The education of the architect in the XXI century: psychosocial new findings and environmental sustainability challenges

URBAN SUSTAINABILITY INNOVATIVE SPACES, VULNERABILITIES AND OPPORTUNITIES Ricardo García Mira Adina Dumitru Editors The new challenges of our economic, social and ecologic global context require solutions that go beyond “business as usual” strategies. While Europe and North America have gone through a deep economic crisis, which has affected all aspects of life –especially housing and working conditions–, other areas of the world have continued to grow and develop. The changing global context has important implications on the ways human beings organize their settings for everyday life –their residential environments and communal services, in particular– and on the necessity for supporting transitions to sustainable societies. The authors of this book approach the analysis of a number of aspects of urban sustainability from different perspectives, drawing attention to the need of promoting the necessary political, economic and socio-cultural changes to provide for sustainable urban communities. The book also provides insight into the vulnerabilities of urban contexts, resulting from rapid processes of urbanization, rising inequalities and environmental consequences of anthropogenic climate change. The capacity of resilience of communities in risky circumstances is also analysed, as well as the opportunities for managing risk through interventions targeting security and safety. A number of positive and negative aspects of perceived safety as a psychological dimension is also analysed. Finally, the book seeks to draw lessons from a diversity of cultural and geographical contexts on promoting sustainable and innovative urban communities, through multi-disciplinary analyses and the emergence of novel solutions to problems both old and new. URBAN SUSTAINABILITY INNOVATIVE SPACES, VULNERABILITIES AND OPPORTUNITIES FIRST EDITION © 2014 Deputación Provincial de A Coruña. © 2014 Institute of Psychosocial Studies and Research “Xoan Vicente Viqueira”. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without written permission of the Institute of Psychosocial Studies and Research “Xoan Vicente Viqueira”. © Ricardo García Mira & Adina Dumitru INSTITUTE OF PSYCHOSOCIAL STUDIES AND RESEARCH “XOAN VICENTE VIQUEIRA”, 2014 Faculty of Educational Sciences University of A Coruña Campus de Elviña, s/n. 15071 – A Coruña (Spain) Phone: +34 981167000 ext. 1881; E-mail: [email protected] Photography: Ricardo García Mira Text revisions: Ricardo García Mira and Adina Dumitru. DL C 714-2014 ISBN: 978-84-9812-243-5 Printed in Spain EJEMPLAR GRATUÍTO URBAN SUSTAINABILITY INNOVATIVE SPACES, VULNERABILITIES AND OPPORTUNITIES Ricardo García Mira & Adina Dumitru (Editors) On behalf of the Sustainability, Housing, and Culture & Space IAPS Networks Steering Committee Ricardo García-Mira (University of A Coruña, Spain) Chair Rolf Johansson (Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences, Sweden) IAPS-Housing Network, coordinator Peter Kellett (University of Newcasttle upon Tyne, UK) IAPS-Culture & Space Network, coordinator Roderick Lawrence (University of Geneva, Switzerland) IAPS-Housing Network, coordinator Petra Schweizer-Ries (University of Applied Science/Bochum & Saarland University/ Saarbrücken, Germany) IAPS-Sustainability Network, coordinator Hülya Turgut (Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul Maltepe University, Turkey) IAPS-Culture & Space Network, coordinator List of contributors Lívio Marcio Albuquerque de Araujo Federal University of Ceará, Fortaleza, Brazil. Department of Psychology. Laboratory for Research in Environmental PsychologyLocus. E-mail: [email protected] Edinea Alcântara Federal University of Pernambuco (UFPE), Laboratory of Periurban Studies (LEPUR), Urban Development Programme (MDU), Brazil. E-mail: [email protected] Olga Bannova SICSA, College of Architecture, University of Houston, Department of Architecture, Chalmers University of Technology, USA. E-mail: [email protected] Rubenilda Rosinha Barbosa Federal University of Pernambuco (UFPE) Department of Psychology, Brazil. E-mail: [email protected] Vera Helena Moro Bins Ely Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina: UFSC. E-mail: [email protected] Zulmira A. Cruz Bomfim Federal University of Ceará, Fortaleza, Brazil. Department of Psychology. Laboratory for Research in Environmental Psychology-Locus. E-mail: [email protected] Amparo Casares Gallego University of A Coruña, Spain. Department of Architectonic Projects and Urban Planning. E-mail: [email protected] Jesús Conde García University of A Coruña, Spain. School of Architecture. Department of Projects and Urban Planning. E-mail: [email protected] Alberto Díaz Ayude University of A Coruña, Spain. Faculty of Educational Sciences, PeopleEnvironment Research Group. E-mail: [email protected] Adina Dumitru University of A Coruña, Spain. Departament of Psychology, Faculty of Educational Sciences. E-mail: [email protected] Mehmet Emin Şalgamcıoğlu Istanbul Technical University - ITU Faculty of Architecture, Architecture Department, Istanbul, Turkey. E-mail: [email protected] Ahmad Fariz Mohamed Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM), Institute for Environment and Development (LESTARI), Bangi, Malaysia. E-mail: [email protected] Nazka Fernandes Farias Federal University of Ceará, Fortaleza, Brazil. Department of Psychology. Laboratory for Research in Environmental Psychology-Locus. E-mail: [email protected] Helenira Fonseca de Alencar Federal University of Ceará, Fortaleza, Brazil. Department of Psychology. Laboratory for Research in Environmental PsychologyLocus. E-mail: [email protected] Ferdinando Fornara University of Cagliary, Italy. CIRPA. Department of Education, Psychology, Philosophy. E-mail: f[email protected] Amelia Fraga Mosquera University of A Coruña, Spain. Faculty of Educational Sciences, PeopleEnvironment Research Group. E-mail: [email protected] Fátima Furtado Federal University of Pernambuco (UFPE) Department of Psychology, Brazil. E-mail: [email protected] Cristina García-Fontán University of A Coruñ, Spain. Department of Architectonic Projects and Urban Planning. E-mail: [email protected] Ricardo García-Mira University of A Coruña, Spain. Faculty of Educational Sciences. PeopleEnvironment Research Group, E-mail: [email protected] Myriam Goluboff Scheps University of A Coruña, Spain. Department of Architectural Projects and Urban Planning. E-mail: myriam.golubof[email protected] Vanessa Goulart Dorneles Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina: UFSC, Brazil. E-mail: [email protected] Marina Di Guida University Roma Tre, Roma, Italy. Department of Architecture. E-mail: [email protected] Pernilla Hagbert Chalmers University of Technology, Department of Architecture, Sweden. E-mail: [email protected] Jörn Harfst Karl-Franzens-University Graz, Department for Geography and Regional Science, Austria. E-mail: [email protected] Abdul Hadi Harman Shah Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM), Institute for Environment and Development (LESTARI), Bangi, Malaysia. E-mail: [email protected] Shaharudin Idrus Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM), Institute for Environment and Development (LESTARI), Bangi, Malaysia. E-mail: [email protected] Rolf Johansson Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences (SLU), Uppsala, Sweden. E-mail: [email protected] Judit Kimpian University Roma Tre, Roma, Italy. Department of Architecture. E-mail: [email protected] Alice Lancellotti Federal University of Pernambuco (UFPE), Laboratory of Periurban Studies (LEPUR), Urban Development Programme (MDU), Brazil. E-mail: [email protected] XVIII PREFACE Diego Calvo Pouso President of the Provincial Government of A Coruña The context that shapes the effective implementation of the principles of sustainable development is characterised by the presence of many actors, occupying different positions both in the social and political world, as well as in the world of science. The work of all of them is meaningless if not carried out collaboratively, generating dynamics that have proven to be efficient in the responsible management of resources and the effective implementation of policies. This book brings together a selection of contributions to the International Symposium on Sustainable Environments in a Changing Global Context, recently held in A Coruña, and aims at providing an in-depth scientific analysis of urban spaces, in general, and more specifically of the vulnerabilities needing to be managed and the opportunities for innovation that need description and integration. As policy-makers, it is our duty to include these analyses in our decision-making processes, and one way of doing this is by promoting the publication of all those materials that can serve as reference for managers and public administrators, but also for students and specialists who develop their work in disciplines dealing with issues of sustainability and innovation. And this is precisely the type of work that the Provincial Government, of which I am President, undertakes, thus providing an opportunity for the wide dissemination of relevant knowledge and culture. The book presents a variety of research experiences and results conducted by scientists from a wide array of universities and cultural contexts. As such, it gives us a perspective on the richness of approaches that can be brought to bear on issue of innovation and sustainability, when considering different cultural contexts and problems which characterise local communities and respond to local idiosyncratic geographies. These geographies constitute the background of social and political action, and require a balanced approach to suit their physical, social and cultural peculiarities. Geographies are physical spaces, but they are also social contexts in which the joint work of scientists and policymakers is a key aspect of community development and wellbeing, through the promotion of social and cultural activities. it is our responsibility to engage in these efforts, and this book is evidence of our commitment. XIX PRÓLOGO Diego Calvo Pouso Presidente de la Diputación Provincial de A Coruña El contexto que configura una aplicación efectiva de los principios del desarrollo sostenible tiene muchos actores, tanto en el plano social y político, como en el plano científico. El trabajo de todos ellos no tiene sentido si no se lleva a cabo de manera colaborativa, generando dinámicas eficientes en la gestión responsable de los recursos y en la implementación efectiva de políticas prácticas. Este libro reúne una selección de las contribuciones al simposio internacional sobre Ambientes Sostenibles en un Contexto Global Cambiante, que tuvo lugar en A Coruña recientemente, y trata de profundizar precisamente en el análisis científico de los espacios urbanos, con referencia, por una parte, a las vulnerabilidades que es necesario gestionar, y por otra, a las oportunidades para la innovación que es preciso describir e integrar. En el lado de quien tiene la responsabilidad de convertir este análisis en una parte del proceso de toma de decisiones, está promover la edición de todos aquellos materiales que puedan servir de referencia a gestores y administradores públicos, pero también a estudiantes y especialistas de distintos ámbitos que desenvuelven su labor en el campo de la sostenibilidad y la innovación. Y esto es precisamente la labor que desenvuelve la Diputación Provincial que presido, generando una oportunidad para la divulgación y la diseminación del conocimiento y de la cultura. Con este texto, se documentan experiencias llevadas a cabo por científicos de diversas universidades del mundo, que ponen de manifiesto la riqueza de enfoques con los que en contextos diferentes se abordan propuestas de investigación innovativas, conectadas con la cultura y con la idiosincrasia de cada territorio. Estos territorios forman el contexto de actuación social y política, pero exigen planteamientos equilibrados y consistentes con su naturaleza física, social y cultural. Del trabajo conjunto entre científicos y políticos, emerge el conocimiento de que el territorio es un espacios físico, pero también social, por el papel que puede jugar como promotor de actividades sociales y culturales a su su alrededor, a las que nuestra responsabilidad nos obliga a no estar ajenos. I CHALLENGES FOR A SUSTAINABLE URBANISM RICARDO GARCÍA MIRA & ADINA DUMITRU 3 URBAN SUSTAINABILITY: INNOVATIVE SPACES, VULNERABILITIES AND OPPORTUNITIES Ricardo García Mira & Adina Dumitru University of A Coruña, Spain Abstract The need to promote a debate among researchers from active research networks in IAPS is at the origin of this book on “Urban sustainability: Innovative spaces, vulnerabilities and opportunities”. This book is the reflection of a growing tradition of tackling issues that are central to social and political efforts to solve pressing societal and environmental problems in evermore intricate contexts of resource scarcity, growing population and urbanization, social inequality and rising emissions. Promoting research and creating the conditions for lively and effective scientific debate has been part of the mission of IAPS since its beginnings. The growing effervescence of content network is reflected in a rising number of scientific events and interesting publications, such as the book you now have in your hands. In this introduction, we will gloss over the reasons that lie behind the choice of theme, which is likely to underlie the discussions and debates throughout the next years, all over the world. The theme we have selected, and reflected in the title, makes reference to a recurring concept that is ever-present in today’s society: sustainability. Keywords: Sustainability, innovation, vulnerabilities, social responsibility. Sustainability and social innovation in urban contexts Although a fuzzy concept, sustainability has become a catchword to signify a way of living in environmental and social harmony, preserving and enhancing the values we cherish, while taking into account the diversity of cultures and contexts that characterise everyday life. It entails a moral code of social and environmental responsibility, a normative stance on the Sustainability has become the symbol of the identity of any endeavour that wishes to the way we live and the choices we make. Nevertheless, within a changing global context, the tensions inherent in this concept have become apparent and, rather than being a goal, it has become a journey to achieve balance, and a constant social negotiation of how to organise life and through which kinds of social institutions. Within this larger debate, the growing phenomenon of urbanization occupies a prominent place, with its many challenges. Arising problems of scarcity of resources, inequality and social injustice, or pollution and crime have caught the attention of scientists. Recognizing that the majority of the population will soon live in cities, the identification of both vulnerabilities and opportunities for resilience and wellbeing have become the centre of scientific debates, in order to transform urban spaces in contexts of positive individual and social development. The multi-faceted nature of urban contexts with their multiple problems have also made visible that beyond solving problems, we need to create contexts in which innovative solutions can appear and can be tested in real contexts. The fast pace of urban 1 4 URBAN SUSTAINABILITY: INNOVATIVE SPACES, VULNERABILITIES AND OPPORTUNITIES development requires that innovation be the result of participatory processes and social innovation, understood as solutions to problems arising neither from the government nor from the market, be supported and sustained. Innovation is much more than it is commonly held to be, and all too often the fullness of its meaning goes un-comprehended, especially when it involves the urban territory. In order to speak about urban innovation we need to link this concept to many other concepts, which relate to new forms of organization of space and society, and require different forms of education for designers, architects and urban planners, while raising the issue of compatibility between traditional and modern approaches and the concern for the increasing standardisation of lifestyles. The occurrences and circumstances that characterise urban globalization (Rusteikiené, 2008) undoubtedly affect urban life and they are often the source of tensions and risks as a result of the threat to local cultures, to diversity, or to the differences between lifestyles that shape notions of quality of life and wellbeing in a given space, a quality of life that is characterised by its own cultural preferences and forms. The changing global context has important implications on the ways human beings organize their settings for everyday life in general – and their residential environments and communal services, in particular - and on the relevance of the sustainability-related objectives in our societies. Innovation is part of our responsibility as scientists. There is no doubt that interest in innovation has increased both in academic circles and in policy areas in the past two decades. Our research is a way of assuming this responsibility in the global context, and it is also part of our culture, expressed through the work we are carrying out at a global level, but also at the local, community level (García-Mira et al., 2007), responding to citizens and local demands, with which we are in debt. We cannot forget that research is mainly funded by citizens and they have the right to obtain the benefits of these research results. Social responsibility Research and innovation are today excessively official. Research and innovation results are thrown into the most specialised journals describing scientific results and findings to the scientific community published by researchers in the form of articles, books, and reports. The problem is that this official channel, even though it is the most recommendable from a scientific point of view as it guarantees and safeguards objectivity and acts as a quality filter for the scientific accuracy of what is published, is limited, as it does not always reach non-scholars (see García-Mira, 2013). Given that non-scholars finance the country’s research and innovation system with their taxes, it would not be fair for them not to enjoy the right of free access to the results of scientific productivity. This is one of the reasons why we decided to promote this publication with the support of a public organization, appealing to the necessary responsibility of social and environmental institutions to support these initiatives. RICARDO GARCÍA MIRA & ADINA DUMITRU 5 In the world as a whole the last twenty years have witnessed a considerable increase in the number of projects dedicated to analysing the relationship between people and the physical space (both built and natural environment). The network symposium which has generated the contributions contained in this book, sparked off the work of groups that are now carrying out well-established lines of research. These contributions bear eloquent witness to this potential for research. A tradition in the people-environment studies dissemination policy With the experiences described in this book, the aim of the editors is to give a clear picture of the application of current research to different contexts of the everyday life in cities, from a perspective of analysis which puts sustainability at the centre of discussions. There is a clear objective of bringing high quality contributions from scientists from various disciplines and creating a shared and reflexive space of knowledge and debate