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Inclusive communities, exclusionary city, planning n/a? Mapping condomínios fechados semi-quantitatively in Lisbon, Cascais (and Barreiro)

Tulumello, Simone,Colombo, Alessandro

Abstract

If one is seeking a prototypical exemplification of exclusionary urban development, the gated community is what they are looking for. Gated communities are residential developments, originating in the usa and flourishing all around the urban planet. They are characterised, first, by spatial seclusion with respect to the outer urban space – more often in the form of multi-villa fenced estates; and, second, variable degrees of social homogeneity. Gated communities are idealised and advertised as inclusion spaces among peers sharing the same class – and typically, if silently, the same self-perception of race/ethnicity – and exclusion spaces with regard to urban “outsides”, considered to be dangerous, chaotic or simply too mixed. In the usa, the success of gated communities after the Second World War was associated with the “white flight”, the abandonment, by white middle and upper classes, of “inner cities” where black (and poor) immigrants were settling in; and hence suburbanisation.

Full text

Inclusi e communi ies, exclusiona y ci y, planning n/a? Mapping condomínios echados semi-quan i a i ely in Lisbon, Cascais (and Ba ei o) Simone Tulumello Alessand o Colombo 20. 482 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in in oduc ion: mapping u ban inclusion/exclusion? I one is seeking a p o o ypical exempli ica ion o exclusiona y u ban de elopmen , he ga ed communi y is wha hey a e looking o . Ga ed communi ies a e esiden ial de elopmen s, o igina ing in he usa and lou ishing all a ound he u ban plane . They a e cha ac e ised, i s , by spa ial seclusion wi h espec o he ou e u ban space – mo e o en in he o m o mul i- illa enced es a es; and, second, a iable deg ees o social homogenei y. Ga ed communi ies a e idealised and ad e ised as inclusion spaces among pee s sha ing he same class – and ypically, i silen ly, he same sel -pe cep ion o ace/e hnici y – and exclusion spaces wi h ega d o u ban “ou sides”, conside ed o be dange ous, chao ic o simply oo mixed. In he usa, he success o ga ed communi ies a e he Second Wo ld Wa was associa ed wi h he “whi e ligh ”, he abandonmen , by whi e middle and uppe classes, o “inne ci ies” whe e black (and poo ) immig an s we e se ling in; and hence subu banisa ion. The lou ishing o ga ed communi ies in he usa and a ound he wo ld, pa icula ly in me opoles in he Global Sou h, has been s udied a leng h.1 Pow’s ecen e iew (2015) o c i ical schola ship on ga ed communi ies emphasises he endency o p ojec one s e eo ype, he usa p o o ype, wo ldwide; and he isk ha his may end up o eclosing a mo e nuanced unde s anding o ga ed esiden ial de elopmen s in di e en con ex s.2 In line wi h his wa ning, we will engage he inclusion/exclusion dicho omy om a socio-spa ial pe spec i e by explo ing condomínios echados (c s, li e ally “enclosed condominiums”), he Po uguese e sion o ga ed communi ies. c s a i ed in Po ugal ela i ely la e, in he 1980s, and, as we shall show, hough concep ually adhe en o he usa ga ed communi ies, ha e many peculia cha ac e is ics, which will help us e hink he inclusion/exclusion dicho omy as amed in heo ies based on cases in he usa and he Global Sou h. This endea ou is in line wi h discussions abou he capaci y o Sou he n Eu opean cases o p oblema ise uni e salis ic u ban heo ies (Bap is a 2013; 1 To ge a sense o he a ie y o geog aphical con ex s and disciplina y/ heo e ical pe spec i es, see Caldei a (2000), Low (2003), A kinson and Flin (2004), Glasze Webs e and F an z (2006), Pe i (2007), and Akgün and Baycan (2012). 2 Le us ema k ha Pow (2015), in e es ed in building a less dismal accoun o ga ed communi y de elopmen s and seeking an “epis emology o hope”, ends up dismissing some c i ical accoun s a he ligh ly. inclusi e communi ies, exclusiona y ci y, planning n/a? 483 Tulumello 2017a). Sou he n Eu opean ci ies show qui e peculia pa e ns o u ban de elopmen when compa ed o he expe iences o o he Eu opean and Anglophone coun ies, and pa icula ly he way la e p ocesses o subu banisa ion ha e been accompanied by es uc u ing pa e ns made up o coun e -u banisa ion and gen i ica ion (Mo elli Ron os and Sal a i 2014). As a esul , he con empo a y socio-spa ial pa e ns ound in con ex s cha ac e ised by low le els o seg ega ion (A baci and Malhei os 2010), oge he wi h he dimensions o spa ial inequali y associa ed wi h hem, can only pa ially be accoun ed o by dicho omic discussions o spa ial inclusion/exclusion. Agains his backd op, we ha e h ee goals. Fi s , o p esen a socio- spa ial pic u e o c p oli e a ion pa e ns in he Lisbon Me opoli an A ea by