciences. Some manuscripts of a Persian translation of the Ras×’il ikhw×n al-óaf×’contain a dedication to Timur. 45 After the death of Iskandar Sul÷×n, Ghiy×th al-Dên K×shê, who had worked at his court in Shiraz and written several astronomical texts for the prince, dedicated at least two of his mathematical works to his new patron Ulugh Beg. Other important collaborators in the program of astronomical observations patronized by the Timurid prince also dedicated works to him, but in contrast to K×shê’s treatises, the texts dedicated by Q×ýêz×de Rùmêand ‘AlêQushjêto Ulugh Beg were of an elementary nature. The overall pattern of such texts in the mathematical sciences seems to be that Zêjes, surveys and introductions were considered appropriate either as offers to Timurid rulers and princes in search of patronage, or as expressions of appreciation and gratitude for received support and benefits. Also belonging to this group are the texts dedicated to Abùl-Q×sim B×bur Bah×dur Kh×n (r. 851-862/1447-1457) and AbùSa‘êd Güräg×n(r.in Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 COURTLY PATRONAGE OF THE ANCIENT SCIENCES IN POST-CLASSICAL ISLAMIC SOCIETIES 423 44 Ettinghausen, R., “An Illuminated Manuscript of Hafiz-i Abru in Istanbul,” Kunst des Orients, 1 (1959), 30-44; Soudavar, A., Art of the Persian Courts, New York, 1992, 62-5; Ferrier, R.W. (ed.), The Arts of Persia, New Haven & London, 1989, 205-206. 45 Fihrist-i nuskhah×-yi kha÷÷ê-yi kit×bkh×na-yi Im×m-i É×diq-i Qazvên, M. Í×y×r Mar×ghê(ed.), Qazvên, 1378, 1, 225-226, n.º 190. Samarqand 855-863/1451-1459 and Herat 864-874/1459-1469). In addition to writings on the mathematical sciences, astronomical instruments also were dedicated to Ulugh Beg. Medicine and mineralogy were among the other disciplines considered by scholars to be worthwhile subjects for the production of treatises dedicated to Timurid rulers and princes. The well-known and often-copied anatomical work Tashrêç al-badan by Manóùrb. Muçammad b. Açmad (fl. ca. 794/1390) was dedicated by its author to PêrMuçammad Bah×dur Kh×n (807-809/1404-1406); the commentary on Najêb al-DênMuçammad b. ‘AlêSamarqandê’s (d. 618/1221) al-Asb×b wa-l-‘al×m×tby Burh×n al-Dên Nafês Kirm×nê(fl. 841/1437-8) was dedicated to Ulugh Beg; and the Jaw×hir-n×me by Zayn b. ·×jjêwas dedicated to Sh×hrukh (r. 808-851/1405-1447). 46 As indicated earlier, Mamluk sultans and emirs primarily supported ‘ilm al-mêq×t, medicine and furùsiyya (the knowledge of horses and the art of cavalry). Some also patronized astrology and geomancy, but there was no official position for an astrologer or geomancer at court. The wealthy and powerful Mamluk Amêr Yashbak min Mahdêal-Daw×d×r (d. 885/1480) commissioned a treatise on geomancy. 47 As with veterinary medicine and cavalry, Mamluk sultans paid special attention to administrative practice. For instance, in 850/1446-7 Sultan Qaytb×y (873-901/1468-1495) received a treatise, written in beautiful thulth, on the fiscal year, its relation to the lunar calendar and its use in official documents. 48 An exceptional case in the Mamluk period was that of the Ayyubid scholar-prince Abùl-Fid×’, the governor of Hama. As is well known, he wrote his own substantial works on mathematical geography and history. In 710/1310-11 he also commissioned a commentary by ‘Umar b. D×’ùd b. Sulaym×n al-F×risê(fl. ca. 710/1310-11) on Naóêr al-DênÍùsê’s Tadhkira, which discusses planetary theory. 