on issues relevant to people-environment studies, and provide creative solutions to acute problems in times and contexts of crisis. As a document for practitioners, policymakers, and students, the book is part of a collection established in IAPS years ago, as part of the publications that compile emergent subjects in symposia and conferences. It is a tradition that combines research studies with reflections about the theory and applications for the practice of psychologists, architects, urban designers and planners, but also of all those interested in the analysis of sustainable and rapidly changing environments from a human perspective. The primary aim of the editors of this book is to build on and enhance this tradition. The authors of this book approach the analysis of a number of aspects of urban globalization from different perspectives, bringing the attention to the need of promoting the necessary political, economical and socio-cultural changes for dealing with the challenges that a sustainable urbanism requires. Vulnerabilities and complexity The book also provides insight into the vulnerabilities of urban contexts, as objects of analysis derived from the complexity of the impact of global change on human habitats. The capacity of resilience of communities in risk circumstances is also analysed, as well as the opportunities for managing risk by means of improving local safety both in the city and in its infrastructures and organizational environments, as a relevant dimension of urban development. This section analyses a number of positive and negative aspects of perceived safety as a psychological phenomenon. IAPS: A framework for discussion and dissemination We thank the high degree of participation and interest of all the researchers who submitted their work to be published. It bears evidence to the consolidation of IAPS networks and of the universal recognition of our association, dedicated to the tackling of hard environmental questions, whether it focuses on the built or natural environ- 6 URBAN SUSTAINABILITY: INNOVATIVE SPACES, VULNERABILITIES AND OPPORTUNITIES ment, through the interaction of people and groups. The participation of researchers in European universities consolidates the European tradition in this field, whilst the increased levels of participation from South American and Asian nations are proof of the growing interest being shown in the work of this scientific society. The number of contributions received at the conference “Sustainable Environments in a Changing Global Context” which was held in A Coruña, Spain, and served as discussion of the papers contained here, was over 170, from 38 countries and more than 130 research centres, all of which have passed through a rigorous selection process at the hands of the scientific committee, and they are evidence of the intensity of the scientific work that has been undertaken over the past two years, since the previous meeting in Daegu, in South Korea. Work that is not just carried out by psychologists, architects or urban planners, but also by professionals from many and varied disciplines such as education, geography, sociology, anthropology, economics, chemical science, law or health sciences, amongst others, who have come to our Symposium to pose new challenges for us and to increase our awareness and our understanding of problems which concerns us all, regardless of our academic specialisation. The common element in all the different approaches that come together in IAPS is that they analyse all the human processes involved in this singular interaction between people and their environment, which itself derives from the complexity that is implicit in human behaviour. Because resolving environmental problems means changing attitudes, changing behaviour, influencing communities and building new identities around responsible projects. All this demands a research approach that must necessarily be considered from a trans-disciplinary angle. To sum up, the contributions that have been made to the Symposium in general, and to this book in particular, represent a large step forward in research that helps to increase our awareness of the relationships between people and the environment, by supplying new evidence on the transactions that take place between people and their surroundings. And at the same time they are a major source of information that we hope will be of great use in the training of professionals and in the political decisionmaking process. RICARDO GARCÍA MIRA & ADINA DUMITRU 7 References García-Mira, R. (2013). Readings of the Prestige disaster: An approach from the Social Sciences. A Coruña: IPSR García-Mira, R.; Stea, D.; Real, J.E.; Elguea, S. &Coreno, V. (2007). Psychology, participation and environmental policymaking: The case of the Prestige disaster. Contemporary Social Sciences (21st Century Society. Journal of the Academy of Social Sciences, 2(3), 275-286. Rusteikiené, J. (2008). Urban globalization: political, economical and socio-cultural changes. Global Academic Society Journal: Social Science Insight, Vol. 1(2), 35-45. MAGDA SAURA, JOSEP MUNTAÑOLA, SERGI MÉNDEZ 9 THE EDUCATION OF THE ARCHITECT IN THE XXI CENTURY: PSYCHOSOCIAL NEW FINDINGS AND ENVIRONMENTAL SUSTAINABILITY CHALLENGES. Magda Saura, Josep Muntañola, Sergi Méndez Polytechnic University of Catalonia, Spain. Abstract The Relationships between Architecture and Education have been analyzed in recent years with increasing interest (Hejduk, 1992; Muntañola, 2009; Pollack, 1997; Rapaport, 2010). The environmental challenges to human sustainability such: as climate changes, environmental impact upon children health (Unicef Indicators, 2012) and impact of the computer in urban planning (Hillier, 2005), are some of the reasons for this growing interest in order to improve architectural education. This paper will start with a “state of the Art” of the field from a dialogical psychosocial view point (Muntañola et al., 2010a). In a second chapter, it will analyze the fundamental interactive link between physical forms and social behaviour, thanks to the study of the dialogical models of cities built by children (Muntañola & Muntanyola, 2012a). These sociological sociophysical models of cities allows to a progressive better evaluation of the specific feed-back between physical environmental transformations and social intersubjective behaviour that exists in each place, regarding different research scenarios, such as educational, design studios or urban planning research settings. These findings go far beyond children education, and take into account the urban planning new theories (Magnaghi, 2011) and also the environmental impact upon children’s mental, physical or social health (Muntañola et al., 2012b). Finally the paper shows some examples of architectural education in universities pointing to a new ethical and social answerability of education, in front of the environmental sustainability worldwide challenges of today (Muntañola et al., 2012a). Keywords: Education, sustainability, urban planning, environmental impact. The Education of the Architect: The State of the Art. Recent studies (Hejduk, 1992; Muntañola, 2009; Pollack, 1997; Rapaport, 2010) have analyzed the rather sad story of the Education of the Architect in the last fifty years, when urban development has been bigger than any other historic time in humanity. It is not possible to describe a complete picture of this rather sad story. We will summarize two aspects of it. a) Children Education b) University Courses and research 2 10 THE EDUCATION OF THE ARCHITECT IN THE XXI CENTURY: PSYCHOSOCIAL NEW FINDINGS AND ENVIRONMENTAL SUSTAINABILITY CHALLENGES. a) In relation to children’s architectural and urban planning education, we have not advance what was a promise at the beginning of last century, when the new modern schools by M. Montesori, J. Dewey, J. Piaget or R. Tagore expanded worldwide, closely connected to the P. Geddes, L. Mumford, F.L. Wright, etc. desires of a new urban culture based upon (table 1) social welfare and ecological sustainability. Table 1. The link between Planning and Education The main weakness arises from an absence of spatiality in children contemporary education, where mathematics, science and virtual computation ignore the social impact of architecture and urban planning upon the physical, mental and social healthy development of children (Muntañola et al., 2013). However, the situation can change very fast, since a lot of studies (see table 2) have described the sociophysical aggressive conditions of our cities. As a result, table 3 contains the indicators of urban quality for children’s healthy development, included into the worldwide UNICEF Program of Child Friendly Cities (UNICEF, 2012). Regardless these recent developments, childhood professors are still reluctant to incorporate spatiality into social, psychological and physical education, that is, to link social interaction and culture to space. Probably this attitude can be related to political reasons, but this is not a complete answer. We need to do more research on this reluctance. MAGDA SAURA, JOSEP MUNTAÑOLA, SERGI MÉNDEZ 17 Figure 4. Hotel inside a Medieval Castle in Santueri (Mallorca, Spain). Arabella García 18 THE EDUCATION OF THE ARCHITECT IN THE XXI CENTURY: PSYCHOSOCIAL NEW FINDINGS AND ENVIRONMENTAL SUSTAINABILITY CHALLENGES. Conclusions The need for transversal and interdisciplinary research on architectural education seems to be the main conclusion. Of course, this should not be a dark philosophical addition of different disciplines, but a clear interchange between theories of education, architectural and urban design practices and theories and, finally, social sciences. Barriers, among them, are more and more transparent, because the ecological and the sociocultural environmental challenges are closer day by day. This has been “the Dream” by Amos Rapaport (2010) during the last fifty years, and this is now our dream. However, the dialogue between architects and social scientist is far from to be an easy one. A lot of misunderstandings and power games make it a difficult goal. Architectural education and our children deserve a better future. MAGDA SAURA, JOSEP MUNTAÑOLA, SERGI MÉNDEZ 19 References Hejduk, J. (1992) The Education of the Architect. New York: Rizzoli, 1992. Hillier, B. (2005) The art of place and the science of space. World Architecture, 2005. Magnaghi, A. (2011) El Proyecto local. Arquitectonics, num. 23. Barcelona: Iniciativa Digital Politècnica UPC, 2011. (English text: The Urban Village) Muntañola, J. (2009) “Architectural design on the threshold of the digital age. Changes of Paradigms”. Copenhagen EAAE / ARCC Conference 2008. Edited by the Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts, 2009. Muntañola, J. (2010a) “The relationships between architectural practices and architectural theories”. EAAE Transactions on Architectural Education, 2010, num. 43. Muntañola, J .et al (2010b) The Genesis of Architecture and Planning. Ankara, Turkey: Bildiriler Papers. The chamber of architects of Turkey, 2010. Muntañola, J.; Saura, M. (2011) “Bakhtin, Architectonics and Architecture”. XIV International Congress on Bakhtin. Bolonia, July 2011. (publication in process) Muntañola, J. et al. (2012a) “Architecture on the wild” in Arquitectonics, num. 24. Barcelona: Iniciativa Digital Politècnica UPC Barcelona, 2012. Muntañola, J. et al. (2012b) “Child Friendly Cities and the Integrative Healthy Childhood Wellbeing” in The Child in the City, International Conference Zagreb, 2012. Muntañola, J.; Saura, M.; Jordán, A.; Camús, E. (2012c) “Architectural Education 2012: Prospects and Keepings” Presented to the EAAE Prize. European Association for Architectural Education, 2012. (next publication in Arquitectonics 25) Muntañola, J.; Saura, M.; Méndez, S.; Muntanyola, D. (2013) “The concept of spatiality and the childhood theories: A general Sociology forgotten dimension” in Oxford Education Research Symposium, 18 – 20 March, 2013. Pollack, M. (1997) The Education of the Architect. Cambridge MIT Press, 1997. Rapoport, A. (2010) “Designing for People” in Trialog, num. 106, 2010. Searle, J. (1997) The Construction of Social Reality, Free Press, 1997. UNICEF (2012) World Report New York: The Urban Child, 2012. SEUNGKWANG SHON 21 A STUDY ON THE MODERNIZATION AND SUSTAINABLITY OF TRADITIONAL HANOK IN THE 20 TH CENTURY Seungkwang Shon Dongshin University, South Korea Abstract ”Hanok” is a term used to describe Korea’s traditional housing. From the 1970s, the vast majority of citizens in urban areas have not lived in Hanok housing but in apartments. Consequently, many people are no longer familiar with the experience of living in traditional Hanok. There has been much debate about how Hanok housing can become more sustainable, while keeping the characteristics of its identity. The purpose of this study is to examine the process by which traditional Hanoks and modern architecture can influence each other, how the popularization of modern homes was formed and its relationship with the new less popular Hanoks. Finally, we will examine how old Hanok housing can be renovated into new, modern Hanoks. The subject areas are Seoul, Jeonju, and Chongju in early twentieth century. By discussing the differences between upper-class and the more typical Hanok, we can improve the general standard upper-class Hanok to improve the general standard of most traditional Hanok. Keywords: Traditional House, Modernization, Renovation, Changing Process, Sustainability Background and purposes Korea has a long history of strong affinity towards Hanok traditional housing. Korean identity is linked to the basic form of Hanok, unlike homogeneous apartments which lack identity. In recent years, the ecological aspects have been reassessed showing that Hanok has more benefits than apartments. Korea’s economic situation in the early 20th century was very poor compared to developed countries, and Hanok was stigmatized unfairly as pre-modern housing. As traditional housing, Hanok has cultural originality and strength but has become discontinued as modern housing. Today Korean people have furniture and spaces too large for the traditional Hanok, in comparison to modern detached houses and apartments. Hanok is not sufficient to compare to modern detached houses and apartments. A lot of people want to enjoy the traditional values of Hanok, the original form and space of the Hanok are priorities, even though we want convenience in housing, people prefer modern housing to Hanok. For this reason, a traditional Hanok as an ideal model for a modern Hanok has been the subject of endless debate. GNI (Per capita income) in Korea rose from $79 in 1960 to $20,000 in 20071, and it also became a motivation to change to a higher desire for housing in health and 1 Korean Statistics, The Bank of Korea, Korean GNI, “National Accounts”. Each Year based on 2005. 3 22 A STUDY ON THE MODERNIZATION AND SUSTAINABLITY OF TRADITIONAL HANOK IN 20TH CENTURY cultural awareness. In this respect, Hanok, in terms of health and well-being, have been reviewed in a new light. In the modern world of residential apartments, Hanoks are more ideal than apartments for the modern phenomenon of creating social atmosphere. The purpose of this research is to understand the relationship between traditional housing, Hanok, and modern housing by considering the evolving processes in design, and to discuss how modern elements in traditional Hanok can influence contemporary Hanok as sustainable. Approaches Cultural influences with the japanese house Social context and housing change depends on historical events. Because Korean society was dominated by Japanese colonialism from 1910 to 1945, this study deals with the changing process of modernization from traditional Hanok in the twentieth century. Korea was colonized by Japan in 1910 when Japanese style and culture was introduced into Korea, and the new style of houses influenced traditional housing, Hanok. Traditional Korean Hanok also underwent an interactive process of traditional and new cultural aspects. Socio-economic growth and housing Socio-economic change can be a motivation for housing problems and design, as it did during the Korean War from 1950 to 1953. Economic growth was significant from the 1970s to 2010 (see Figure 1). During the Japanese colonial era, the economy was very poor until the 1960s.. In the War, a lot of housing was demolished and the economy was more difficult than before. The National Economic Development Plan was enacted for twenty years from 1962 to 1981, and the economic statistic GNI marked $290 in 1971, $1,800 in 1981, $7,105 in 1991, $10,841 in 2000, $20,045 in 2007 and $22,798 in 2012.2 Figure 1. Socio-economic change in Korea (1960 – 2012) 2 The Bank of Korea, “National Accounts”. Each Year based on 2005. SEUNGKWANG SHON 23 People who live in a Hanok need a bigger house for new and bigger furniture, for example, beds, refrigerator, sofa, table, and so on. Modern techniques were introduced to build a house, and the techniques and changing trends towards a new vision and life style became a motivation for various phenomena in the housing markets. It appeared as a renovation for bigger and new space, and various new housing types. The transition from traditional to modern housing styles such as detached houses and apartments was a rapid and interactive process. Interactive process between houses types In the early 1900s, urban Hanok were middle-class houses built in clusters around courtyards. These became a prototype in densely-populated urban areas. From the 1960s detached houses were popular as urban houses instead of Hanok, and apartment houses also became the mainstream of housing markets. For a while, Hanoks were not built as a dwelling and Hanok carpenters also lost their jobs. A standard Hanok design evolved into detached houses and apartment housing plans, and experience in detached houses and apartment have emerged in the modern Hanok, together with renovated modern techniques and lifestyle. How to approach a modern Hanok The traditional Hanok was confronted with modern culture in housing. Hanok in an urban context had a value as housing in a developed area in the eyes of those who wished to pursue a new Hanok style and understood the changing reasons for Hanok, and the renovated Hanok. Figure 2. Hanok and houses in Korea correspond to socio-economic context 24 A STUDY ON THE MODERNIZATION AND SUSTAINABLITY OF TRADITIONAL HANOK IN 20TH CENTURY In the changing trends and design, we can see an interactive process between traditional Hanoks, detached houses, apartments and a new style for a contemporary Hanok through sustainable change. Changing social context, housing type and interactive relationship The value of Hanok and modern style house Today, user’s expectations of traditional Hanok are for originality of space, form and to represent the times. It is built rather to suit the user’s personal life. If Hanok is to be a sustainable house for modern life, it needs to be transformed into a new model, adjusted to the residential needs of modern life. In comparison to modern housing, “the characteristic of Hanok is attributed by a wooden structure and spatial organization of the Hanok, and its space, image, and places” (Jangsup Yoon 2001, Sanghae Lee 2011)3. Korean society opened its port in 1896 and in the 1910s the Japanese occupied Korea. Western and Japanese cultures were introduced to Korean people, and traditional Hanok was influenced by Japanese and European housing. “Hanok is an eco-housing which is built from clay, wood and stone, and has a personality which displays human scale, natural images and harmony with nature. It was established over long periods and shows a unique culture” (Jangsup Yoon 2001). “Its appearance comes from roof eaves molding, spatial layout and organization, decoration, color that makes it elegant and gives it the spirit of Hanok” (Heongjin Yoo, 2003). “Hanok is a neat, stylish house, with the interior finished with paper, soybean oil applied on the wood with flooring paper, and Hanok’s decorative doors and windows are most luxurious” (Minja Jung 2003).4 However, if we seek only the identity and design of Hanok, it may be an uncomfortable house that does not meet the owner’s expectation of contemporary residential needs. In this respect, a modern Hanok as contemporary housing is embroiled in controversy, even though housing for people can vary greatly. In the early 1900s, Hanok architecture was confronted by cultural interaction from Japan and the Western world, which influenced models built in that period. This experience can be a lesson for contemporary Hanok. Change of traditional Hanok in urban context Urban Hanok in the early 1930s Urban Hanok in the Japanese colonial era are located in high density areas different from Japanese housing areas, which were newly developed. Hanok in rural areas 3 Yoon, Jangsup (2001). History of Korean Architecture. Seoul, Dolbegye. 