p esen ing a “semi-quan i a i e” map (Tulumello 2017b and below) o c s in Lisbon and Cascais (and Ba ei o, whe e none we e ound). Second, o discuss he ole o u ban policy and planning – and o he la e ’s “absence” o eluc ance o s ee u ban de elopmen – in opening and closing he space o c s. And, hi d, o use he Po uguese case o e iew explana o y and analy ical concep s gene ally associa ed wi h ga ed esiden ial de elopmen s – abo e all he associa ion o ga ed communi ies wi h subu ban li e. In conclusion, we should open he way o u he discussion by sugges ing ha he concep s o agmen a ion and pola isa ion can p o ide a loose , hough no less igo ous, amewo k o complemen he inclusion/exclusion dicho omy in he concep ualisa ion o con empo a y spa ial (in)jus ice pa e ns. The chap e is o ganised as ollows. We begin by p esen ing he spa ial inclusion/exclusion dimensions in e na ional schola ship associa es wi h ga ed communi y de elopmen s; and he peculia i y o he Po uguese case. We hen discuss he changes in planning law ha made c p oduc ion possible du ing he 1990s. A e he me hodological ema ks, we p esen he esul s o he c mapping in Lisbon and Cascais (and Ba ei o). Finally, we se ou some explana o y a gumen s o he di e en pa e ns ound in he h ee ci ies, be o e a heo e ical discussion on inclusion/exclusion and agmen a ion/pola isa ion. inclusi e communi y, exclusiona y ci y? om ga ed communi ies o condomínios echados The socio-economic p oduc ion o us ga ed communi ies can be unde s ood om wo con e ging pe spec i es. F om he supply side, ga ed communi ies 484 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in we e one componen o he subu banisa ion o Ame ican ci ies, a ca e ully planned de elopmen al s a egy uelled by, on he one hand, economic suppo o home owne ship and p i a e anspo a ion s a ed wi h he New Deal and, on he o he , he discu si e cons uc ion o “inne ci ies” as dange ous places (see Beau ega d 2003 [1993]). F om he demand side, ga ed communi ies we e he e o e one answe , among many,3 o he eques o “sa e spaces” (Eps ein 1998) o he eme gen middle-classes, inc easingly conce ned by he g owing di e si y in ci ies es uc u ed by indus ialisa ion and black immig a ion om he u al Sou h. Ga ed communi ies o e middle-class subu bani es a sense o inclusion wi hin homogeneous social communi ies4 – a sense o communi y ha dly achie ed in subu bs, whe e public spaces a e i ually inexis en . The achie emen o such an inclusion is he e o e g ounded on he secession om he ou e u ban space – g an ed by he physical seclusion o he se lemen s, he o e o common se ices ha educe he need o go in o in he u ban space and he ca as a sa e “bubble” (Amendola 1997, 169) o he una oidable mo emen s wi hin he ou side; in o he wo ds, on he exclusion o dange ous “o he s” (Sibley 1995). Howe e , hings a e mo e complica ed. Fo one, aspi an buye s ha e o accep a se ies o es ic ions, such as he p ohibi ion o p ac ice ce ain ac i i ies, he possibili y o ecei e gues s a ce ain hou s o he day only o he de ac o go e nance by he de elope . To ge in o a ga ed communi y, one has o accep being excluded om he ui ion o ce ain igh s (wi hin he communi y) and spaces ( he u ban spaces om which o ideally secede). Locking ou dange s and di e si y is paid o by locking onesel in: by one’s own “enclosu e” (Tulumello 2017a, 56). As such, he ga ed communi y cons i u es a peculia space whe e inclusion/exclusion a e con inuously nego ia ed and con adic ed – e en wi hin he pa adigma ic usa example. The Po uguese case adds u he laye s. To begin wi h, c s ha e appea ed ela i ely la e, since he 1980s. This is pa ly because o he ela i ely la e eme gence o pa e ns o consump ion associa ed wi h he subu banisa ion o he main u ban egions o Lisbon and Po o. Raposo (2002; 2008), he au ho o he mos comp ehensi e esea ch on he social p oduc ion o c s, showed how hey sha e some spa ial and social cha ac e isa ions wi h usa ga ed 3 Fo a discussion o he a ie y o u ban o ms eme ging in connec ion wi h ea s o c ime, diso de and di e si y, see Tulumello (2017a, chap e 4). 4 See Low (2003) o a ich an h opology o he cons uc ion o communi y in usa ga ed communi ies. inclusi e communi ies, exclusiona y ci y, planning n/a? 485 communi ies while, a he same ime, ha ing hei own pa icula ea u es. On he one hand, c ad e ising analysis shows he cen ali y o he dyad secu i y/p i acy, as exempli ied by one slogan: “i ’s a jungle [sel a] ou he e. I ’s g ea you’ e in he e” (Quin a da G aciosa ad e isemen , quo ed in Raposo 2002, 334). On he o he , howe e , ad e ising p omises do no seem o be comple ely kep . Conside his exce p om an in e iew wi h a c esiden : I was bo n in a illage in T ás-os-Mon es, I’ e li ed in Angola o a long ime… I need space and ligh . So, when I ound ou abou i , I came he e. O cou se, he e a