49 The Jalayirids and the Aq Koyunlu supported music, considered part of the mathematical sciences, as well as mineralogy, natural his- Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 424 SONJA BRENTJES 46 Fihrist-i nuskhah×-yi kha÷÷ê-yi Kit×bkh×na-yi ‘Umùmê-yi ¨yatull×h al-‘Uzm× Mar‘ashêNajafê,Qom, 12, 1315sh, 144, n.º 4569; 14, 1366sh, 148, n.º 5364; Fihrist-i nuskhah×-yi kha÷÷ê-yi kit×bkh×na-yi Im×m-i É×diq-i Qazvên, 1, 151, n.º 117. 47 MS Dublin, Chester Beatty, n.º 3120. 48 King, D.A., A Survey of the Scientific Manuscripts in the Egyptian National Library, Cairo, 77, C 83. 49 Ibidem, 60, C21. tory and philosophy. Manuscripts dedicated to rulers of these two dynasties include the Jaw×hir-n×me by one Muçammad b. Manóùr for ·asan Bah×dur Kh×n(Òzùn·asan) and his son Khalêl Bah×dur Sul÷×n, and two works dedicated to Ya‘qùb Bah×dur Kh×n (r. 884- 896/1479-1490): Khw×ja Faýl All×hb.Rùzbeh×n KhunjêIófah×nê’s (ninth/fifteenth century) Persian translation of the philosophical story of ·ayy b. Yaqû×n, and Idrêsb.·us×m al-Dên Munshê’s Rabê‘ al-abr×r, in which he debated the natural properties of each season. 50 A single text on geometry, Ilç×qb.A.Isç×q’s commentary on Naóêr al-DênÍùsê’s edition of Euclid’s Elements, was dedicated to this same Aq Koyunlu ruler in 886-7/1481-2. 51 The connection of Jal×l al-Dên Davv×nê(830-907 or 8/1426-1501 or 2) first with Timurid, then with Aq Koyunlu rulers is well known. He dedicated several of his writings on philosophy and related topics to princes of these two dynasties. 52 Asked by Òzùn·asan for commentaries on philosophical texts, he edited Naóêr al-DênÍùsê’s ethics and wrote treatises on Shih×b al-Dên Suhravardê’s teachings. 53 In 887/1482 he wrote an introduction to Ilç×q’s unfinished commentary on the Elements, recommending it and expressing his hope for its speedy completion. 54 Commentaries on astronomical texts, such as Íùsê’s Sêfaólon the compilation of ephemerides, also are attributed to Davv×nê.55 The rulers of the Inju dynasty were interested in encyclopedias, astrology, medicine and magic. The Inju ruler AbùIsç×q (r. 744-754/ 1344-1353) sponsored some of the scholars who left the Ilkhanid capital Sultaniyeh due to the upheaval and uncertainties caused by the death of AbùSa‘êd Bah×dur Kh×n (r. 716-736/1316-1335). Muçammad b. Maçmùd¨mulê(d. ca. 753/1352) was one of these schol- Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 COURTLY PATRONAGE OF THE ANCIENT SCIENCES IN POST-CLASSICAL ISLAMIC SOCIETIES 425 50 Fihrist-i nuskhah×-yi kha÷÷ê-yi Kit×bkh×na-yi ‘Umùmê-yi ¨yatull×h al-‘Uzm× Mar‘ashêNajafê,16, 1368sh, 222, n.º 6234; 19, 1369sh, 379-380, n.º 7574. 51 MS London, British Library, Or. 1514. Although I have not seen them, there are two other copies of this text extant in the Archaeological Museum and the Süleymaniye Library in Istanbul. OsmanlíMatematik Literatürü Tarihi, 1, 31-32. 52 Fihrist-i nuskhah×-yi kha÷÷ê-yi Kit×bkh×na-yi ‘Umùmê-yi ¨yatull×h al-‘Uzm× Mar‘ashêNajafê,28, 1379sh/1421, 280, n.º 483. 53 Cooper, J., “al-Dawani, Jalal al-Din (1426-1502),” in C. Edward (ed.), Islamic Philosophy. From the Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy, accessible on-line in http://www.muslimphilosophy.com/ip/rep/H038.htm (15-08-08). 54 MS London, British Library, Or. 1514, ff 1a-b. 55 Fihrist-i nuskhah×-yi kha÷÷ê-yi Kit×bkh×na-yi ‘Umùmê-yi ¨yatull×h al-‘Uzm× Mar‘ashêNajafê,21, 231. ars. Around 741/1340, he wrote his encyclopedia of the sciences, which included substantial material on a broad range of the ancient sciences, both their so-called fundaments and their branches. A manuscript of an unidentified text on Iranian history which included numerous miniatures was produced in the environment of the Inju court in Shiraz in about 741/1340. Welch has argued that it is a Persian version of the same type of astrological history as that encountered in M×sh×’all×h’s (d. 200/815) and AbùSa‘êd Sijzê’s Arabic works. 