4 Jung, Minja (2009). A Story of Hanok Construction by Aruemjigi. Seoul, Middle M&B. SEUNGKWANG SHON 25 and traditional urban areas were laid out in an organic cluster, and could be approached through a curved narrow alley. A new site for urban Hanok in the 1930s was divided with a grid pattern and its plot size was narrow compared to the rural and organic patterns of traditional areas. A Hanok was confronted with limited land use and layout on a plot. The typical type of urban housing could be seen in Seoul, Jeonju, Sangju, and Cheongju city areas. In urban areas, the Hanok structure and design followed traditional styles, but the exterior walls and the roof of Hanok and its proportions needed to be changed because of short eaves, narrow spaces that form the view, and closed glass windows on the front of the open floor (Toemaru). This kind of style is called the ‘Improved Hanok’, and the classification may still be validly used. Hanok in narrow plots was a necessary technique for enhancing privacy for three reasons: 1) Access to the house was controlled by a narrow curved alley 2) Courtyards were screened by a wall or subsidiary houses 3) The house plan was laid out by closed courtyards 4) The boundary and exterior walls of a house became higher and thicker than before. Hanok in villages of Northern Seoul The Urban Hanok in the Northern Seoul areas were built in a higher density than the provincial city areas, and the relationship with the outdoor space was also a more closed one. The house types can be seen in L shapes, C shapes, and shapes, and the outdoor spaces were closed as courtyards (Figure 3). For privacy, a courtyard layout is a good solution, and all the rooms of the house are open to the courtyard. Many houses can be seen in a linear shaped layout and the structure of the Hanoks involves narrow width in the plan. The Hanok in the provincial city areas, for example Jeonju, are built as an L shape, or an I shape because the density of the land was lower than Seoul, and privacy was also more relaxed in comparison to Seoul. Figure 3.Hanok house for common people (left) and modern Hanok design by architect Gil-Ryoung Park5 5 Jun, Namil,. Son, Sekwan. Yang, Sehwa. Hong, Hyungok (2009) Social History of Korean Housing, Dolbege, Seoul. 26 A STUDY ON THE MODERNIZATION AND SUSTAINABLITY OF TRADITIONAL HANOK IN 20TH CENTURY In the housing design of Yeongsup Oh, we can see wooden floors as an access space in front of the house, the path connects with each room and the wooden floor (Daechung) was between the main bedroom (inner room, Anbang) and other rooms, and the main bedroom is consistent with the configuration of Hanok. However, installing a toilet and bathroom inside the house and installing a porch veranda reflects that modern life was penetrating into the house design. A Hanok design for traditional housing improvements (1936) by Gil-Ryong Park, shows entrance access and corridor access, not a large wooden floor, between the rooms in the house plan (see Figure 3). The entrance, bathroom, toilet and fixed furniture in a chamber were introduced into the house, and the space looks like a Japanese house. Another design for traditional housing improvements by Gilyoung Park introduced a porch, bathroom, and toilet into the house. This was a new element in Hanok. but attached to the front and rear wooden floor, the corridor became an inside corridor, while the toilet and bathroom are adjacent to the rear corridor. It was a Japanese house style. Spatial character of urban Hanok Most of the entrances of urban Hanok in the Seoul area connect the gateway-courtyard-large wooden floor (Daechung) and the main chamber; each entrance was also intended for access to the courtyard. However, sites became narrower, and the attached floor was used as an entrance space for each room and gave more efficient access in the narrow courtyard and floor areas. The wooden floor of the main hall (Daechung) was of low standard and the space very small, unlike wealthy or upper-class Hanok in the countryside where spaces were larger and standards higher, and the Daechung in both was often converted into a heated floor (Ondol). In order to build a typical Hanok on a narrow plot, the size and span of the house types was reduced to fit the site. In high density areas, Hanok were built with stone or brick for the walls, which allowed for the opening of a small window. The windows were positioned high up, and this became a significant feature of Hanok. In areas of higher Hanok density, there were robust external walls, and high windows. The ratio of windows to an exterior wall was very low, but in the inner courtyard, the ratio was remarkably higher. The privacy of the more narrow courtyards had to be strengthened, and the narrow width of the Hanok plan was profitable as it creates an enclosed courtyard even though it is part of the same floor area. However, in the case of large plots, the outdoor space becomes larger and it is easy to enjoy privacy compared to narrow spaces. An outdoor space can be more relaxing than a courtyard, and the house plan can have a greater width or corridor style. SEUNGKWANG SHON 27 Traditional Hanok and improvement discussion in the 1930s In the 20th century, western lifestyles, Japanese housing and modern life was introduced into Korea, and the traditional Hanok and the residential environment was also influenced by these new types. The Enlightenment movement in the Japanese colonial era led to improved living and housing environments. The Hwangsung Newspaper in 1908 printed headline slogans such as “Pioneers of improved homes”, “Food, clothing and shelter improved from the beginning”, Cultural life and houses”, “A scientific life”, “Introduction of the selection of land”, “For my home”, “Let’s renovate houses for happiness (1929)”, “So-called cultural houses (1930)” and enlightening article(s) dealt with housing and sanitation for the Joseon society. In particular, the Dong-A newspaper serialised articles for the kitchen with texts such as: “The sanitary kitchen”, “The kitchen in an invisible location”, “An appropriate area for the kitchen”, “Working movement and uprightness of working posture in the kitchen”; these kinds of discussion have been ongoing. Renovation and transformation of Hanok The perception of Hanok as a living space has grown. As the need for Hanok as a living space has grown, so has the number of households living in Hanok. After the liberation from Japan, the national income and desire for larger living spaces grew, as can be seen in the diversity of rapidly expanding Hanok renovations. Common phenomena in converted Hanok are as follows: 1) raising of the ground floor in the kitchen to increase movement and the use of new kitchen equipment such as gas ranges, sinks and tables, 2) a series of rooms and unit expansion into exterior spaces, and 3) converting the wooden floor to ‘Ondol’. The wooden walls of the Hanok structure were dismantled and the installation was done freely, with no need to alter the structural constraints as an advantage. In the 1920s and 1930s the city areas in Korea had a lot of projects to build housing and construct Hanok, depending on the size of the economy which varied from region to region, notably the ‘Hanok bomundong scale of 82.5 square meters, Gaehoedong, Yongdu - dong dong, or 115.5 square meters of the Hanok.’ Since the 1960s and the success of national economic development in South Korea, the economy has improved significantly, and as the quality of life improved in the 1970s and 1980s, renovation work on deteriorating Hanok and configuring changes for the spaces became active. Renovation type Indoor spaces have become narrower, exterior spaces under the eaves have expanded, adjacent spaces have combined, while storage spaces, workspaces and boiler room accessories are common phenomena that space was converted into in the early stage of renovation. The most common phenomenon was extending the outer space of the housing type, which is a desire for expanding the area of living space. The next step is the expansion of the adjacent unit areas, or merging them. Hanok remodeling 34 TOWARDS HUMAN SUSTAINABLE URBANISM: INTERROGATING THE CONTEMPORARY APPROACHES AND THE TRADITIONAL TURKISH (OTTOMAN) CITY* What is questioned in this chapter is that, given our knowledge that environmental sustanability is a crucial need, are the contemporary approaches adequate for all settings? At a time of uncontrolled globalization in which sense of place, history and cultural distinctiveness is constantly under attack and many cities lack socially inclusive and responsive environments, do these approaches also integrate social-cultural dimensions? These call for a new understanding of traditional settlements as they represent good uses of local environmental and social values in their times. The chapter first provides a theoretical underpinning of sustainable urbanism and a critical review of its philosophical and practical framework; second, assessing contemporary approaches to sustainable urbanism and analysing the traditional Turkish (Ottoman) City, proposes a holistic framework for sustainable urbanism that integrates environmental considerations with social-cultural sustainability. Background: a critical review of contemporary approaches to sustainable urbanism Although the concept of “sustainability” in its modern sense emerged in the early 1970s in response to a dramatic growth in understanding that modern development practices were leading to worldwide environmental and social crises, during the seventies and eighties, the word “sustainability” was connected with the quotation from the Brundlant Report “development which meets present needs without compromising the ability of future generations to achieve their own needs and aspirations” (WCED, 1987). As that definition has attracted a lot of discussions over the decades, i.e. in terms of being too accommodating to the interests of the industrialized nations and for not questioning the desirability of continued economic growth, the notion later developed to describe the goal of integrating concerns and analyses that join economic development and ecological health (Eid, 2003). Hereafter, the notion of endurance and continuity was thought to be the domain of natural science that studied environmental measures to ensure that controlled growth meant that we use the earth in a way that endowed the same rights for future generations. Falling beyond the realm of natural science, the city, the community and their concerns were treated as separate entities, rather than being incorporated into the sustainability context (Haughton & Hunter, 1994; Berg, Magilavy & Zuckerman, 1990). What is more, most of the literature viewed the city and urban living as detrimental to the natural environment and hence a challenge to sustainable development. On the other hand, since the city is an organic and dynamic entity and may take many different forms and meanings at different time intervals, we are bound to take the “time” factor into account. Sustainability, then, can be regarded as a perspective or paradigm in which we consider the three dimensions of society, economy and environment together, extending the fourth dimension of time”. Sustainable urbanism grows out of three late 20th Century reform movements that have transcended McHarg’s antisocial environmentalism to highlight “sustainable development”, that is a development which is non-damaging to the environment DERYA OKTAY 35 and which improves the long-term health of human and ecological systems (Wheeler, 2004, 24). The “New Urbanism”, “Smart Growth” and “Green Architecture” movements provide the philosophical and practical framework of sustainable urbanism. Each of these movements, however, has revealed certain insularity. Within architecture and urban design the movement known as the New Urbanism, which appeared in the early 1990s and has become a strong force for re-evaluating the physical layout of communities, cannot be considered efficient and urban, as its focus has been better-designed suburban development. New Urbanism cannot be considered new either, as it revives many ideas about the city and planning that was mainstream before the Modern Movement. Another criticism about New Urbanism is about the elitism within the movement (Kelbaugh, 2002). Indeed, the movement is open to criticism on a number of fronts – in particular for being focused on better-designed suburban development, often for upper income groups, rather than the creation of truly “urban” places, and for not incorporating green building design and landscaping. Furthermore, it can be considered a new type of “ideal vision” conceived, ordained and disseminated from above and not rooted in specific places or local cultures. Just a few years later, in the mid-1990s, “Smart Growth” evolved as an effort to recast the policy debate over sprawl in a way that more directly linked the environment, the economy and daily life concerns in pursuit of a positive and sustainable urban growth as essential to the quality of the city and urban life (Tregoning, 2006; Wheeler 2006;). The movement focused especially on mechanisms to promote more compact, walkable1 and economically efficient urban development. Compact cities are argued to offer opportunities to reduce fuel consumption for traveling, as homes, work and leisure facilities are closer together. They are also favored by many in the field of urbanism because urban land can be re-used, while rural land beyond the urban edge is protected. Economic benefits, due to high concentrations of people supporting local economics and easier access to services and facilities, are also suggested. Compact cities with higher densities may also mean that people are more likely to meet each other on the street than in low density areas (Talen 1999; Duany, Plater-Zyberk and Speck, 2001), and people may have a stronger sense of attachment to place (Nelessen, 1994; Diamond and Richardson, 1997). Ultimately, a good quality of life is argued to be sustained, with high concentrations of people providing social conditions conducive to vibrancy, liveliness and cultural production and consumption. However, the case of the compact city cannot be said to be proven, and there are many counter-arguments on its “negativity”. The overriding problem with the compact city is that it requires us to ignore the causes and effects of decentralisation, and benefits it may bring. However, the compact city concept can still be considered con1 Southwork (2005) defines walkability as the extent to which the built environment supports and encourages walking by providing for pedestrians comfort and safety, connecting people with varied destinations within a reasonable amount of time and effort, and offering visual interest in journeys through the network” 36 TOWARDS HUMAN SUSTAINABLE URBANISM: INTERROGATING THE CONTEMPORARY APPROACHES AND THE TRADITIONAL TURKISH (OTTOMAN) CITY* tradictory to the preference for suburban living where the advantages of concentration might change into disadvantages through congestion which would outweigh energy consumption benefits of the compact city. Indeed, empirical research verifies the preference for suburban living in many cities where the city cannot offer an ideal living environment in its central parts2. These contradictions indicate a serious problem indeed and require a thorough understanding of determinants. On the other hand, anti-sprawl strategies, which have obvious consequences for green and open space, have frequently lead to deadlocks in planning, especially concerning green space. Research supports the intuitive belief of a beneficial relationship between contact with nature and quality of life. A city with high-quality and generous green spaces symbolizes good planning and management, a healthy environment for humans, vegetation and wildlife populations, and bestows pride on its citizenry and government (Jim, 2004). On that ground, it can be stated that if green space is deprived, a compact city may become the antithesis of a green city. Further, the compact city makes little sense for developing countries because the context is completely different from North American and European countries whose cities have experienced declining populations and deindustrialization. Cities of developing countries have much higher densities than their counterparts in developed countries, and they are not becoming significantly less compact in spite of decelerating population growth and the beginnings of decentralisation. Moreover, there are some other issues which necessitate developing country cities to be making realistic - yet minimal - plans for urban expansion. Rapid urbanization and higher densities, especially in some developing countries, have obvious consequences in terms of the choice of transportation modes, living conditions, congestion and pollution, and could compromise an environmentally sound planning. In most of these cities, city cannot be restructured into a compact sustainable city within the current planning framework that is limited to a two-dimensional thinking and the private land-owning interests, at the expense of long-term sustainability. Moreover, the increasing amount of people with anti-urban values (owing to the usual problems of the central parts of the city such as traffic congestion, air pollution, insufficient car parking, and lack of green spaces) are powerful elements supporting the low-density city. Overall, what is disregarded in all these approaches is that cities also have social-cultural aspects. As stated by Rees (1997), “Cities are the engines of economic growth, the centres of social discourse and the living repositories of human cultural achievement, but also nodes of pure consumption and entropic black holes of industrial society”. 