e hings I like ha I don’ ha e he e: he neighbou hood g oce , he bu che … I I like i o no ? The e’s no poin in wonde ing whe he I like i o no … I ’s be e o like i . Among he ho ible a ailable places… (Fá ima, in e iewed in Câncio 2008 [2005], 124; ou ansla ion). No only is Fá ima no eally exci ed by li e in a c ; she eels he inclusion in a “non-neighbou hood”, wi hou he adi ional ea u es o Po uguese owns, as a loss – he cos o be paid o he inclusion in he c s may be mo e expensi e han o us subu bani es. Bu he e is mo e, he e y aspi a ion o be included in a ga ed communi y seems a bi a odds wi h a di e en socie al con ex , in which, o ins ance, he e y cons uc ion o he local “communi y” is less cen al han in he usa.5 As such, he demand o ga ed communi ies needs be unde s ood on di e en g ounds: he possibili y, o a g owing bu no ye a luen , middle-class o access some acili ies i could no a o d ou side c s (Raposo 2002, 349); and, due o he low le els o seg ega ion in Po uguese ci ies, he idea o he u ban e i o y being “insu icien ly seg ega ed” (Raposo 2008, 126). F om a supply side, hen, c s o e ed he possibili y o expand he ma ke o semi-luxu y acili ies o wide social classes, hence os e ing u ban accumula ion p ocesses. Wi h ega d o spa ial dynamics, c s can be s udied o hei ole in me opoli an es uc u ing o e ime, and hei implica ions o u ban policy and land-use managemen pa e ns. Indeed, c p oduc ion (may ha e) had ele an consequences in o he u ban asse s. This shall be explo ed when discussing ins i u ional p ocesses; o a he , he spa ial planning dimension. 5 In gene al, and cu ing a e y long s o y sho , Eu opean socie ies ha e a common poli ical and cul u al adi ion ha is mo e cen ed on he ole o socie y (and hence on he social pac and wel a e s a e), on he one hand; and indi idual posi i e igh s, on he o he , han on he alue o he local communi y. See, o ins ance, he deba e be ween Tonnies (1887) and Webe (1968 [1958]), and he usa-Eu ope compa ison by No on and Bie i (2014). 486 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in he ole o planning: c s om semi-in o mal eali y o uncom o able ac Though c s a e linked wi h gene al, ul ima ely global, social ans o ma ions, hey do no happen independen ly o local ins i u ional p ocesses. Speci ically, being a p oduc o u ban de elopmen and he cons uc ion indus y, c s happen wi hin a amewo k o egula ions and planning p ac ice (Le Galés and Vi ale 2015; Tulumello 2015), whose analysis says much abou c s’ social p oduc ion. In pa icula , i is wo h discussing he way, du ing he 1990s, planning laws made he de elopmen o c s o mally possible; and he ole o spa ial planning in he managemen o c p oduc ion mo e gene ally. Up un il he ea ly 1990s, Po uguese egula ions abou land owne ship and u banisa ion p ocedu es made he p oduc ion o ypical ga ed communi ies impossible.6 On he one hand, he legal egime o allo men ope a ions, as de ined in Dec ee-Laws 289/1973 and 400/1984, obliged de elope s, in he name o he land’s social unc ion and u banisa ion being seen as an eminen ly public unc ion, o ans e he unbuil pa s o he de eloped pa cels (s ee s, public spaces, g een spaces and public acili ies) o he municipali y. On he o he , he egime o p op iedade ho izon al, (ho izon al owne ship), ins i u ed by Dec ee-Law 40333/1955 o egula e he owne ship o p i a e and common pa s o esiden ial dwellings,7 only applied o indi idual mul i-s o ey dwellings. In p ac ice, he egimes o eclosed he possibili y o c ea e mul i- apa men building o mul i- illa enced allo men s wi h sha ed common a eas and acili ies – while c s made up o indi idual apa men buildings wi h enced a eas we e possible i licensed as “p i a e wo ks” (ob as pa icula es). Mul i-dwelling c s al eady exis ed a ha ime, so hey we e being p omo ed in a semi-in o mal amewo k (Raposo 2002). Things changed in he ea ly 1990s. Fi s , Dec ee-Law 448/1991 in oduced he possibili y o exchange he ans e o unbuil a eas wi h ei he plo s o land ou side he pa cel o u banisa ion ees. Second, Dec ee-Law 267/1994 amended he p op iedade ho izon al by explici ly ex ending i o mul i- dwelling es a es. In sho , he new egimes in oduced and egula ed he 6 The ollowing is based on he discussion by Raposo (2002, 335-363), and on he analysis o he legisla i e documen s e e ed o. 7 Li e ally, by allowing he pa celisa ion in ho izon al sec ions (i. e. he la s o a mul i-s o ey dwelling) owned indi idually and p esc ibing he sha ed owne ship o common pa s. inclusi e communi ies, exclusiona y ci y, planning n/a? 487 p oduc ion o enced es a es wi h se e al dwellings, common a eas and se ices. Raposo (2002, 335-363) discusses how he in oduc o y pa s o he a o emen ioned laws sys ema ically e e o he need o adap he legisla ion o new social eali ies, he e o ms being jus i ied by he need o adap