56 The Muzaffarids exhibited interest in the same fields as the rival Injus, and apparently also in geography. They began as a local dynasty in Maybud, starting with Mub×riz al-DênMuçammad (r. 713-759/1313-1357). In 748/1347, a geographical work with the classical title Éuwar al-aq×lêmwas dedicated to him in Yazd. In 754/1353, Mub×riz al-Dên conquered Shiraz. His son Sh×h Shujב (r. 759-786/1357-1384) patronized ‘Alêb. Muçammad al-Sayyid al-Sharêf Jurj×nê(741-816/1340-1413), whom he appointed in 778/1377 to a teaching position at the D×r al-Shif×’in Shiraz. Jurj×nê wrote a commentary on an epitome of the Elements, a copy of which is extant in Mashhad. 57 He may also have been the author of an encyclopedia called Maq×lêd al-‘ulùmfêl-hudùd wa-l-rusùm, a copy of which is extant at the British Library. 58 It is dedicated to Sh×h Shujב. Sh×h Shujב’s need for magical support is indicated by a mirror with magic squares and other formulas that was dedicated to him in Muçarram 777/June 1375. 59 Safavids, Ottomans and Mughals sponsored astrology and medicine by establishing regular courtly offices for their practitioners. The majority of texts on the ancient sciences dedicated to Safavid rulers, princes, governors and viziers fall into these two disciplines. They include surveys on diseases and remedies, discussions of the properties of individual remedies, ephemerides, horoscopes and surveys of astrological themes and methods. 60 Characteristic of Safavid interest in medicine is the apparently widespread incorporation of magic in the Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 426 SONJA BRENTJES 56 Welch, Collection of Islamic Art, 3, 42. 57 Matvievskaya and Rozenfel’d, Matematiki, 2, 476. 58 MS London, British Library, Or. 3143. 59 Soudavar, Art of the Persian Courts, 46-47. 60 See, for instance, Tourkin, S., “The Horoscope of Shah Tahm×sp,” in J. Thompson and Sh.R. Canby (eds.), Hunt for Paradise: Court Arts of Safavid Iran 1501-1576, Milan, 2003, 327-331. form of engraved bowls. 61 In addition to these two disciplines, works on astronomical instruments, in particular the astrolabe, on star constellations, arithmetic, geometry, geomancy, f×l(an art of prognostication) and philosophy were either dedicated to or commissioned by Safavid courtly patrons, in particular the shahs ‘Abb×s I (r. 985-1038/ 1587-1629), ‘Abb×s II (r. 1052-1077/1642-1666), Sulaym×n (r. 1077- 1105/1667-1694) and ·usayn (r. 1105-1135/1694-1722). 62 An important element in Safavid patronage of the ancient sciences was their interest in and support for translations of Arabic texts into Persian. In the course of the seventeenth century, several Arabic medical, geographical and astronomical texts were translated at Safavid courts in Isfahan and Mashhad, among them Abùl-Fid×’s (672- 732/1273-1331) Taqwêm al-buld×n, ‘Abd al-Raçm×nÉùfê’s Star Catalogue and Ibn Jazla’s (d. 495/1100) Taqwêm al-abd×n. The Safavid reputation for having scientific works translated from Arabic into Persian is emphasized by the ascription of the translation of Abùl-Fid×’s work to Khalêfa Sul÷×n (d. 1064/1653), a son-in-law of ‘Abb×s I and great vizier to three Safavid rulers, who is said in some manuscripts to have translated the geography on Éafê’s (r. 1038-1052/1629-1642) order in 1050/1640. 