2 One recent example is a quality of life survey carried out by the author in Famagusta (North Cyprus), where uncontrollable sprawl and rapid urban development characterize the urban development in the last 15 years. Findings of this comprehensive survey reveal that, in response to the question about a desirable place to live, more than a third (38%) of 400 respondents preferred a neighbourhood comprising single family garden houses with access to natural areas, where a car was an absolute necessity (owing to the lack of public transportation) (Oktay, 2010a; Oktay and Rüstemli, 2011). DERYA OKTAY 37 King (2009) and Littig and Griessler (2005) suggest social sustainability means the satisfaction of basic human needs, the continual reproduction of humans and the subsequent continuation of culture. Mc Kenzie (2004, 120) more efficiently defines social sustainability as “a life-enhancing condition with communities, and a process within communities that can achieve that condition”. In this understanding, social sustainability is a system of cultural relations in which the positive aspects of disparate cultures are valued and promoted and there is widespread participation of citizens not only politically but also socially in all areas of urban life environment. The recent efforts towards more sustainable urban environments have revealed that, in order for sustainable urbanism to move forward and gain traction, it is essential that it be seen by citizens as playing an integral role in addressing the key issues of our times. The shift to a more sustainable lifestyle necessitates the communities to integrate individualised and privatised environmental action into everyday life and to achieve resource savings in a more extensive context using less water, less energy, less fuel for transportation and leading to less CO2 emmissions. To this point, we have to ask ourselves what specific measures need to be taken to create sustainable urban environments, and how environmental and social concerns can be brought together into one convincing scenario, in which everyone benefits. In this context, it is important to understand that the idea of sustainability is not new, and the traditional cities are excellent examples to learn from regarding various dimensions of sustainable urbanism. Sensitivity to tradition allows us to excavate the sophisticated repository of knowledge embedded in planning and design principles and processes linked to the ecological and socio-economic contexts of times past. However, factors such as rapid population growth, an unbalanced population movement due to shifts from rural to urban areas, the possible integration of the country to the capitalist world economy and significant changes in expectations and life styles all combine, in their various ways, to erode the viability of traditional approaches to shelter provision. This means that whilst there are some aspects of traditional approaches which still work well, other aspects may have become inefficient or unworkable, or generally unsustainable. On that ground, this chapter will focus on the Ottoman (Turkish) city, which teaches many lessons that can contribute to meeting contemporary and future planning and design needs provided that their viability are checked for each case and in a timebased perspective. Lessons from the Ottoman city The Ottoman city, built collaboratively by various cultures on a geographical setting extending from Middle Asia to Anatolia, from Mediterranean to Balkans, demonstrates sensitivity to local topography, Islamic and Christian philosophies about the natural world, and local habits and traditions built from a multitude of human values over centuries (Cerasi,1999). From an urban and social point of view, the main characteristic of the Ottoman city was its compartmentalization by mahalles (neighbourhoods), the outcome of ethnic 38 TOWARDS HUMAN SUSTAINABLE URBANISM: INTERROGATING THE CONTEMPORARY APPROACHES AND THE TRADITIONAL TURKISH (OTTOMAN) CITY* particularities and religious differences. The mahalle was a geographical entity as well as a homogeneous community providing social and economic collaboration among neighbours (Figures 1, 2). Each mahalle had its own characteristics and provided an indicative, unique social environment for their inhabitants. However, spatial segregation that was based on ethnicity and profession leaded separate lives within each minority, and therefore indicated a negative aspect from the perspective of contemporary sustainable urbanism. The mahalle was self-sufficient as well through the presence of a variety of functions including a religious-social center, small local market, fountains, imaret (open kitchen) and at times, workshops (Oktay 2004). As a result of the closed economy, every household produced their own foodstuffs, i.e. vegetables, fruits and a variety of seasonal produce that can be preserved and stored. Figure 1. A typical layout of mahalle Figure 2. A view to the traditional townscape in Safranbolu DERYA OKTAY 39 The efforts of numerous private builders (masters) in residential areas were guided only by a few simple rules of civility, assuring individuality within the neighborhood as well as community identity apart from the works of government. It is a remarkable lesson that every house in the Ottoman city was different, even as there is an overall unity and consistency in building technique, scale and character (Eldem,1987). As such, despite the lack of an organising development plan at the governmental level, that is a must in today’s development practices, the respect to local environmental and social values made the Ottoman City a sustainable settlement regarding many points. The space of the traditional (Ottoman) city was, at a functional level, clearly divided into public and private realms. The public realm, often in the town center, contained all the collective activities of the town, such as trade and commerce, religion, education, administration, and urban facilities, resulted in a fine-grain mixed-use character. The main public node and the representation of people’s power were bestowed to the citadel, the Friday mosque and its courtyard, and the bazaar. One of these elements, the main - often covered - street or streets of the city, the bazaar or arasta, functioned also as a communication channel, connecting these to each other and top the less important activities such as public baths, water storages, and educational centers, hence creating a vivid public realm in a spatial continuum (Figure 3). This space was the meeting place of the local people with each other, with the political, religious, end economic hierarchies, and with the outside world. However, owing to the cultural codes and realities of the time which were very different from those of the modern Republic of Turkey, most of the the public facilities were perceived as the territory of men as the traditional role of women necessiated them to spend the majority of their time in the house and in its environs, which constituted the private realm. Figure 3. A representation of Arasta The street system in residential areas was mostly pedestrian and had a hierarchical order: from the main streets spread out narrower streets that themselves had dead-end branches that lead to individual houses. In this system, only the main through-fares separated the urban fabric. This system was achieved through a process of organic growth in which the street pattern was gradually adjusted and changed according to 40 TOWARDS HUMAN SUSTAINABLE URBANISM: INTERROGATING THE CONTEMPORARY APPROACHES AND THE TRADITIONAL TURKISH (OTTOMAN) CITY* the peculiarities of the land and needs of the local people, where there was no need for wider streets and a low level of accessibility was required. The hierarchical pattern of streets with dead-end branches serving a group of houses created privacy for the dwellers (especially for women - as a significant need at the time) and helped create a strong sense of belonging to their negihbourhood. From an urbanistic point of view, this organic character of the street, in the state of continuous becoming, produces an effect of great expressiveness, and therefore, enhances the character in the Ottoman city. The street also bore a potential for social activities. Children of similar ages played together and identified themselves with the street they lived in. Fountains of running water were found at many street corners where women had the chance to meet their neighbours and have a chat whilst getting water every morning and evening. On the other hand, avlu, the courtyard of each house, an isolated environment that is well defined and well protected, served a variety of uses including social gathering, such as wedding and circumcision parties, women’s preparing winter food together, or just spending time together, and helped create a more cohesive community in the mahalle. Owing to the fact that Ottoman urbanism was never based on the kind of strong formalism characteristic of western cultures, a generally informal character was dominant in cities. In this context, there were no formal public open spaces, i.e. well-defined squares, or monumental axes to be found in the cityscape. However, despite having no planned squares and the lack of an active use of meydan by people, there was a social and psychological tendency towards meeting and gathering in open spaces of natural character (Eldem 1987; Cerasi 1999). The Ottoman city possessed various attributes that generated an ecologically sustainable environment. Regional climatic characteristics were reflected on the patterns of settlements, and accordingly every region produced its own characteristic urban fabric and architecture. For instance, in Safranbolu, one of the most characteristic towns in the northwestern Black Sea region of Anatolia (Turkey), hard winters forced the people to settle in sheltered valleys (Günay, 2005, 21). The pre-existing topographic character of the site was apparent at the urban scale even in intense built-up areas. The green gardens, i.e. vegetable gardens and patches (bostan), orchards, and so forth, implied a green belt dividing the quarters (sometimes occupying a natural creek as observed in Antep, a city in the southeastern region of Anatolia) and bounded the town3 (Aru 1998, 12), and contributed to the self-sefficiency in general. The small squares at the intersection of streets with trees created opportunity for access to nature in the public realm as well. The streets that were defined by high walls of the residential courtyards provided a protected and comfortable space, and being divided into two by a 10-14 cm water canal running through the middle, helped distribute water to gardens, and prevented the rainwater from flowing into the courtyards. The presence of a variety of house plans all with a courtyard, avlu, or garden in every region of Anatolia reveals the fact that there was a natural relationship between such a 3 Walled cities obviously need to be excluded from that generalization. DERYA OKTAY 41 layout and the Anatolian life-style (Kuban, 1983). With its fruit trees, flowers and small kitchen garden, the avlu, separated from the street by a wall, was the closest relation the house has to nature; and thus it also provided the inhabitant with direct access to nature, and enhanced both the building ecology and self-sufficiency of the house. All these peculiarities, on the contrary to many newly developed urban environments in Turkey and around the world, make the Ottoman city an ideal model for ecologically and socially sustainable cities despite its shortcomings in terms of viability of certain aspects (i.e. women’s limited use of the public realm) for today’s cities and urban life. Since sustainability needs to be assessed considering the cultural codes and realities of the time, as discussed in the background section of this chapter, these shortcomings may be tolerated within the larger, holistic context provided that requirements for every aspect of life are satisfied in today’s urban planning and urban design. Redefining essentials for sustainable urbanism Based on our critical review of contemporary approaches to sustainable urbanism and our analysis of the Ottoman city as an ideal model for sustainable urbanism, it seems essential that new urban planning and design endeavours should comprise a human dimension and demonstrate respect to regional characteristics. In this context, the following aspects are considered essential: Context-sensitive compactness and defragmentation; Completeness: good mixed-use; Connectedness: integrated transportation and land use; Ecological sensitivity; A focus on place and public spaces; Socialcultural sustainability; and Sustainable life style. Figure 4. A holistic framework for human sustainable urbanism 42 TOWARDS HUMAN SUSTAINABLE URBANISM: INTERROGATING THE CONTEMPORARY APPROACHES AND THE TRADITIONAL TURKISH (OTTOMAN) CITY* Context-sensitive compactness and de-fragmentation. Assuming that urban sprawl is mostly a negative phonemenon characterized by a low density development pattern and presenting as many problems the traffic congestion, massive absorption of green space, inadequate infrastructures and services, low quality developments, as well as bureaucratic dysfunctions and lack of finacial resources (Downs, 1999), a proactive management of urban growth containing sprawl can be considered essential. Urban design of compact cities can obviously contribute to a more sustainable way of life, particularly in industrialised societies. However, as revealed through the ideas exemplified by the traditional Ottoman city that comply with regional characteristics, it cannot be expected that cities should all fit the same formula. What is needed is not a radical set of measures, but by a complete diagnosis of the territory, identifying local characteristics (i.e. climate, landscape, identity, culture and traditions), specificities, demands and dynamics, and an estimating and evaluation of the urban development processes, through comparing the demand and the offer for urban growth, and consideration of the issues of “where” and “how” the urban settlement grow. Inspired by the Ottoman city and mahalle, the contemporary city could be thought as an entity made up cohesive and identifiable districts, and smaller towns of functional diversity could be created in the vicinity of the city rather than reaching unacceptable levels of density and population. In this context, density should be related to design in such a way that its advantages and disadvantages are investigated by considering local social dynamics (need for privacy, degree of privacy, neighbourly relations, and so forth) and environmental values (green infrastructure, made of wetlands, forests, groundwater recharge zones, and so forth), and new scenarios for “de-fragmentation” where open growth may find its placement. Completeness: good mixed-use. Fine-grain mixed-use is sought in urban expansion in order for those environments to be lively, safe, sensorily rich, choice laden, economically and spatially efficient and ecologically diverse; sustainable as far as the built environment can believably be. This ‘good mixed-use’ was an important component of the public realm in the Ottoman city. Containing all the collective activities (i.e. trade and commerce, religion, education, administration, and urban facilities), the central parts of the city revealed a fine-grain mixed-use character and helped the local people meet with each other (despite the limited frequency by women owing to the cultural codes of the time) and with the outside world. The main street and the bazaar or arasta in the Ottoman city, functioned as a communication channel, connecting the main activities to each other and top the less important activities (i.e. public baths, water storages, and educational centers), and created a vivid public realm in a spatial continuum. These characteristics can be re-interpreted as a model when planning and/ or re-designing our cities whose central parts are deteriorating owing to the lack of diversity of main functions (business, commerce, housing, recreation) and the effects of privately owned, intraverted spaces of modern urban commerce and design. Connectedness: integrated transportation and land use. The findings of empirical surveys (i.e. Lund, 2002; Kim and Kaplan, 2004; Khandokar, 2009; Oktay, 2010b) suggest that the social and physical contexts of the walkable neighbourhood enhance DERYA OKTAY 43 casual interactions and social participations and are likely to contribute to the sense of community. In the Ottoman city, the walkability of the streets (at a time of the unavailability of motor cars but other means of transport such as horses and donkeys) was enhanced by human scale, physical convenience (protection from sun, rain, etc.) due to the narrow and winding streets following the natural contours of the land, and pleasant continuity of the outer walls of the houses and courtyards that. From these, one important lesson for the contemporary city is designing the city streets first for people taking into account the functional and aesthetic needs of people rather than complying with cars only. Ecological sensitivity. As observed in the Ottoman settlements which reveal an ideal integration with the natural environment and climate, sustainable urbanism seeks to connect people to nature and natural systems, even in dense urban environments. In this context, an attempt at integrating such features as edible landscapes of fruit trees and large vegetable patches (allotments) into the city would be beneficial for dwellers in terms of lower heating and cooling bills, lower food costs, and reduced risk of flooding and landslide damage. Trees with canopies can be used for their shadowing effect, and for the definition of spaces both in streets and courtyards. At the building scale, other important aspects to ecological sensitivity are the use of local and regional materials of natural character, conformity of the building to its environs and in particular to the climate, the flexibility to adapt to changing conditions over time, and the rich variety of spaces extending from interior spaces to open spaces through various types of semi-open spaces. A focus on place and public spaces. Although public spaces form a crucial feature of sustainable and liveable cities, contemporary urban environments frequently lack enough space kept aside for them, and most of those spaces which are introduced as “public spaces” miss spatial, ecological and social qualities, and cannot be considered “places for people”. The author’s recent survey study (Oktay, 2010b), on the other hand, has proved that the character of place and public spaces have positive effects on the liveability of a neighourhood. In this vein, inspired by the Ottoman city, new urban areas could be planned and designed around a hierarchy of spaces for different purposes, the idea of main shopping strip could be revived in order to prevent the shopping malls to be the norm, and the street pattern could be organized in a way that each street has an identity through the continuity, design and functional layout of buildings. In the contemporary city, streets, squares and public parks are the only places where people truly meet as equals, and a high-quality public realm may help create a sense of belonging and collective identity. Social sustainability. Social sustainability is a system of social-cultural relations in which the positive aspects of disparate cultures are valued and promoted and there is widespread participation of citizens not only politically but also socially in all areas of urban life environment. Its success depends on the level of people’s expectations, behaviour, value systems, transparency and accountability in both public and private decison-making. As the most appealing aspect of sustainable urbanism is to be the sustainable neighbourhood with its societal benefits, we must widen our definition of the sustainable urban neighbourhood to include social as well as environmental concerns EDINÉA ALCÂNTARA, RUBENILDA ROSINHA BARBOSA, FÁTIMA FURTADO, ALICE LANCELLOTTI 51 5 VULNERABILITIES AND RESILIENCE OF COMMUNITIES LIVING IN CIRCUMSTANCES OF RISK Edinéa Alcântara, Rubenilda Rosinha Barbosa, Fátima Furtado, Alice Lancellotti Edinéa Alcântara 1 Federal University of Pernambuco (UFPE), Laboratory of Periurban Studies (LEPUR), Urban Development Programme (MDU) Rubenilda Rosinha Barbosa UFPE, Department of Psychology Fátima Furtado UFPE, LEPUR, MDU Alice Lancellotti UFPE, LEPUR, MDU VULNERABILITIES AND RESILIENCE OF COMMUNITIES LIVING IN CIRCUMSTANCES OF RISK Edinéa Alcântara, Rubenilda Rosinha Barbosa, Fátima Furtado, Alice Lancellotti Federal University of Pernambuco, Brazil Abstract In Recife and other cities in Brazil, the sites available to those excluded from the housing system were hills and floodplains. The strategy used to occupy these spaces and provide a minimal dwelling infrastructure often exposes residents to risk of landslides or flooding. The affected populations are the most socio-environmentally vulnerable, but under the right psychosocial, cultural and environmental conditions, individuals, groups and communities can develop ways of resisting and overcoming adversity, making them stronger. Reflecting on this way of life, their capacity to survive the multiple fragmentation of the urban and socio-economic space in which they live is indeed remarkable. They draw on their social resources and creativity to adapt and survive, as individuals and a group, developing forms of solidarity in response to difficulties and threats. This study aims to identify the scope for community resilience to overcome crises and disasters, and how the resilience of urban communities is structured. The two cases studied are examples of spontaneous settlements exposed to disasters and ongoing risk situations common in Recife. Exploratory interviews and two focus groups were conducted at both sites. Though they may live in vulnerable situations with high risk exposure, some communities develop resilient behaviours in response to repeated incidents, but this resilience still depends on the existence of committed community leaders and their individual resilience. Keywords: community resilience, risk, flooding, solidarity. Introduction This article brings together considerations on socio-environmental vulnerability and the potential of low-income settlements for resilience in order to understand the basis of resilience in these settlements and how they overcame their vulnerability; it also aims to identify the potential offered by community resilience for overcoming crises and disasters. In the literature, resilient communities are ones able to develop effective responses to challenges that arise, including disasters. This is all the more important because the affected populations are predominantly those with the greatest socio-environmental vulnerability: that is, the poorest, who live under the most insecure circumstances, many at constant risk of flooding or landslide whenever there are heavy rains. Such disasters are periodic or even seasonal, and they are increasing in magnitude, so public policy needs to increase investment in preventing these occurrences and to strengthen the resilience of these communities. 