he legisla ion o he “e olu ion ha happened in he meanwhile” (Dec ee-Law 267/1994).8 Though i was no made explici , his e olu ion can be seen in he semi-in o mal eme gence o he phenomenon o c s. As such, legisla ion app oached he issue as a so o ine i able end, which maybe was no o be endo sed, bu would no be en o ced o ough – a e all, he decade o 1985- 1995 was cha ac e ised by a con inui y o cen e- igh go e nmen s (led by Aníbal Ca aco Sil a), which s ongly pushed o a neolibe al ans o ma ion o he Po uguese s a e.9 Wha legisla ion made possible s ill had and has o go h ough local planning egula ions. The 1990s we e also he decade o he i s gene a ion o comp ehensi e mas e plans in Po ugal10 and, mo e gene ally, o he de elopmen o spa ial planning as a sys ema ic p ac ice, a e he de egula ion o he 1980s. So le us ake a look a he municipal mas e plan egula ions adop ed by he places ocused on in his s udy: Lisbon (1994), Cascais (1997) 8 The o iginal egime o p op iedade ho izon al had been in oduced du ing he dic a o ship o Es ado No o (1933-1974). A ha ime, legisla ion also men ioned he necessi y o adap o new social eali ies. The Dec ee-Law 40333/1955 e e ed o he “g a e p oblems” associa ed wi h common p ope y, including he p omo ion o “p omiscui y”, he idea o Po ugal as a coun y o “owne s” being cen al o he sel - ep esen a ion o he dic a o ship. As such, he in oduc ion o he p op iedade ho izon al o some ex en ma ked he acknowledgemen , by he legisla ion, o he impossibili y o gi ing all ci izens ull access o p ope y (Raposo 2002, 342-343). 9 I is in e es ing o no e ha he ea ly 1990s we e cha ac e ised by di e en a emp s o sol e he issues o in o mal and semi-in o mal u banisa ion. In o mal se lemen s (bai os de la a) we e add essed by he Special P og amme o Rehousing (pe , P og ama Especial de Relojamen o), which p o ided inancial esou ces o he clea ing up o he se lemen s and he p o ision o social housing; Illegal allo men s we e add essed h ough upg ading and egis a ion unde he p o isions o U ban A eas wi h Illegal Genesis (augi, Á eas U banas de Génese Ilegal). The di e en app oaches o di e en issues – clea ing “slums”, upg ading illegal allo men s and legalising c s – a e elling o he di e en powe o ac o s a s ake, an issue ha dese es discussion ha we ha e no space o he e. 10 The municipal mas e plans (Planos Di e o es Municipais, pdm) we e in oduced in 1982, bu only du ing he 1990s, when, o ins ance, he mas e plans became a compulso y ins umen o apply o eu unds, hey we e sys ema ically adop ed all a ound he coun y. 488 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in and Ba ei o (1994).11 In gene al, he issue o c s is no explici ly men ioned in he plans. As a as egula ions a e conce ned, he e is a dis inc app oach in Lisbon and Cascais, on he one hand, and Ba ei o, on he o he , wi h ega d o ope a ions o allo men . While Lisbon and Cascais ully emb aced he changes o Dec ee-Law 448/1991, he Ba ei o plan mean ans e ing he unbuil lands in allo ed a eas o he municipali y, making he p oduc ion o mul i-apa men building o mul i- illa c s de ac o impossible – and his begins he explana ion as o why we did no ind any c s in Ba ei o, as will be discussed below. We shall now ocus on Lisbon and Cascais by using he in e iews we conduc ed o compa a i e esea ch on spa ial planning and u ban secu i y (Tulumello 2017c). Planne s in hese ci ies, much in line wi h he ea ly 1990s’ legisla o s, conside c s some hing pe haps undesi able bu ine i able. A planne in Cascais s a ed “i c s appea ed, he e mus ha e been a necessi y, namely wi h ega d o secu i y”.12 An in e es ing poin is he peculia (Po uguese) ision o enclosed collec i e spaces, some hing ha , all a ound u ban Eu ope, is no au oma ically associa ed wi h c s – hink, o ins ance, o he I alian and Ge man adi ion o cou ya ds in collec i e esiden ial buildings. The planne s we in e iewed seem o sha e he gene al idea ha unbuil spaces should emain public, as exempli ied by an in e iew wi h a planne in Lisbon abou a de ailed plan, in a social housing dis ic , which in oduced enclosed blocks wi h semi-public cou s. Asked whe he his was conside ed an ins umen o imp o e he hie a chisa ion o open spaces, he planne ema ked: “we don’ wan o make c s!” I is qui e elling how he planne el he need o jus i y a decision ha , elsewhe e, would be ega ded as absolu ely no mal: “since ely, we el ha a p i a e use and managemen by he esiden s could be in e es ing when compa ed o spaces open o e e yone”. The planne added ha hey did no eel his was an a ack on he ui ion o public space, pa icula ly in a neighbou hood whe e public spaces a e e y “gene ous”. 11 Respec i ely adop ed by he Resolu ions o he Council o Minis ies 94/1994, 96/1997 and 26/1994. 