63 In addition to scientific works, Ibn al-Qif÷ê’s history of scholars of the ancient sciences was also translated into Persian for a Safavid shah, namely Sulaym×n. 64 Mughal rulers and princes, in particular Akbar (r. 963-1014/ 1556-1605), Jah×ngêr (r. 1014-1037/1605-1627), Sh×h Jah×n (r. 1037- 1068/1628-1658) and D×r×Shikùh (1025-1069/1615-1659), patronized the translation of Sanskrit mathematical, astronomical, philosophical and religious works into Persian. In 995-6/1587 the poet Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 COURTLY PATRONAGE OF THE ANCIENT SCIENCES IN POST-CLASSICAL ISLAMIC SOCIETIES 427 61 See Savage-Smith, E., “Safavid Magic Bowls,” in Thompson and Canby (eds.), Hunt for Paradise, 241-247. 62 For a survey on mathematical, astronomical and astrological works dedicated to Safavid patrons see Brentjes, S., “The Mathematical Sciences in Safavid Iran: Questions and Perspectives,” in F. Speziale and D. Hermann (eds.), Intellectual Relations and the Renewal of Religious Thought in Iran and Muslim India During the Modern Period, Proceedings, Conference 30 June-2 July 2007, Tehran, forthcoming. For some of the lavishly illustrated manuscripts on f×lmade for Íahm×sb see Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington DC, S1986.253a-b, S1986.254. 63 Fihrist-i kit×bh×-yi kha÷÷ê-yi Kit×bkh×na-yi Millê-yi Malik d×biste be-¨st×n-i Quds Riýavê,2, 129. 64 Ibidem, 2, 129; Fihrist nuskhah×-yi kha÷÷ê-yi farsê,A. Munzavê(ed.), Tehran, s.d., 6, 3943. Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 434 SONJA BRENTJES Author Title Discipline Abùl-Fid×’ Taqwêm al-buld×n Mathematical geography ·us×m al-DênS×l×r Ris×le dar istikhr×j-i samt-i qibla Mathematical geography ·us×m al-DênS×l×r al-Ris×la fi l-khu÷ù÷ al-mu- taw×ziya Geometry ‘Abdall×h·×sib al-Faw×’id al-Bah×’iyya Arithmetic Naóêr al-DênÍùsê·is×b Arithmetic Manûùme dar riy×ýêMathematics Sayyid Sharêf Jurj×nêSharç-i Tadhkira Astronomy Niû×m al-Dên BirjandêSharç-i Bêst b×b Astronomy Bah×’ al-Dên‘¨milêRis×le dar as÷url×b Astronomy AbùMa‘shar al-Madkhal Astrology ‘AlêSh×hMuçammad Khw×razmêRis×le-yi tasyêr×t-i nujùmêAstrology ·usayn W×’iûK×shifêLav×’içal-qamar Astrology F×ln×me Occult Science Aristotle (ascribed) al-Sam×’ wa-l-‘×lam Natural philosophy Ibn Sên×al-Shif×’ Philosophy Q×ýêSir×j al-DênLa÷×’if al-çikma Philosophy Naóêr al-DênÍùsêRis×le dar óudùr-i mavjùd×t az mabda’ Philosophy Mub×rak Sh×h Bukh×rêSharç-i ·ikmat al-‘ayn Philosophy Q×ýê·usayn MaybudêSharçHid×yat al-çikma Philosophy Shams al-DênMaçmùd Iófah×nêSharç-i qadêm-i Tajrêd Metaphysics The titles preserved today in Mashhad represent a puzzling mixture. Among them are books that were repeatedly copied in the tenth/sixteenth and eleventh/seventeenth centuries and most likely studied in Safavid madrasas, such as the work on arithmetic al-Faw×’id al-Bah×’iyya, Qu÷b al-DênR×zê’s commentary on the Shamsiyya and Q×ýê·usayn Maybudê’s commentary on Hid×yat al-çikma. Ibn Sên×’s Kit×b al-Shif×’, as well as his Q×nùn, were also copied more than once and could be found in madrasas in Isfahan in the eleventh/seventeenth century. Other titles, such as al-Ris×la fêl-khu÷ù÷ al-mutaw×ziya by ·us×m al-DênS×l×r, are rarities and not known to have been part of the madrasa education in the Safavid period. Since titles such as the one on parallel lines were not only a rarity in N×dir’s time, but also find no mathematical context in his library, at least insofar as it was given to ¨st×n-i Quds RiýavêLibrary, it is highly unlikely that the Afshar ruler acquired the