5 52 VULNERABILITIES AND RESILIENCE OF COMMUNITIES LIVING IN CIRCUMSTANCES OF RISK An exploratory study using interviews and focus groups was carried out in two communities in Recife in northeastern Brazil that are subject to landslide and flood risk; these two types of disaster are the most common in low income settlements. The first community, Beco do Óleo, is located on the riverbank, and is subject to seasonal flooding every year; the second, UR-12, is in an area at high risk of landslides. These two communities are typical examples of spontaneous settlements exposed to disasters and ongoing risk situations common in Recife and other Brazilian cities, and they also show the prerequisites for the types of mobilisation and community organisation being investigated. This article aims to identify: i) how situations of risk arise and develop; ii) the mechanisms and strategies for sustainability that are developed to cope with these; iii) the scope for community resilience to overcome crises and disasters; and iv) how the resilience of urban communities is structured. Urban development in Brazilian cities and the impact on low income communities Developing countries have been particularly affected by increased urbanisation. Latin America and the Caribbean are among the most highly urbanised regions in the world, with almost 80% living in cities. The rate is set to slow down, but nonetheless, the urban population in these regions is predicted to approach 90% by 2050 (ONUHABITAT, 2012). The most recent Brazilian census (IBGE, 2011) showed 84.36% of the population living in urban areas. This increase in concentration is associated with a development model that prioritises economic growth, and it has consolidated a pattern of urbanisation that is aggravating the problems of large cities in Brazil. Two central examples are the growth of the automotive industry (around 7% per annum) and civil construction (contrast its growth of 11.6% in 2010 with GDP of 7.7% in the same year). (Spina, 2013) The impact this scenario has on cities is all too familiar: increased density and verticalisation with no planning and insufficient infrastructure provision such as water and sewage, transport, low-income housing, together with serious urban mobility problems, pollution, contaminated watercourses, and increased flooding. How spontaneous settlements become consolidated, and the associated risk situations The accelerated occupation of flood-prone and hillside areas due to expulsion of lowincome populations from central areas is another impact of the development model, and is increasing their exposure to landslide and flooding risk. In Recife and other cities in Brazil and worldwide, the sites available to those excluded from the housing system were hills and floodplains. The strategy used to occupy these spaces and provide a minimal dwelling infrastructure – cutting into the hillside and building embankments – does not always offer sufficient safety, and may sometimes expose residents to repeated risk of landslides or flooding. In some cases these settlements are EDINÉA ALCÂNTARA, RUBENILDA ROSINHA BARBOSA, FÁTIMA FURTADO, ALICE LANCELLOTTI 53 so well consolidated that moving the community is not an option, or the only alternative may be distant localities and a housing typology unsuited to residents’ customary way of life. Some communities, trying to make their situation sustainable, pursue alternative approaches. Such chaotic land use and occupation, lacking urban planning and with insufficient housing and infrastructure provision makes it more likely that landslides and flooding will result from the ever more intense and frequent incidents of extreme rainfall. In low-income areas, social questions of income and housing were the key factors underpinning the occupation of these settlements. This involved invading water ecosystems, or else cutting into hillsides and occupying the high ground. These areas are vulnerable to flooding or landslides, because as their population density increases so do the risks: embankment collapse, erosion, and flooding caused by the obstruction of drainage routes. In low-lying areas, the precarious nature of housing and the lack of basic sanitary infrastructure expose the population to the threat of diseases. Hilly areas are subject to landslides and collapsing embankments, both of which are highly dangerous. Gusmão Filho (1995, p. 18), Farah (1998, p. 35) and Alheiros (1998, p. 34) describe the problems associated with the way hillsides surrounding urban centres are occupied. Dwellings are built on flat areas cut into the slope, and occupied land is intermixed with exposed ground, bringing together all the factors that promote instability: the removal of soil replaces the natural slope with vertical drops; the new pattern coexists indiscriminately with older housing; excess of removed material, which is uncompacted and highly permeable, so that it easily becomes waterlogged with large volumes from rainwater and drainage; the pattern of rainwater drainage is modified inappropriately; natural drainage routes are occupied; vegetation cover is removed indiscriminately, rubbish is dumped, and so on. The occupation of these spaces is the result of a set of broader social and political problems involving the relation between capital and labour marked by unequal access to the means of production and the appropriation of land, reflecting a model for society where property has been and continues to be expropriated and concentrated in the hands of the few. Natural disasters and the global call for resilient cities and communities Disasters seen in cities around the world include hurricanes, tsunamis, earthquakes and other events that tend to cause greater harm than landslides and flooding in terms of the magnitude of the disaster. However, in Brazil as a whole and in Recife, landslides and flooding are the most frequent natural disasters to occur. Floods make up 58% of natural disasters nationally, and landslides 11% for a total 69%. The greatest number of deaths are caused by large-scale landslides. (Santos, 2007) Though low-income populations are generally the most vulnerable and the most severely affected, the scale and seriousness of these events are such that other income 54 VULNERABILITIES AND RESILIENCE OF COMMUNITIES LIVING IN CIRCUMSTANCES OF RISK groups also suffer; also, in some cases the whole city may be compromised or temporarily paralysed, as occurred with the disasters in the Serrana region and in the ‘Mata Sul’ zone in Pernambuco (Banco Mundial, 2012, 2012a). There is a global movement to strengthen the resilience of cities and communities. The growth in disasters around the world has led the United Nations, the World Bank, and others to support agendas aiming to help countries and cities respond to such disasters. The World Bank gives priority to strengthening governments so they can fulfil their role, through capacity building and improved resource management as well as public policy to mitigate and reduce disasters. The UN emphasises strengthening society to make it better prepared, since the worldwide experience of dealing with disasters has shown that communities have taken a leading role in response. One example is the Serrana Region, in Rio de Janeiro, where local communities took clear independent steps to promote solidarity, reduce human losses, support those affected and overcome traumas and difficulties in the wake of the disaster. (Alcântara et al., 2012) Though they may live in vulnerable situations with high risk exposure, some communities develop resilience in response to repeated disasters, as well as more minor and localised incidents. In this global context, administrators, researchers, civil society leaders and even private enterprise have joined in reflecting on strategies for building resilient cities and communities with the capacity to recover from disasters and adapt to climate change. The United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR) released the brochure “Building Resilient Cities: My City is Getting Ready”, which has been translated into numerous languages, including Portuguese, and publicised by the Brazilian government. The title of the report of Ban Ki-Moon’s High-Level Panel on Global Sustainability, “Resilient People, Resilient Planet: a Future Worth Choosing” is an example where the term is applied to human beings and human collectives, not just places. In sum, the contribution of this agenda is to recognise that uncertainties and risks should occupy a privileged place in planning, which should aim to strengthen resilience in cities and communities in order to face the disasters, crises and difficulties that may continually occur. Recife: a city of water with a high level of inequality Recife is a coastal city in the northeast of Brazil with 1,537,704 inhabitants (IBGE 2011). Due to its location at sea level, as well as the presence of rivers and canals, it is known as the “Venice of Brazil”. The site was progressively occupied by drainage of mangroves and marshes, and so “[...] whatever in Recife is not water was once water or holds its memory.” (Oliveira, 1942) Deforestation, land reclamation, mineral extraction, and cutting into hillsides for construction, together with the intensive and persistent process of land use and appropriation for the city, radically transformed and defined its current aspect. Recife’s occupation of hills with cutting away of their slopes, land reclamation in mangrove areas and floodplains, inadequate drainage networks, and the precariousness EDINÉA ALCÂNTARA, RUBENILDA ROSINHA BARBOSA, FÁTIMA FURTADO, ALICE LANCELLOTTI 55 of maintenance and operational services combine to make the city one of the most vulnerable, especially to flooding and to the increasing sea level. The low income population is most vulnerable because they live on low-lying land, so they would be the first to be affected. In periods of high rainfall the city’s roads and drainage systems enter a state of collapse, and this is just an indication of what may happen in the future. During rainy periods a large proportion of the city is subject to flooding, whether from sea water, high tides, or swollen rivers. Despite these geophysical and ecological factors, human actions played a decisive role in forming the city’s characteristics. In the evolution of the city, the pattern of development and building in middle-class districts privileged economic aspects to the detriment of environmental factors. This whole process of land use and occupation and the property boom has increased runoff because of paved and built up areas reducing natural drainage. Recife’s high level of inequality can be seen in the many favelas that form part of its urban fabric. Such settlements doubled between 1975 and 1990, when they made up 15% of the urban land area and 26% of the built-up area, containing around 56% of the city’s dwellings. (Souza, 1990 quoted in Souza, 2007). These photos (Figures 1 and 2) show situations where the high level of social inequality in Brazilian society is manifested in environmental standards and quality of life. Figure 1. Morro da Conceição Figure 2. Houses on stilts (palafitas) on the banks of the Capibaribe River Reflecting on the way of life of these communities, their capacity to cope with difficulties and survive the multiple fragmentation of the urban and socioeconomic space within which they live is indeed remarkable. They draw on their ingenuity, social resources and creativity to adapt and survive, both as individuals and on a group level, developing forms of solidarity in response to difficulties and threats. While we wish to be careful to avoid presenting a romanticised view of the favelas, because “It would be madness to replace one distortion – that favelas are places of crime, sickness and despair – with its opposite: that they can safely be left to their own 56 VULNERABILITIES AND RESILIENCE OF COMMUNITIES LIVING IN CIRCUMSTANCES OF RISK devices.” (Seabrook, quoted in Davis, 2006), nonetheless, we understand the great potential richness of the way of life in such low-income settlements, particularly as regards their capacity to overcome adversities; and this is closely linked to resilience. Theoretical basis The informal character of life in spontaneous settlements is often sustained by a delicate web of relations that arise from proximity, everyday life and forms of adaptation that may not always be easy. (Alcântara et al., 2012). Many authors see solidarity as fundamental to dealing with everday stress as well as crises and disasters. Alcântara (2011) argues that solidarity and mutual help are resources available to low-income residents to deal with scarcity, the problems and daily difficulties of living in these localities and the limitations and failings of public policy. Brand apud Perlman (2007) also has the view of favelas as models of community solidarity and mutual support. Barbosa (2010) investigates solidarity, seeing religion as a factor motivating solidarity in two groups of female volunteers who served as community mental health agents. Lomnitz (1994) shows the effectiveness of exchange and reciprocity in Mexico’s “barriadas” in relation to economic insecurity, on a basis of trust, equality in adversity, and the physical proximity of dwellings. Boaventura de Souza Santos emphasises mutual recognition and self-help networks within kinship links in Portugal (Santos B., 1993 apud Portugal 2008). Self-help networks and the sense of community are sources of satisfaction for slum residents, according to Seeley (1959) and Fried & Gleicher (1961). Perlman (2007, p. 5) perceives favelas as “vibrant communities of migrants who had risked everything to come to the city and were willing to sacrifice themselves to provide more opportunities for their children”. Our own experience of favelas and spontaneous settlements over more than 30 years leads us to share the vision of these authors, in contrast to the view of the favela as a stigma and a problem, an agglomeration of pathologies or an inevitable calamity. This was log the vision of government and the dominant elites, and in some cases still is, as noted by Perlman (1977, p.42-44). We argue that the characteristics of the population of low-income settlements – the risks they take to survive, and their networks of solidarity and self-help – favour the development of capacities (Sen, 2000) and abilities that can contribute to their resilience. In a study of the social vulnerability of young people, Bomfim et al. note the complexity of social vulnerability, meaning that it should not be understood in a simplistic way in terms of poverty, income etc. but “as a phenomenon that does not restrict people’s opportunities and lead to the reproduction of the status quo, but one that can produce resistant forms and alternatives manners of coping and leading personal and community life.”(2012, p. 172). The concept of resilience is used in contexts ranging from engineering and ecology to the social sciences, but it is always understood as a process; in the case of disasters, the right psychosocial, cultural and environmental conditions can allow individuals, EDINÉA ALCÂNTARA, RUBENILDA ROSINHA BARBOSA, FÁTIMA FURTADO, ALICE LANCELLOTTI 57 groups and communities to develop ways of resisting and overcoming such adversity, actually making them stronger as a result. It can be applied both at the level of the individual and the community. Grotberg (2005) made a synthesis of the basis of individual resilience, indicating some resilient factors by the sentences: “I have” (support), people I can rely on; “I am” (development of intrapsychic strength), being loved, loving and respecting others, taking responsibility for one’s own actions and confidence in the future; “I can” (acquiring interpersonal skills and conflict resolution), facing problems and finding support from others. Resilient conduct means preparing for, living with and learning from adverse experiences. Melillo (2005), drawing on a study by Kotliarenco (1997), summarises the characteristics of the resilient individual as follows: skill, adaptability, low susceptibility, positive affect, capacity, resistance to destruction, positive key behaviours, special temperament and cognitive skills. For Melillo, “resilience depends on certain qualities of the interactive process between the subject and other human beings; this process is responsible for constructing the human psychic system” (Melillo, 2005, p.61). Froma Walsh (1998), quoted in Ravazzola (2005, p. 81), emphasises the need for social relations to be permeated by certain practices that reinforce the qualities present in social subjects: 1. attitudes that show emotional support; 2. dialogue to agree on rewards and sanctions; 3. conversations that allow the formation of shared meanings in relation to the harmful events, with narrative coherence and with a dignifying meaning for the protagonists. Turning to community resilience, Ojeda (2005, p. 50-3) identifies some of its key elements: 1. collective self-esteem, that is, an attitude of pride in the place where the community lives; 2. cultural identity leading to the group’s adoption of customs, values, idiomatic expressions, dances, songs, etc. as defining elements; 3. social humour, that is, the ability to see the “comedy in one’s own tragedy”; 4. collective honesty, that is, the decent and transparent exercise of public functions. Ojeda also mentions the “capacity to produce authentic, participatory leaders, effective democracy in decisionmaking, and the ‘inclusiveness’ of a [wider] society without discrimination” (p. 53). The empirical findings of the present study showed the importance of such leaders in disaster prevention, response and recovery. Adger (2000) defines community resilience as the ability of communities to absorb external shocks within their social infrastructure. Norris et al. (2008) cite the definitions given by several different authors: Brown (1996/97) defines it as “the ability to overcome adversity or a continually stressful life, or easily adjust to them”; Ganor (2003) describes resilience as “the ability of individuals and communities to cope with a state of continual stress over the long term; the ability to draw on unknown inward strengths and resources to deal effectively with such difficulties.” (Norris et al., 2008, p. 129). They conclude that resilience is a process bringing together a set of adaptive capacities to create a positive trajectory of functioning and adaptation after a disturbance. 