12 This is a he e y leas p oblema ic in a coun y and me opoli an egion whe e c ime a es a e his o ically among he lowes in he wo ld – and pa icula ly in Cascais, which has among he lowes in he egion (Tulumello 2017c). inclusi e communi ies, exclusiona y ci y, planning n/a? 489 no es on me hodology and con ex : mapping c s semi-quan i a i ely Agains he backd op se ou in he p e ious sec ions, ou empi ical con ibu ion o he discussion is p esen ing and discussing he i s sys ema ic map o c s in wo, plus one, municipali ies: Lisbon and Cascais, and Ba ei o whe e he e we e none (see discussion below). Roi man and colleagues (2010, 9) emind us how he li e a u e on ga ed communi ies has no sys ema ically add essed he s udy o he way hese de elopmen s ans o m u ban ab ics by “segmen ing he physical ci y […] and c ea ing physical and emblema ic ba ie s”. Indeed, in he as li e a u e abou ga ed communi ies and simila de elopmen s, besides ou own wo k on ga ed esiden ial es a es in Pale mo (Tulumello 2017a, 60-62), we we e only able o ind wo examples o sys ema ic maps o ga ed communi ies (De Du en 2006; Akgün and Baycan 2012) – whe e, by he way, he maps only ep esen he loca ion, and no he shape o size, o he de elopmen s. The poin is p obably ha mapping c s and ga ed communi ies is an ex emely complex ask, o he e y simple eason ha sys ema ic da a abou hese de elopmen s a e collec ed by planning and local au ho i ies i ually nowhe e. This is ce ainly he case in Lisbon and Cascais, as he planne s we in e iewed con i med. This p oblem ex ends o u ban o i ica ion and p i a isa ion p ocesses in gene al (Tulumello 2017b) – see also a ecen epo in The Gua dian (2017) on he di icul y o mapping p i a ised public spaces in London. When we s a ed o engage wi h his opic in Lisbon in 2011, we soon ealised ha he only way o mo e owa ds a sys ema ic mapping o ga ed esiden ial de elopmen s was o use a plu ali y o sou ces o compensa e o he absence o a comple e single sou ce. This mean ha only h ough a long- e m engagemen could we expec o collec a easonable amoun o da a, and we ended up deeming he p elimina y maps p oduced du ing a six-mon h esea ch pe iod in 201113 unsa is ac o y (Tulumello 2017b). A e se e al ounds o upda ing and in eg a ing da a be ween 2013 and 2016, we a e now con iden ha he maps we p esen he e igo ously depic he s a e-o - he a o c s in Lisbon and Cascais, bu wi hou being able o a i m once and o all ha we ha e mapped all o hem. This is why we call hese maps, which o e a comp ehensi e and sys ema ic ep esen a ion o he p oblem, o a he e y 13 And a ailable in Tulumello’s PhD disse a ion (2012). 496 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in Figu e 20.4 Figu e 20.5 Numbe o housing uni s in c s in Lisbon (le ) and Cascais ( igh ) Tempo al s ages o p oduc ion o c s in Lisbon (le ) and Cascais ( igh ) Sou ce: ou elabo a ion. Sou ce: ou elabo a ion. o he his o ic cen e, in he wes e n pa o he own; while c s only sp ead owa ds he in e io a a la e s age. In Lisbon, he main expansion a e he 1990s happened in he cen al de elopmen axes, only sp eading a ound he ci y a e 2005, wi h a concen a ion in he dis ic o Al a de Lisboa, and, amid egene a ion and gen i ica ion p ocesses, eaching he his o ic cen e. Al a da Lisboa, loca ed in he no h o he municipali y and o he wes o he ai po , is a pa icula case. The o iginal plan o he dis ic , designed inclusi e communi ies, exclusiona y ci y, planning n/a? 497 du ing he 1980s, en isaged a mixed dis ic made up o social and ee ma ke housing. While du ing he 1990s, social housing was buil hanks o unding by he na ional Special P og amme o Rehousing, he managemen company had ouble in launching he ee ma ke de elopmen s. Only in he la e 2000s we e he i s de elopmen s comple ed and, in a e i o y ha had long been ma ked by he p esence o in o mal se lemen s being by ha ime seen as a “social housing dis ic ”, hei being ad e ised as c s seemed an app op ia e way o o e come he conce ns o he middle and uppe classes.20 Finally, we ha e compa ed he geog aphical sp ead o c s wi h he his o ical p og ession o he p o essional-manage ial employee a e – whose geog aphy we conside a good indica o o social pola isa ion – b oken down a he local council le el (Figu e 20.6). The maps show inc easing a es o e he las h ee decades, con i ming he economic g ow h and specialisa ion o bo h 20 See he websi e o he managemen company o he de elopmen ad e ising: h p://sgal. al adelisboa.com/en/. Figu e 20.6 c s and p o essional-manage ial employee a e, 1991, 2001 and 2011 in Lisbon (abo e) and Cascais (below) Sou ce: ou elabo a ion; da a on p o essional-manage ial employees, Ins i u o Nacional de Es a ís ica, bg i censuses. 