manuscript on his own as a result of specific interest in a seventh/thirteenth-century discussion of the parallel postulate. Because of these structural features, I suggest viewing the extant manuscripts on the ancient sciences from N×dir’s library as a remainder of the library of the Safavid shahs. It must be emphasized, however, that this constitutes only a minor part of what this library may have included. With the exception of a single title, namely Bah×’ al-Dên ‘¨milê’s treatise on the astrolabe, no works dedicated to a Safavid shah, and no other of Bah×’ al-Dên’s mathematical and astronomical writings —so famous in the eleventh/seventeenth century in Iran, India and the Ottoman Empire— can be found among N×dir’s manuscripts. This suggests not only that a substantial quantity of manuscripts once present in the palatial library were dispersed or destroyed when the Afghans sacked Isfahan in 1136/1722. It also implies that while N×dir obviously was interested in collecting a range of texts on the ancient sciences, he also was eager to present himself as an admirer of the intellectual luminaries studied in the Safavid period. Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 COURTLY PATRONAGE OF THE ANCIENT SCIENCES IN POST-CLASSICAL ISLAMIC SOCIETIES 435 Author Title Discipline Ibn Sên×Man÷iq, al-Shif×’ Logic Qu÷b al-DênR×zêSharçal-Shamsiyya Logic Sayyid Sharêf Jurj×nêRis×le-yi Kubr×Logic Reflections Patronage of the ancient sciences in post-classical Islamic societies is a field worthy of study, and rich in material evidence in both libraries and manuscripts. This paper only touches in a preliminary manner on some of the most obvious issues that patronage involved. Issues not addressed here due to a lack of data include, for instance, princely patronage of writers outside the scholarly sphere, the similarities and differences between patronage for scholars and instrument-makers, and patronage exercised by minor dynasties and courts of governors. A considerably more meticulous examination of dedications, ownership marks and other types of information would help greatly to expand and clarify the available evidence. This material could then serve as the basis for analyzing the types and forms of relationships that a patron and a client could engage in, and for understanding the specific details of patronage activities as exercised by individual patrons and clients. Applying theories from other human and social sciences would be helpful for interpreting connections between social structures, cultural rituals and the presence or absence of patronage activities relating to individual ancient sciences. As for the link between courtly patronage of the ancient sciences and their increasing loss of innovative potential, further study is needed to establish links between courts, princely education and courtly libraries, on the one hand, and madrasas, their educational profiles, public scholarly debates and the content of texts produced for a patron, in comparison with those written for students or colleagues, on the other. Once we understand more fully the similarities and differences between the intellectual atmospheres at courts and madrasas, we may be better equipped to answer which of the two social loci of the ancient sciences has contributed causally to the increasingly elementary and repetitive character of the content of newly written works in these disciplines. Recibido: 26/02/08 Aceptado: 05/06/08 Al-Qan÷ara (AQ) XXIX 2, julio-diciembre 2008, pp. 403-436 ISSN 0211-3589 436 SONJA BRENTJES