58 VULNERABILITIES AND RESILIENCE OF COMMUNITIES LIVING IN CIRCUMSTANCES OF RISK Resilient communities, then, would be capable of finding effective ways to deal with challenges that arise, including disasters. This point is important because the affected populations are precisely those showing the greatest socio-environmental vulnerability, understood as both social vulnerability and physical vulnerability (the house and the surrounding environment). Because of their relatively more insecure housing, many in these groups live with the frequent risk of flooding or landslides at times of heavy rainfall. As this pattern worsens, the need for public policy to strengthen community resilience grows greater. Godschalk (2003, p. 137) argues that “traditional hazard mitigation programs have focused on making physical systems resistant to disaster forces. However, future mitigation programs must also focus on teaching the city’s social communities and institutions to reduce hazard risks and respond effectively to disasters, because they will be the ones most responsible for building ultimate urban resilience.” In the author’s view, a “resilient city is a sustainable network of physical systems and human communities. Physical systems are the constructed and natural environmental components of the city. […] the physical systems act as the body of the city, its bones, arteries, and muscles. [...] Human communities are the social and institutional components of the city. They [...] act as the brain of the city, directing its activities, responding to its needs, and learning from its experience.” Whereas most studies of resilient cities have emphasised the production of resilient physical systems, the author argues that resilient communities are also essential to urban resilience. A longitudinal study carried out by George Vsillant e Timothy Davis (2000, quoted in Grotberg, 2005, p. 18) shows that there is no connection between socioeconomic level and resilience, nor between intelligence and resilience or social class and resilience. Humour is an important aspect of resilience, perhaps especially in Brazilian culture, where it can play a large role in creativity and overcoming adversity. Rodriguez (2005) describes the importance of humour for resilience as a “powerful resource, essential for sustaining subjectivity, social ties and collective identity, that helps strengthen resilience through its function of resisting adversity” (p. 137) Though the relation is indirect, Rodriguez considers that because the sense of humour favours novel points of view that open up “new lines of action, it should be considered as an indicator of the capacity for resilience” (Rodriguez, 2005, p. 138). Melillo (2005, p. 68) provides the psychological basis for considering humour a key element of resilience, because as well as facilitating changed perceptions of a situation, it may alter the behaviour of the individual in a liberating, comical or creative moment; the link between humour and creativity is well known. Melillo quotes Freud’s essay (1927, p. 162) on humour: “the essence of humour is that one spares oneself the affects to which the situation would naturally give rise and dismisses the possibility of such expressions of emotion with a jest”. Melillo goes on to argue (p. 69) that humour “is the best possible defence against suffering; rather than leading the spirit to resignation, it favours its health. Something painful may thus be turned into a EDINÉA ALCÂNTARA, RUBENILDA ROSINHA BARBOSA, FÁTIMA FURTADO, ALICE LANCELLOTTI 59 source of pleasure.” Humour can also help “recover self-esteem” (ibid.). Furthermore (p. 69-70), humour is linked to creativity (another pillar of resilience), whose origins lie in the playfulness of children. A child when it plays reorganises reality and the world at its whim; in this way, it masters its fears. The adult’s capacity to create and also to deal with new, painful situations has its roots in the same process. Humour is a way of responding playfully to fateful situations. Nonetheless, Rodriguez warns that there is no direct link between humour and resilient behaviour that would actually change the adverse situation. Humour offers a change of perspective without guaranteeing that the person who responds with humour will be able to do anything effective. However, humour may be indirectly associated with other characteristics such as intelligence or creativity that, in her view, are linked to resilience (Rodriguez, 2005, p. 138). The element of humour in Brazilian society as a response to adversity needs to be studied more; it does seem to help people look for solutions despite the difficulties they face; even those who have lost almost all they possess hold out the hope of a future with better psychosocial conditions, and are prepared to fight for it. Another characteristic of Brazilian culture is optimism. Perlman’s longitudinal study (2007) of the favelas of Rio de Janeiro was carried out in the 1960s and then over 30 years later when she returned to reinterview some of the subjects of the original study, their children, grandchildren, and other residents, and one thing it noted was “the optimism that prevails despite all” (p. 2). Optimism can be a source of support in facing everyday stress as well as extreme situations. Methodology An exploratory study to investigate how people who lives in areas suitable to flood and landslides deal with these situations of risk provided evidence of critical high-risk situations where the combination of public and, above all, community action brought about positive results. We adopted a mixed methodology that involved: i. Consulting the City Council on possible locations for the study ii. Visiting five suggested sites – areas at risk of landslides and flooding where there were signs of the population taking the initiative and mobilising to face risk situations iii. Beco do Óleo and UR-12 were chosen as emblematic of extreme conditions both in terms of disaster risk and the initiative taken by leaders and residents to face adversity iv . Further visits and open, exploratory conversations with community leaders v. Two guided focus groups were conducted with a view to understanding the basis of community resilience in vulnerable areas and identifying the mechanisms for coping with the landslides faced by UR-12 and overcoming their 60 VULNERABILITIES AND RESILIENCE OF COMMUNITIES LIVING IN CIRCUMSTANCES OF RISK consequences, also after the flooding in Beco de Óleo, with housing on the riverbanks vi. Table 1 shows the means adopted to identify the evidence of resilient factors; vii. The profile of participants in the two focus groups was of people who had been more directly involved in the flooding or landslides at each site viii. Selection was both on the basis of invitation by the community leaders and the snowball technique, where one person invites someone else they know; some participants also just happened to be there at the time ix. The focus group at UR-12 included 7 residents (3 women and 4 men) all over 50 years old x. The focus group at Beco do Óleo included 5 residents (four women and one man all over 30) as well as four girls aged between 10 and 12; two of the adults were community leaders studying law and social work, respectively. Individual socioeconomic profiling of the participants was not possible, because we decided to start the focus groups straight away and at the end people were in a hurry to leave; in future, it would be best to do this brief check first. In any case, this was an exploratory study to identify mechanisms of coping with crisis. The first community, Beco do Óleo, located on the banks of the Capibaribe river, is subject to seasonal flooding every year, and residents suffer the effects of this precarious situation on a daily basis, including pollution arising from untreated sewage. The lack of basic facilities such as sanitation, health, education, security and leisure combine with the structural fragility of the houses – most built of waste cardboard and wood – to put the lives of inhabitants at risk. In the second, UR-12, a landslide in April 2012 destroyed 5 houses, and people would have died if the response of civil defence and the community leaders and the residents themselves had not been fast enough. These two communities are typical examples of spontaneous settlements exposed to disasters and ongoing risk situations common in Recife and other Brazilian cities, and they also show the prerequisites for the types of mobilisation and community organisation being investigated. The results will feed into the ongoing research project “Urban resilience of coastal cities: a resource to meet the challenge of climate change” and part of the post-doctorate of one of the authors. EDINÉA ALCÂNTARA, RUBENILDA ROSINHA BARBOSA, FÁTIMA FURTADO, ALICE LANCELLOTTI 67 your own family at the same time. [...] When you see someone suffering, just stop, everything that you have, because the best thing in the world is if you can think “My God, I did something for someone”, because it’s really bad to suffer with no-one to help you” (female leader 1, BO). Readiness to learn new things and overcome one’s own fears and limitations are among the benefits of the work of the community leaders. This openness to new things, and to learning from others, makes them stronger, and these are attributes that foster resilience. This declaration shows the potential for solidarity in these communities, as well as the pleasure given by helping others and being useful in a moment of crisis, as observed by Alcântara (2011). This resource comes to the fore in moments of crisis and disaster such as those in the Serrana Region of Rio de Janeiro and the Zona as Mata Sul in Pernambuco (Alcântara et al., 2012a). “The friendships we make are really good, thank God, living with you means building something. That’s how we achieve things. These friendships mean knowledge, because every day we learn from each other, we’re starting, I learn more and more from people every day. And we have some friends where we say to each other “we are each other’s strength”, first God and then the people who are with us. After I went into the OP (Participatory Budget), going to the meetings and talks, they asked us to talk about the community, in front of an audience, there were foreigners there, people from the university, we were scared out of our wits, but it’s something you really learn from, it’s an experience, building something, I was there, we did it, but I didn’t go just to say “I went”, I went to learn, because it’s very good to learn things, to build something, and then other people want to hear about our story, and we can talk a bit about where we have come from.” (female leader 1, BO) Being a leader makes them stronger, gives them the confidence to speak in public, and to tell their stories. The entire process of creating and strengthening leadership empowers them and increases their self-esteem by overcoming theor limitations, shyness or insecurity. This increased self-esteem ends up spreading out into the community itself, leading to spontaneous initiatives to recover from and overcome the disaster. Though three female leaders in the focus groups demonstrated resilient characteristics, some of the other participants did show a degree of apathy. This led us to conclude that the potential for resilience in the communities studied remains fragile, and depends on the commitment and leadership of individual members of the community; this accords with the findings of Ojeda (2005). However, there is also a need for studies in areas with a longer history of struggle and community organisation. Preliminary Conclusions First, of the two types of disasters in the studies, there is a tendency for civil defence to pay more attention to landslides than flooding, because in the former case, though there are fewer incidents, the number of fatalities is greater. 68 VULNERABILITIES AND RESILIENCE OF COMMUNITIES LIVING IN CIRCUMSTANCES OF RISK Another finding is that greater integration and better communication between the population and their leader, and between the leaders and civil defence, can prevent disasters, as we identified at UR-12. It appears, corroborating the work of Ojeda (2005), that community leaders play a fundamental role in coping with day-to-day problems as well as in more critical situations when landslides or flooding occur. The presence of dedicated and resilient community leaders may contribute decisively to coping with disasters. This means the community resilience of the localities analysed is fragile because it is highly dependent on the individual resilience of the community leaders themselves. While the readiness of outside agencies and local government to provide support and resources is an influential variable, the persistence of community leaders in communicating their needs and insisting on the fulfillment of what has been promised, or respect for the basic rights of residents, is essential regardless of the degree of external commitment. Some communities, trying to make their situation sustainable, pursue alternative approaches. When facing disasters, these communities have taken clear independent steps to promote solidarity, reduce human losses, support those affected and overcome traumas and difficulties in the wake of the disaster. Solidarity with the suffering of others was also seen in both communities. Resilience is also seen when they seek help, whether from the community itself or from public institutions. One aspect that fits in with the experience of the authors and observed by Janice Perlman (2010), Rodriguez (2005) and Ojeda (2005) seen in many other communities facing disasters, crises and day-to-day stress was humour as a resource to overcome adversity and build resilience. The interview subjects and focus group participants showed a great deal of cheerfulness, despite their suffering and the difficulties they face. Humour alone may well not be enough to promote resilience unless it is associated with creativity in finding solutions to cope with the conditions of scarcity and risk the communities face. Although we were often surprised to find people in situations of extraordinary social vulnerability who were nonetheless able to face their circumstances cheerfully, the results of this study are not in themselves sufficient to affirm that the humour of the focus group participants contributed to their resilience. It may seem that this is particularly a characteristic of Brazilian culture: playfulness, laughing at one’s own fate, and such attitudes might well play a significant role in developing resilience. Optimism and religion also figured among the characteristics seen in the exploratory focus groups, and they are mentioned by Perlman (2010), Ravazolla (2005), Ojeda (2005) and Barbosa (2012). However, more studies are needed to investigate the relevance of these characteristics to resilience and the role played by such attitudes in helping low-income populations to live with recurrent adversity. It is frequently the case that they make use of the little they do possess to overcome their misfortunes, seeking to mitigate their suffering by resignifying situations, whether it is through humour, through religious faith, or in hope of finding and fighting for a better future. In-depth interviews and life history ac- EDINÉA ALCÂNTARA, RUBENILDA ROSINHA BARBOSA, FÁTIMA FURTADO, ALICE LANCELLOTTI 69 counts are a promising avenue to understand these phenomena better, and especially their relation to resilience. Though they may live in vulnerable situations with high risk exposure, some communities develop resilient behaviours in response to repeated disasters, as well as more minor and localised incidents, but this resilience is still dependent on the individual resilience of the leaders and on the existence of committed community leaders. We would like to pass on a message given to us by a leader in UR-12 to underline the commitment we researchers owe to this population: “I’d just like to ask if you could help us, and talk about our complaints, about the stuff we were supposed to receive and we have to go after it, and now the university is with us, I think that’s really important, because it is important for academics to focus on the community and tell people about what they have seen, because they are educated, someone who has studied knows more than we do” (female leader, UR 12). To conclude, we would like to quote Perlman (2010, preface XXIII), who perceived the richness of favela life: Favela is life, favela is love. Favela is freedom, friendship and feijoada. Favela is people persevering. It is laughter and tears, life and death – only a hair’s-breadth apart. It is a place where the unexpected is expected and spontaneity is the norm. It is not all pain, poverty, and passivity. It is people living their lives amid a civil war. People who would prefer to work and to study. People trying to be recognized as people by other people. For whom they are invisible and inconsequential. Acknowledgements To the Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico-“National Counsel of Technological and Scientific Development” (CNPq), and to the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES), and to the Fundação de Amparo à Ciência e Tecnologia do Estado de Pernambuco (FACEPE), and to the PróReitoria para Assuntos de Pesquisa e Pós-graduação (PROPESQ), and to the Programa de Pós Graduação em Desenvolvimento Urbano (MDU), and to the Departamento de Arquitetura e Urbanismo (DAU), of the Universidade Federal de Pernambuco (UFPE) for supporting the development of the research on which this article is based. 70 VULNERABILITIES AND RESILIENCE OF COMMUNITIES LIVING IN CIRCUMSTANCES OF RISK References Adger, W. 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ABDUL SAMAD HADI, SHAHARUDIN IDRUS, ABDUL HADI HARMAN SHAH, AHMAD FARIZ MOHAMED & MOHD RAFFI OTHMAN 73 6 OPPORTUNITIES FOR SECURITY GOVERNANCE IN THE FACE OF LOCAL SAFETY CRISIS IN CITIES Abdul Samad Hadi, Shaharudin Idrus, Abdul Hadi Harman Shah, Ahmad Fariz Mohamed & Mohd Raffi Othman Abdul Samad Hadi1, Shaharudin Idrus1, Abdul Hadi Harman Shah1, Ahmad Fariz Mohamed1 & Mohd Raffi Othman2 1Institute for Environment and Development (LESTARI) Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) Bangi, MALAYSIA 2Seremban Municipal Council, Seremban Negeri Sembilan, MALAYSIA OPPORTUNITIES FOR SECURITY GOVERNANCE IN THE FACE OF LOCAL SAFETY CRISIS IN CITIES Abdul Samad Hadi1, Shaharudin Idrus1, Abdul Hadi Harman Shah1, Ahmad Fariz Mohamed1 & Mohd Raffi Othman2 1 I nstitute for Environment and Development (LESTARI). Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM). Bangi, MALAYSIA 2 Seremban Municipal Council, Seremban. Negeri Sembilan, MALAYSIA Abstract This study looks into the opportunities for local security governance in the face of rising safety problems, taking a housing neighborhood watch group who takes to policing its own area. The rapid growth experienced by Malaysia’s cities in recent years have had the negative side effect of increased neighborhood crime, and hence sense of insecurity amongst the residents is widely felt. Social problems are on the rise, and increasingly more places are seen as being unsafe. Schools, the workplace, streets and housing areas are seen to be unsafe for people. There is also a rising consciousness of personal and family member safety especially with respect to violence that includes snatch theft, carjacking and break-ins. This situation has resulted in the ‘seiged mentality’ of residents, visualized through the constructions of strong gates and metal-grilled houses. Data were gathered from the following sources; i. safety reports from government agencies, the police, the municipal office – responsible for city safety that will provide the background information on safety crises and actions to overcome the crises at the National, State and Municipality level; ii. neighborhood level residents actions and activities through participant-observation. The crisis has mobilized the authorities at the national, state and municipal level to deal with the safety crises. It has also provided opportunities for increased police-community cooperation, together with local government agencies ensuring increased vigilance. Safe neighborhoods need to develop a sense of belonging and place, avoiding the feeling of being marginalized for any segment of the community. Safe neighborhoods also require good and effective governance to carry out all the necessary functions expected, providing an alternate bottom up solution to traditional top down authoritative control. Keywords: neighborhood crime, siege mentality, neighborhood governance, safe city, urban crime prevention. Introduction Cities in fast growing Malaysia are now grappling with safety issues with respect to personal, family and neighborhood wellbeing, as what have troubled cities in the developed world in the past (for example Jacob 1962; Myers, Branas, & Kallan 2011 in the USA). These issues however, provide an opportunity for a local community governance initiative; bottom-up in nature but within a collaborative-partnership of state, market and society framework (its articulation below). Wealth creation that 6 74 OPPORTUNITIES FOR SECURITY GOVERNANCE IN THE FACE OF LOCAL SAFETY CRISIS IN CITIES is propelled by greater participation of the private sector through foreign direct and local investments, has put in place advanced physical as well social and cultural infrastructures which in turn contribute towards socio-economic progress and a better quality of life for the urbanites, a testimony towards attaining sustainability and modernity (Malaysia 2010; 2011). That cities all over the world are the generators of growth is equally true for cities in the Malaysian nation state. Over fifty years of Independence from British colonial administration has increased the space for Malaysia to create responsible governance that is attractive to foreign capital owners to come and to set up their branch export production industries in the main cities. Consequently, the trickle down effects can be visualized in the modern expanding cities with ultra-modern communication facilities, housing, high-end shopping complexes and excellent all weather highways connecting regions and cities. Yet, the socio-economic achievement has generated lately downside consequences, getting visible on the urban social landscape in the form of rising social problems generally petty in nature but of great nuisance to the urbanites. This paper is to achieve the following objectives, namely; first, to identify, characterize and account for the social problems in major Malaysian cities; second, to examine the existing urban governing institutions to ensure safety of the urbanites; and third, taking a case study to illustrate the opportunity for security governance in which a local community representing an housing neighborhood responds to the need to protect their houses and family members from safety crises perpetrated by bad-hats. Ccity safety crises and governance: a view from the community in Malaysia Crises in city safety in Malaysia can be better understood in the state-market and society framework-narrowed down to the administrative hierarchy in the country and its relation to market activities and social empowerment to pursue useful activities for their wellbeing (Abdul Rahman Embong 2000; Abdul Rahman Embong 2007; Azizah Kasim 2011). From Figure 1, the state-market and society administrative framework will provide the umbrella for the meaningful functioning of the local initiative. This means that the local initiative since Independence in 1957 from British colonial administration the Malaysian nation-state has been sustaining the developmental state paradigm, in which the state takes the lead in promoting development by formulating market friendly policies. Though selective at first, over the last fifty years the Malaysian policy makers have gradually liberalized its market policies, allowing for easier global trade and capital flows especially in the form of direct foreign investment and also wider participations of local capital in industrial activities for local consumption and export. Over those years the fragmented market or better described as dualistic market - the modern and the traditional (Malaya 1956; Malaysia 1966) has evolved into a modern one, capable of wider participation in the globalized market. The New Economic Policy with the aims to eradicate poverty and to restructure the Malaysian society such that no one ethnic group will be identified by its core economic activities (Malaysia 1971) becomes the tipping point in achieving wide spread equity in the society, hence promoting greater participation in the global market; Malaysia gradually ABDUL SAMAD HADI, SHAHARUDIN IDRUS, ABDUL HADI HARMAN SHAH, AHMAD FARIZ MOHAMED & MOHD RAFFI OTHMAN 75 liberalizes its economy further. The nation state enjoys a relatively peaceful existence despite the terrorist activities from the British Administration era till the 1980. Figure 1. State, Market and Society Framework for Governing Local Safety Crises in a Local Community in Malaysia The pursuit of industrialism funded by foreign direct investment and local ones have made wealth accumulation possible to pay for the widespread social development projects, including new urban housings, health, more importantly education, modern transportation infrastructures, physical infrastructures and recreational facilities befitting the continuously improved quality of life among the urbanites. As the manufacturing, small and medium industries are located in urban areas, especially in the major townships and cities, the embodiment of Glaeser’s ‘triumph city’ (Glaeser 2011) is seen in Malaysia. Indeed the triumph of city in continuously attracting more people by the day to come and make the city their homes is there for all to witness. By 2012 the Malaysian Census estimated that 72.2 percent of Malaysians are urban. By 2013 Malaysia has also reported to have reduced the absolute poverty group to less than three percent (Malaysia 2011; 2013) of the total population. Cities in Malaysia are no stranger to safetysecurity problems. Relatively young in age, less than 150 years, the cities grew from urban centres founded by the British intervention and administration of Malaya then, initially peopled mainly by the local Malays straddled in villages 76 OPPORTUNITIES FOR SECURITY GOVERNANCE IN THE FACE OF LOCAL SAFETY CRISIS IN CITIES (kampung) close to the city centre and the periphery, and Chinese migrant workers in tin mining areas (Khoo Kay Kim 1972) and Indians migrants in public works. The migrants at the time, especially the Chinese in the tin mining area were organized into two separate and exclusive associations perpetrating rival gang clashes. Social problems have been making their presence in the Malaysian social landscape all along but have tended to assume more visibility in the last two decades especially in the aftermath of the Asian currency meltdown in 1998 that affected Malaysia badly (Malaysia 2000). But all problems were under control. Malaysia is still safe for all including the visitors. Rising problem in city safety in Malaysia has a wider implication on human security in the Malaysian nation-state. Human security became the central point in the UNDP’s approach to development in the 1990’s and still relevant for developing nation-states including Malaysia (UNDP 2010). Although human security is widely used to refer to security of a country it embraces much more. In this respect, the concept can be adapted to conditions within Malaysia or even a local area, narrating about security of livelihood, employment, food, health, education and accessibility to basic amenities and resources. In the midst of the continuing growth and improved quality of the citizen’s life Malaysia has to grapple with rising safety problems, at first involving petty disturbances of houses in housing neighborhoods but as time moves on people in housing areas have been gripped with fear of house break-ins, robbery, snatch thefts, and others. Lately, since December 2012 Malaysia was awakened by arm intrusion from Southern Philippines into Sabah, Malaysia eastern most state, and since March 2013 murder crimes using fire arms had added serious notes to the safety issues (New Strait Times June, 20, 2013). Findings from research on city safety are slowly increasing in Malaysia. Mohammad Abdul Mohit, Hanan Mohamed Hassan Elsawahli (2010) for example, examined crime in a terrace housing in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. They found that a majority of the crime reported by the residents are petty, shoe stealing and iron cover for drainage in front of house, with women’s hand bags snatching on open streets as the dominant fear. Further, the perceived danger is found to be more dominant than the actual crimes. The residents have taken to add iron grill to mop up security of windows and doors of their houses. The step taken helps to reduce incidences of petty thefts and slowly overcoming fear. The authors found also that their houses are safe but not the neighbourhood. So they suggested among others surveillance, full illumination of houses, modifications of entrance to houses. A related study by Aris-Anuar et al (2011) examined among others, the effectiveness of the Safe City Programe for urban tourism taking Putrajaya, the administrative capital of Malaysia as a case study. Through questionnaires interview of sampled respondents they found that most the respondents crime find the prevention steps taken to ensure people’s safety in Putrajaya are just satisfactory. Almost three-quarter of the respondents strongly believed on the importance of Closed Circuit Television (CCTV) usage to ensure their safety in Putrajaya. In addition crime prevention steps such as safety education and providing of a community’s crime booklet are less important to ABDUL SAMAD HADI, SHAHARUDIN IDRUS, ABDUL HADI HARMAN SHAH, AHMAD FARIZ MOHAMED & MOHD RAFFI OTHMAN 83 Governance framework for the study From the literature on governance for sustainability (Hemmati M. et al 2002; Ayre and Calway 2005; Ansell, C & Gash, A. 2007), we forward a governance framework based on the governing practices of Malaysia to locate the security issues of the local residents (Figure 1). Situated within the parliamentary democracy, the governance opportunity to arrest the local neighborhood security problems is set within the three tiers of power relations and the people in the local neighborhood have easy access to the policy makers and implementers in the second and third tier. The local initiatives in containing and hence overcoming the security are self motivated, bottom-up in approach. Once established the local group is linked to the three governing tiers that ensure support and legal protection. It is noted that poverty was not an issue as the residents were fully employed in public and private places. Pensioners had their pensions on time. Those in selfemployment earned reasonable amount monthly to enable them maintain reasonable quality of life. That all of the residents owned a house each, irrespective of housing types ensured that all of them were happy with their present level of life. The residents with growing children however, narrated possible problems in the coming years about their children getting a job, seeing that the global economy especially in the advanced countries which are markets for Malaysian products are slowing down in the last decade. Governing and levels of response Governance responses to the social situation in the city are summarized below. Actions being organized and the mobilized by the community in the neighborhood are located within the broader existing three administrative levels. Three Levels of Response The First LevelThe Federal Government Level City security is placed under the Department of Race Relations in the Prime Minister’s Department of Malaysia with offices at the State and the city levels. That after more than 56 years of Independence Malaysia still grapples with nation building to create an integrated Malaysians from the multi-ethnic inherited from the colonial history is much acknowledged. Atkinson and Flint (2004) defined gated communities as walled and gated residential developments that restrict public access. The authors also identified that residents in gated community belong to a management body or similar regulatory body through which decisions are made regarding the regulation of the community and the maintenance of shared spaces, such as the roads and shared interest such as fee for guard services and other basic infrastructures. 84 OPPORTUNITIES FOR SECURITY GOVERNANCE IN THE FACE OF LOCAL SAFETY CRISIS IN CITIES The Second Level and the Third Level The state level administration extends the Federal policies with respects of security and safety to its agencies, especially the municipal administration. Information gathered from the Municipal Council in Seremban informs us that the Municipal administration has implemented aspects of the guide lines on safety city initiatives. Not only more street lighting have been put in place, CCTV in areas recognised as somewhat crime prone, and more frequent police petrol of vulnerable areas were carried out. More importantly Friends of the Police were formed among the communities. The planning section of the Municipal council has also taken steps to erect plant and iron barriers to separate pedestrians from the main roads and streets. The Department of Town and Country Planning in Malaysia has formulated “Gated Community and Guarded Neighborhood Planning Guidelines in 2010. Guarded Community (GC) defined as a group of residents living in a fenced, guarded area. These areas can be either high-rise property such as apartment, condominium and town house or on landed properties such bungalow, terrace or detached houses. It is aligned with the provision of section 6 (1A) of the Malaysian Strata Title Act 1985 (Act 318). In Malaysia, gated and guarded community is commonly known as a group of residents or community who reside in landed properties with Strata Titles. The guideline also explains that guarded neighbourhood referring to a residential area controlled in whole or in part of the existing housing or new land holdings with individual land titles. The schemes also provide security services. It is stipulated that any physical barriers of access to the public streets are illegal and the restriction of entry and exit to the residents and public also prohibited. These mean that gated schemes must not have physical barriers on public streets and not enforce any entry and exit restrictions to the residents and the public. Guarded community should not hinder the access of vehicles, as local authorities have the right to enter such housing areas at any time of the day. The guidelines also defines gated community as an enclave disclosing development with security services with or without a guard house or has physical barriers (The Federal Town and Country Planning Department 2010). The neighborhood community is not in any regulation but it is an agreement among the community to form a guarded community for safety and security purposes. According to the Strata Title Act 1985 (Act 318), the land owners in a subdivided land and building, own the scheduled parcel alone. All other items and facilities are termed as common properties if they are not surrendered to local authority. The market response to the rising safety problem in its own way. Housing developers have come forward with the gated community development in Malaysia. More high density expensive condominiums have been developed, offering attractive secured homes, guarded from criminal intrusions. Security firms meanwhile offer security guards to man temporary gates, 24 hours. Local response at the level of housing neighborhood is given a more detailed attention below. ABDUL SAMAD HADI, SHAHARUDIN IDRUS, ABDUL HADI HARMAN SHAH, AHMAD FARIZ MOHAMED & MOHD RAFFI OTHMAN 85 Within the governing structure of Malaysia the neighbourhood residents themselves came together to form the Neighbourhood Watch Group; This Group is a bottom-up initiative to strategies ways to protect their families, properties and the neighbourhood against unwelcomed intrusions from non-invited outsiders to create disturbances in the form captured in Figure 3 earlier. Within three years the residents’ voluntary actions have managed to turn the nagging security problems into new opportunities for collaborative work. The ‘siege mentality syndrome’ is rid off, bringing calm and ‘life as usual’ as the situation before the unwanted local security problems threatening their serene local life. The opportunities arising from the security problems revolve around the building of a stronger bond of friendship among the residents who, as stated earlier came from many places to own houses in the neighbourhood. ’Know they neighbour’ becomes the new re-embedding cultural norm as usually the practice among the traditional village community from which the majority originated. The immediate strategy of the residents was to organize neighbourhood watch group. Concerned individuals in the neighbourhood area called for a meeting in a green open space. Anundertaking was made to start the Neighbourhood Watch nightly, seven days a week. Initially 10 volunteers would assembled at a base, two elderly persons to man the base, while the other eight were split into three smaller groups to make the rounds, complete with torch lights, batons and the Neighbourhood Watch Group vest, from 2am to 5am - the time when thief’s and the bad hats operated in past months. Within a couple of months the residents could feel the general aura of safety returning to normal. In 2011, the Night Watch was intensified, with one group of six the 11 pm to 2 am watch and another group taking over from 2 am to 5 am, to send the message to potential trouble makers that they are being watched should they enter the neighbourhood. By the first six months of 2013, the Night Watch was reduced to three nights per weeks, during the weekends and on Tuesday night, basically to send the message to intruders from outside the area that the Neighbourhood Watch was alive and very much aware about the in and out movements of people in the neighbourhood. The number people of on duty was reduced to 5 volunteers at any one time, from 12.05 to 3 am. The immediate task of the women wing of the neighbourhood residents was to organize the women and children to support the main stream (the Night Watch) activities run by the men to ensure the neighbourhood’s general welfare. Numerous so-called ‘down-stream initiatives were mapped and executed stage by stage. From knowing thy neighbor action to organizing visits to other places in the country. In between more activities were put into action to foster closer interactions between elderly people using the common religious platform, young and youth activities at footsal, ‘kompang’ troupe (a traditional band music) that can be hired at a small fee for local social functions in and outside the neighbourhood. More importantly, the initiatives by the women wing have brought the residents together, as witnessed at neighbourhood functions. 