498 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in ci ies. The pa e ns o pola isa ion, howe e , a e qui e di e en . In Cascais he e is s ong pola isa ion and, in ac , socio-economic seg ega ion, be ween he weal hie coas al a eas and he inne ones, wi h ga ed-communi y-like c s almos exclusi ely concen a ed in he leas weal hy a eas. Though one eason mus be he a ailabili y o mo e land o mul i- illa de elopmen s, he pe cep ion o hese a eas as he leas homogeneous and he p esence, o ins ance, o la ge social housing neighbou hoods, mus play a signi ican ole in he p oduc ion o mo e o i ied es a es. In Lisbon, pola isa ion pa e ns a e e y di e en , and show a complex blend o di e en si ua ions, wi h di e en axes o weal h, much mo e spa ially mixed wi h a eas less economically de eloped and social housing neighbou hoods. Though ea lie s ages o c de elopmen a e loca ed, as we sugges ed, in weal hie zones, he e has been a p og essi e sp ead in o di e en a eas. discussion: (un)planned spaces o inclusion/exclusion Ou mapping in Lisbon, Cascais and Ba ei o has con i med he exis ence o a numbe o peculia ai s o c s and hei p oduc ion in Po ugal. Wi h ega d o he ole o c s and simila de elopmen s in eshaping u ban and me opoli an e i o ies, while ga ed communi ies a e gene ally conside ed o be a subu ban phenomenon, we ha e seen how hey can become, and indeed a e mos ly used in me opoli an Lisbon as, ins umen s o es uc u ing dense u ban a eas. This is pa icula ly e iden in a cen al, dense ci y such Lisbon, bu e en in Cascais, in coexis ence wi h ypical examples o “p ime” subu ban de elopmen . Wi h ega d o empo al s ages, we ha e seen he c phenomenon booming a e 1995. Though we ha e no de ini i e da a o make conclusions on causal ela ionships, his aises he ques ion as o whe he he legisla i e and planning changes in ended and did egula ise, o a he p oduce, he c phenomenon in he i s place. Mi o ing discussions abou gen i ica ion (Hamne 1991), i is a he in e sec ion o supply and demand side explana ions ha his discussion should ocus. Fo ou pu poses, su ice o say ha , du ing he ea ly 1990s, na ional legisla ion and municipal planning (in Lisbon and Cascais) did open up he space o c s, a he e y leas . Besides emphasising he peculia i ies o he phenomenon in me opoli an Lisbon, we adop ed a compa a i e pe spec i e in o de o discuss o he explana o y dimensions. The di e ences among ou h ee cases a e inclusi e communi ies, exclusiona y ci y, planning n/a? 499 signi ican and add laye s o he discussion o he condi ions necessa y o c de elopmen s. Cascais is, o e all and despi e he abo emen ioned peculia i ies, he case whe e we ound a mo e ypical pa e n o ga ed communi ies, us s yle: he p esence o la ge, subu ban mul i- illa c s p o ided wi h ameni ies and spa ially secluded om a seg ega ed u ban ab ic – indeed, an example o a weal hy, i (and!) unequal, own. In Lisbon, c s a e ins ead a componen o u ban es uc u ing p ocesses; and concen a ion (in weal hy a eas), di usion and “mix” pa e ns (in he case o Al a de Lisboa abo e all) also coexis due o he dense socio-economic pola isa ion, almos in absence o seg ega ion. Agains his backg ound, i is wo h coming back o he issue o he social p oduc ion o c s. In Lisbon, in absence o he physical seclusion om he u ban ab ic and o he ypical spa ial ameni ies o ga ed communi ies, his is la gely limi ed o he p o ision o secu i y, which we can now conside in pe spec i e. On he one hand, secu i y de ices a e no exac ly “ ough” in some cases: a good example is he condominium DueDomani – loca ed in Chelas, a dominan ly social housing dis ic – ad e ised as a condomínio semi-p i ado (semi-p i a e condominium) and su ounded by a one me e all ence wi hou locks (Tulumello 2015, 496). On he o he , du ing ou ieldwo k we ound a g ea numbe o condominiums wi h 24/7 pa olling and cc s, e y simila o neighbou ing c s bu no ad e ised as such – and he e o e no included on ou maps. I is e y ha d, when no impossible, o dis inguish be ween c s and non-c s in Lisbon, i no o he ac ha some a e labelled so. This makes us e lec on he ac ha c s in me opoli an Lisbon a e o en no hing mo e and no hing less han a p omo ional s a egy (supply side) and hence an ins umen o middle class sel - ep esen a ion (demand side). This should be kep in mind while hinking abou he absence o c s in Ba ei o. On he one hand, we canno downplay he ole o planning. As we discussed, he 1994 municipal mas e plan made he cons uc ion o mul i- dwelling c s impossible and, mo e gene ally, he dominance o a s a u o y app oach o land use managemen (Tulumello 2017c) may ha e had a ole in p e en ing semi-in o mal de elopmen s such c s. A he same ime, howe e , land use managemen ailed in p e en ing ano he dimension o in o mal u banisa ion, and speci ically illegal allo men s, which can be ound h oughou Ba ei o – o he ex en ha a special ask o ce o hei upg ading and egula isa ion exis s in he municipal planning depa men . Mo eo e , as 500 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in he case o Lisbon shows, one does no eally need much mo e han ad e ising and some secu i y de ices o p oduce and sell c s. As such, o he dimensions mus come in o play, abo e all he ac ha Ba ei o is among he leas (possibly he leas ) sui able municipali y in he me opoli an egion o c s. As a as loca ion is conce ned, Ba ei o is among he municipali ies wo s se ed by highways and connec ions o Lisbon – being in he leas a ou able posi ion wi h ega d o he wo b idges connec ing he sou he n bank o he Ri e Tagus o cen al Lisbon. As a as socio-economic composi ion is conce ned, he his o y o Ba ei o, i s cha ac e isa ion as an indus ial hub and ecen pos -indus ial decline, ha e no helped in d awing he middle and uppe classes owa ds he municipali y. conclusion: om inclusion/exclusion o agmen a ion/pola isa ion Two dimensions s emming om he mapping o c s in me opoli an Lisbon a e pa icula ly use ul when conside ing he inclusion/exclusion dicho omy. Fi s , we ha e seen how some peculia ai s o he Po uguese planning adi ion and u banisa ion egula ions ha e impeded he c ea ion o p i a ely owned collec i e spaces in mode n imes, in he name o a mode nis concep ion o u ban planning and o land as public compe ence.21 We canno help bu no ice how his is in con as wi h he his o ical de elopmen o Po uguese ci ies h ough blocks (qua ei ões), whe e dwellings enclose open spaces ha can be sha ed o di ided among he single esidences (quin ais, backya ds). In a way, some c ypologies, and he legal amendmen s ha opened up he space o hem, ended up ( e)c ea ing he possibili y o a heal hy ins umen o u ban design and planning. As he planne in Lisbon eminded us, when public spaces a e al eady gene ous (as is he case in me opoli an Lisbon gene ally), p i a ely owned common open spaces a e good o bo h he esiden s (who enjoy he p o ec ed open spaces) and he ci y (in e ms o managemen o public space).22 21 The idealisa ion o he ci y as a con inuous, e dan public space pinpoin ed by high- ise dwellings was one o he cen al aspec s o Le Co busie ’s wo k. 22 See Tulumello (2015; 2017a, 88-91) o c i ical discussions o he implica ions o he mode nis concep ion o public space o mee ing o he ness and eelings o sa e y in he public space. inclusi e communi ies, exclusiona y ci y, planning n/a? 501 Second, we ha e seen how c s a e o en a simple “label” a ached o qui e o dina y eal es a e p oduc s. In hese cases, hen, he double mo emen o inclusion (among pee s) and exclusion (o o he s and om o he s) loses spa ial meaning, while social meaning becomes pu ely symbolic – and he e lies he s a kes peculia i y o he Po uguese case in he global a ena. On he one hand, his makes sense in me opoli an ab ics whe e spa ial seg ega ion is ela i ely low and he encoun e wi h o he ness is much mo e common han in hose con ex s whe e ga ed communi ies we e bo n and a e lou ishing. On he o he , we ind he e u he e idence o he seconda y, i ma ginal, ole o he cons uc ion o “communi y” in c p oduc ion, Po uguese s yle. Though hese a gumen s add some nuances o mains eam c i ical discussions abou ga ed communi ies as inclusi e/exclusiona y de ices, ou poin is no o unde play he c i ical implica ions o ga ed esiden ial de elopmen s o u ban jus ice. Fo ins ance, he ac ha he possibili y o collec i e p i a e spaces emains limi ed o hose who can a o d access o luxu y and semi-luxu y housing shows how c s, in sca cely seg ega ed con ex s, a e capable o eshaping inclusion/exclusion pa e ns o ce ain bene i s – such as access o p o ec ed open spaces – in complex and nonlinea ways. As such, a he han sea ching o “epis emologies o hope” (Pow 2015) wi h ega d o exclusiona y u ban de elopmen s, ou conce n is o deepen he unde s anding o he complex ways exclusion/inclusion is ( e)p oduced. Th ee agendas o empi ical esea ch and heo e ical/me hodological de elopmen eme ge. Fi s , we see li le engagemen wi h planning as an ins i u ional p ac ice in in e na ional li e a u e abou ga ed communi ies; in o he wo ds, wi h laws, no ms, and plans, p og ammes and policies. Ou wo k – and ha o Raposo (2002) –, howe e , has shown he cen ali y o na ional and local ins i u ional and egula o y amewo ks in he unde s anding o how c s can sp ead, and inclusion/exclusion pa e ns be eshaped, in di e en con ex s. Second, we ha e shown some limi s ha he inclusion/exclusion dicho omy i sel has in explaining socio-spa ial phenomena in con ex s whe e seg ega ion is low. In he me hodological app oach o semi-quan i a i e mapping, and in he heo e ical concep s o pola isa ion and agmen a ion, we he e o e ound he g ounds o a loose , bu no less igo ous, amewo k o esea ch. By isualising he mic o- ela ions o inequali y wi h ega d o u ban de elopmen (pola isa ion) and he c acks gene a ed by spa ial en i ies such as c s ( agmen a ion), we we e able o explo e he g ain o socio-spa ial 502 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in phenomena on a scale ha adi ional seg ega ion analysis ails o unde s and. This opens up i ually unlimi ed possibili ies o u he discussion, o ins ance, in he s udy o p oximi y/connec i i y ela ions be ween c s and social housing neighbou hoods, o he concen a ion/di usion o c s and public space and acili ies. In conclusion, le us e u n o he ole o c s in ecen egene a ion and gen i ica ion p ocesses in Lisbon. As ou da a is comp ehensi e only up un il he pe iod 2013/2015, we a e ully awa e ha many changes may be aking place now ha Lisbon has suddenly become a cen e o a ac ion o ou is s, in e na ional s uden s, middle-class o eign pensione s and s a uppe s, bu also in e na ional eal es a e g oups and pla o m capi alism behemo hs such Ai Bnb (see Viei a e al. 2016). Amid a u bulen socio-economic es uc u ing ha s a ed om he his o ic neighbou hoods and is sp eading as owa ds and beyond he consolida ed u ban co e, new o ms o exclusiona y de elopmen a e eshaping he u ban ab ic: luxu y blocks o la s, p ime s uden apa men blocks,23 hyb id o ms o sho - en al dwellings, o gi e jus a ew examples. These new de elopmen s, hough inse ed in he u ban co e, a e c ea ing new o ms o inclusion/exclusion, which link he ci y o global ne wo ks o weal h, capi al and mobili y, while c ea ing local disconnec ions – e. g. by making housing una o dable o i ually e e y “ egula ” wo ke in Lisbon, o pushing o a social cleansing o his o ically mixed neighbou hoods. Agains his backd op, e en he scale o analysis ha we ha e p esen ed he e may become oo wide o explo e new dynamics o inclusion/exclusion – and he es less sea ch o new sys ema ic and ine-g ained me hodological app oaches is he e o e much needed. 23 Collegia e Ma ques de Pombal is a pe ec example, www.collegia e-ac.p /en/. inclusi e communi ies, exclusiona y ci y, planning n/a? 503 A ailable wo ks abou c s in he Lisbon me o, wi h he o al numbe o c s ound pe municipali y e ei a e al. 2001 aposo 2002 soa es 2003* aposo, co a 2007 (unpublished epo , da a published in aposo e al. 2012) pe ei a 2010 ulumello 2012 p esen s udy Time ame Be o e 2001 1985-1998 Be o e 2002 1985-2004 1985-2004 wi h ew upda es a e wa ds Be o e 2012 Be o e 2016 Type o da a Coun Coun and lis wi h u he da a App oxima e coun Coun and lis wi h u he da a Coun and lis wi h u he da a Coun , lis and map Coun and map Sou ce o da a O iginal esea ch O iginal esea ch Fe ei a e al. 2001, sligh ly upda ed Raposo 2002 and o iginal esea ch Raposo, Co a 2007, sligh ly upda ed Raposo 2002 and o iginal esea ch All he o me and o iginal esea ch Lisbon 62 23 45<x<90 38 ——— 49 81 Cascais 86 43 ~90 89 91 ——— 127 Amado a 1 1 1 1 ——— ——— ——— Lou es 1 0 1<x<22 1 ——— ——— ——— Ma a 10 5 1<x<22 18 ——— ——— ——— Odi elas 0 0 1 0 ——— ——— ——— Oei as 31 7 ~45 11 ——— ——— ——— Sin a 15 6 1<x<22 14 ——— ——— ——— V F anca de Xi a 1 0 1 2 ——— ——— ——— To al me opoli an no h 207 85 n/a 174 n/a n/a n/a Ba ei o 1 0 1 0 ——— ——— 0 Alcoche e 1 0 1<x<22 1 ——— ——— ——— Appendix 20.1 504 ambiguous inclusions: inside ou , ou side in e ei a e al. 2001 aposo 2002 soa es 2003* aposo, co a 2007 (unpublished epo , da a published in aposo e al. 2012) pe ei a 2010 ulumello 2012 p esen s udy Almada 7 1 1<x<22 5 ——— ——— ——— Mon ijo 2 0 1<x<22 0 ——— ——— ——— Palmela 6 3 1<x<22 4 ——— ——— ——— Seixal ——— 0 1<x<22 1 ——— ——— ——— Sesimb a 7 2 1<x<22 5 ——— ——— ——— Se úbal 10 6 1<x<22 8 ——— ——— ——— To al me opoli an sou h 34 12 n/a 24 n/a n/a n/a Me opoli an Lisbon 241 97 n/a 198 n/a n/a n/a * The CF numbe s a e ep esen ed on a map o he me opoli an egion wi h ci cles p opo ional o he coun o each municipali y, g ouped in classes, esul ing in he alues p esen ed he e. Con inua ion… Appendix inclusi e communi ies, exclusiona y ci y, planning n/a? 505 acknowledgemen s This chap e s ems om coope a ion be ween Simone Tulumello’s pos -doc p ojec (“Which “secu e ci ies”? A c i ical app oach o secu i y and eelings o ea in u ban planning in Sou he n Eu ope”, unded by c , s h/bpd/86394/2012) and he p ojec “expe s – Making sense o planning expe ise: housing policy and he ole o expe s in he P og ama Especial de Realojamen o (pe )” ( unded by c , p dc/a p-eu /4309/2014 c ). ____________________________________ simone ulumello Ins i u o de Ciências Sociais, Uni e sidade de Lisboa A . P o . Aníbal Be encou 9 — 1600-036 Lisboa, Po ugal simone. ulum[email p o ec ed] o cid.o g/0000-0002-6660-3432 ____________________________________ alessand o colombo isc e-iul, Dinâmia-ce colom[email p o ec ed]m o cid.o g/0000-0002-9910-8999 ____________________________________ e e ences agkün, A. A., T. Baykan. 2012. “Ga ed communi ies in Is anbul. The new walls o he ci y”. 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