86 OPPORTUNITIES FOR SECURITY GOVERNANCE IN THE FACE OF LOCAL SAFETY CRISIS IN CITIES Overall, ‘not all glitters are gold’ so goes the saying; there are few residents remained aloof at the margins even though they subscribed and supported the very idea of initiatives that went to maintaining order and bringing serenity back to the neighbourhoods. The residents of the neighbourhood averted the idea of installing guards for the reason that the housing area has too many open streets (7 streets and two main roads) to install barriers with guards. Not only that such barriers would bring a lot of inconvenience to in and out movements for school children, working people and valid visitors the setting up of barriers and hiring of guards would entail costs that will burden the majority of retired households. Concluding remarks From the discussion above it becomes clear that externally generated problem in the form of personal, family and neighbourhood safety has provided the catalyst for the coming together of the residents at first to flush the social ills befallen the housing area; ‘One is to one’s own ‘adage summarizes the state of malaise in the socializing of residents in the area. The initiatives later on lead to the re-embedding of the traditional cultural norms of Malaysians. What policy implications can be drawn from the study? That a collaborative initiative between all relevant stakeholders can initiate and then lead to a more close and meaningful social interactions in a neighbourhood, a housing area that has assembled residents from diverse areas before settling and owning a house in the study area. The residents are empowered to initiate and work for relevant solutions to their social problems. The state, market and society at large offer a useful framework of power structure in which residents association in a neighbourhood can work out their own local solutions. The local residents have choices to resolve the security issues in the residential area. Acknowledgement We would like to thank Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia for the Fundamental Grant (Code:UKM-XX-05-FRGS0001-2006), Research University Grant (UKMOUP-ASPL-6/2007), and Exploring Concept of Housing Metabolism in Urban Neighbourhood (UKM-XX-05-FRGS0084-2010); Potential HiCOE Grants – xx03-2012, xx-04-2012; and the Ministry of Higher Education, Malaysia. We would also like to thank the Seremban Municipality Council (MPS), especially the Yang DiPertua, Director of Department of Planning, Hj Lokman Omar; and the Institute for Environment and Development (LESTARI), Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) for their help. ABDUL SAMAD HADI, SHAHARUDIN IDRUS, ABDUL HADI HARMAN SHAH, AHMAD FARIZ MOHAMED & MOHD RAFFI OTHMAN 87 References Abdul Rahman Embong (Eds). (2000). Negara Pasaran dan Pemodenan Malaysia. Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Abdul Rahman Embong. (2007). Development and Wellbeing. Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Ansell, C & Gash, A. (2007). 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Kuala Lumpur: Ministry of Housing and Local Government. UNDP. (2010). Human Development Report 2010. A Real Wealth of Nations: A Pathway to Human Development. United Nations Development Program. SARA MANCA & FERDINANDO FORNARA 89 7 PERCEIVED SAFETY, COMFORT, AND SATISFACTION RELATED TO THE STADIUM EXPERIENCE Sara Manca & Ferdinando Fornara Sara Manca* & Ferdinando Fornara^° *Sapienza University of Rome, Department of Psychology of Developmental and Socialization Processes ^University of Cagliari, Department of Education, Psychology, Philosophy °CIRPA (Interuniversity Research Center in Environmental Psychology) PERCEIVED SAFETY, COMFORT, AND SATISFACTION RELATED TO THE STADIUM EXPERIENCE Sara Manca Sapienza University of Rome, Italy. Ferdinando Fornara University of Cagliari, Italy Abstract Football grounds are settings which often attract masses of people all over the world, thus arising safety and security issues to be adequately managed. Nevertheless, for this kind of places the influence of design features on occupants’ attitudes and behaviours is yet substantially understudied. More specifically, design features of football grounds are supposed to influence users’ perception of personal safety, comfort, and general satisfaction toward the stadium experience. In order to investigate the relationship between the spatial-physical setting of football grounds and the users’ behaviours, a set of measures was developed, on the basis of PREQIs (see Bonaiuto et al., 1999), concerning the perceived quality of the stadium (in terms of architectural, social, and functional aspects) and the perception of safety. This set and other dimensions related to the football ground experience were included in a questionnaire filled in by the study participants (N=306). Results show that dimensions included in architectural, functional, and social aspects have a significant regression weight on users’ perception of safety, with particular reference to the architectural aspects. Keywords: perceived safety, confort, satisfaction, spatial setting, user’s behavior Theoretical background In recent decades fire emergencies, walls collapsing, and violent incidents have affected football grounds, highlighting issues related to the need for crowd control and to coping with special emergencies. The presence of a large number of people in a spatially limited setting like the football ground implies management and organization issues that need to be handled both for prevention (i.e., to avoid incidents) and for intervention (i.e., to act properly when an emergency occurs). The characterization of the football grounds in terms of limited access, and reduced corridors and exit doors mirrors a structural weakness which may lower the users’ level of safety and overall satisfaction. Studies carried out in the 1980s on topics related to comfort and security in football grounds (see Canter, Comber, & Uzzell, 1989) have revealed a significant relationship among the spatial-physical setting, the users’ behaviours, and their consequent perception of safety. Following a “user-centered” perspective (see Gifford, 2002), it was shown that the absence of open spaces, the limited number of security exits, and the presence of 7 90 PERCEIVED SAFETY, COMFORT, AND SATISFACTION RELATED TO THE STADIUM EXPERIENCE partition walls make the viewers feel insecure. In particular, the partition walls, which were evidently built up for separating, preserving, and protecting the occupants, can play the role of a real traps, representing one of the main limitations of modern football grounds (Canter et al., 1989). Furthermore, the clear separation through barriers among different sectors of the stadium (i.e. Curve, Grandstand, Stand) may render more salient the ingroup/outgroup belongingness (Social Identity Theory, see Tajfel, 1978), thus arising the potential conflicts between supporters and, consequently, making more likely the occurrence of violent behaviours. In this perspective, the physical space becomes a reflection of the social dynamic, mirroring a deeper psychological distance between opposing groups. As regards the specificity of the Italian football grounds, which are the context of the present research, they often date back to the early decades of the last century and present several limitations which are connected to specific structural weaknesses. In particular, they appear oversized, lack of adequate space and services, and are inappropriate in dealing with emergencies. Despite the massive number of individuals which usually attend football events in most countries of the world, thus arising issues related to people safety and comfort, the concern for the quality of the design features of the football grounds is yet substantially lacking. In fact, we need to go back to the monograph written by Canter and colleagues in the 1989 in order to find a published paper addressing the effect of football ground design on users’ responses. Unfortunately, the overall inadequacy of design features of football grounds in many countries contributes to make more difficult the management of (limited) spaces which are usually occupied by crowds of attendees. The accidents which sometimes happen in this kinds of places could be avoided whether the renewal or the creation ex-novo of football grounds follow a “user-centered” perspective. The issue of the perceived quality of design features is included in the broader framework of the assessment of environmental quality, which has received great attention within the Environmental Psychology domain. Since the seminal work of Craik and Zube (1976), various sets of indicators were conceived (and measured) in order to detect the assessment of the environmental quality of diverse environmental objects (e.g., the PEQIs - Perceived Environmental Quality Indicators: Carp & Carp, 1982; Craik & Zube, 1976) or settings (e.g., the PRQIs - Perceived Residential Quality Indicators: Amerigo & Aragones, 1997, the PREQIs - Perceived Residential Environment Quality Indicators: Bonaiuto, Aiello, Perugini, Bonnes & Ercolani, 1999, and the PHEQIs - Perceived Hospital Environment Quality Indicators: Fornara, Bonaiuto, & Bonnes, 2006). Rooting on such research line, in this paper we present a first validation of scales measuring Indicators of Perceived Environmental Quality of the Stadium (IPECS). In order to individuate the general aspects which could influence the overall perceived quality of the stadium place, we referred to the literature concerning a different SARA MANCA & FERDINANDO FORNARA 91 target place (i.e., the urban neighbourhood) but similar psychological patterns, i.e. the perceived urban residential quality (Bonaiuto & Alves, 2012) and the residential satisfaction (Canter, 1983; Amèrigo, 2002). In both cases, three main evaluative aspects were highlighted, namely spatial (i.e., architectural and planning), human or social (i.e., people and social relationships), and functional (i.e., services and facilities). A specific concern related to the stadium experience is represented by perceived safety issues, which can be related both to the fear of being assaulted and to the risk of collapses that may involve the spectators, as dramatically happened in many tragic sport-related events of the recent past (e.g., the 1985 tragedy of the Heysel Stadium in Brussels during the European Champion Cup final). About such dimension, it is to note that safety represents a distinct facet included in the list of indicators of Quality of Life (e.g., see World Health Organization - WHO, 1994; Perlaviciute & Steg, 2013). Moreover, an indicator of security is included also (connected to tolerance) in the set of social PHEQIs (Bonaiuto, Fornara, & Bonnes, 2003, 2006; Fornara, Bonaiuto, & Bonnes, 2010). Objectives The aims of this study are substantially two. The first aim is to provide a first validation of a set of tools measuring the Indicators of Perceived Environmental Quality of the Stadium (IPECS). Such aim relies on a user-centered perspective in order to figure out the relationship between the spatial-physical setting and the users’ psychological responses. The second aim is to analyze and compare the relative weight of such indicators on the users’ assessment of their stadium experience. Hypotheses H1: It is expected the extraction of reliable indicators concerning the main aspects related to the perceived environmental quality of the stadium place. H2: It is expected a significant weight of most of the indicators, covering all the aspects (i.e., architectural, social, and functional) of perceived environmental quality, on users’ perception of safety. Method Participants The study participants (N=306, 233 males and 73 females) were individuals who had a stadium experience. Two third of them (67%) had experience of the S. Elia Stadium (hosting the home-matches of the Cagliari Football Club), whilst the remaining had experience of other Italian (and English) football grounds of Premier League football clubs. 92 PERCEIVED SAFETY, COMFORT, AND SATISFACTION RELATED TO THE STADIUM EXPERIENCE The occupied sectors were respectively the Curve for the 51,3%, the Grandstand for the 7,5%, the Stand for the 39,6%, and the Guest Sector for the 1,6%. The 86,3% of the sample had a stadium experience in the last five years and, specifically, 32,4% attended the football grounds once a year, 43,8% more times a year, 3,9% once a month, and 10,8% more times a month. Age ranged from 15 to 81 years (M=35.4, SD=13.1) and the educational level of participants was Primary School for the 1,3%, Junior High School for the 24,8%, Senior High School for the 54,9%, and Graduation or Master Degree for the 18,6%. Tools and Procedure Participants filled in a self-report questionnaire including a set of scales measuring the Indicators of Perceived Environmental Quality of the Stadium (IPECS), covering the architectural, functional, and social aspects, and the Perceived Safety of the Stadium. Such scales were developed mainly on the basis of both the most recent versions of the Perceived Residential Environment Quality Indicators - PREQIs (see Bonaiuto et al., 2006; Fornara et al., 2010) used as a conceptual and procedural point of reference (PREQIs conceptual framework was also followed as a reference for the creation of tools concerning hospital environments, i.e. the PHEQIs, see Fornara et al., 2006; Andrade et al., 2012, 2013), and the outcomes of semi-structured interviews carried out with 20 individuals who used to attend football grounds. In particular, the IPECS include the following three scales. 1) Architectural aspects scale (15 items), which are represented by items on external and internal practicability, physical attributes, aesthetics, and spatial elements. 2) Functional aspects scale (15 items), which are represented by items on emergency services, reception services, and transportation. 3) Social aspects scale (8 items), which are represented by items on rules and atmosphere. Finally, a scale including 10 items on Internal and External Security scale was inserted. Responses were provided on a 7-point Likert-type scale for each item (from “totally disagree” to “totally agree”). The questionnaire included also socio-demographic indicators and other dimensions related to the football ground experience, such as frequency of participation and motivations underlying the choice of the sector. Results Principal Component Analysis and reliability analysis show interpretable factorial structures and acceptable psychometric properties for all the measures (Cronbach’s Alphas range from .84 to .77, see Table 1). 100 HEALTHY WORKERS AND HEALTHY WORKPLACES: PSYCHOSOCIAL EVALUATION IN ORGANIZATIONAL ENVIRONMENTS negative effects, and so a specific type of organization could determine how to establish more suitable shift-work schedules, and vice versa, shift-work schedule planning could affect the management of a healthy work environment. Nowadays, the concept of Quality of Work Life (QWL) is still under progressive development, because it is a complex phenomenon. A lot of perspectives influence the concept, so a wide diversity of researchers and organizations are working on the definition. Already, authors such as Nadler and Lawler (1983) showed this situation, which has not changed at this time; there is no generally accepted definition but rather a list of the main characteristics. We can note that QWL is now a multidimensional concept that must be analyzed keeping a diversity of aspects in mind, such as employment objective characteristics, specific work characteristics, and workers’ subjective evaluations (Royuela, López-Tamayo & Suriñach, 2009). In this applied research field to work environments, the term Healthy Organization (HO), in relation to Healthy Work Environments, was developed for the first time by Rosen and Berger (1991). Using this concept they tried to identify organizations that share a group of common values in order to identify a set of environmental and organizational common practices (Pulido et al., 2009). An HO is characterized by its intentional efforts, systematic and participatory, in order to maximize employees´ wellbeing and productivity, providing well designed and meaningful jobs, social and organizational support, and accessible and equitable opportunities for career development and improvements in the quality of working life (Wilson et al., 2004). Wilson et al. (2004) proposed and developed a comprehensive model to illustrate an HO; in their model they introduce six components or factors: Job Design, Organizational Climate, Job Future, Core Organizational Attributes, Psychological Work Adjustment, and Employee Health and Well-being. Gimeno et al. (2008) propose ten theoretical dimensions as a group of the most important components to help us identify an HO. This ten-dimensional model which arises as a reference in an HO includes the following factors: Job security; Equality and non-discrimination; Training and employability; Participation in work organization; Health and safety conditions; Competitive strength; Recognition and reward; Autonomy and responsibility; Identity and loyalty; Involvement and motivation. The most common types of employee behaviour in organizations, such as in the public university system, are linked to both personal and professional dimensions, and causal attributions reported by workers refer to aspects of organization and the deterioration of the work environment. Workers identified aspects of psychological and emotional health as the major consequences of mobbing, and the strategy used to face it was to be passive, i.e. do nothing (Lopez-Cabarcos et al., 2008). Moreover, it is important to study the Quality of Life (QoL) of employees inside organizations to promote healthy workers. In relation to schedules, there is a particular type of work schedule that is important to take into consideration: Shift work. Shift work has been studied as one of the work contexts in which several health problems occur. Characteristics of shift-work schedules have an influence in three different life AMELIA FRAGA MOSQUERA, ALBERTO DÍAZ-AYUDE & RICARDO GARCÍA-MIRA 101 areas: physical well-being, mental well-being and work-family conflict. Specifically, rotating night shift work disrupts circadian rhythms and it is related to sleep disturbances (Akerstedt et al., 2002), coronary heart disease (Brown et al., 2009), gastrointestinal disturbance, reproductive dysfunction, as well as a decrease in psychological well-being (Harrington, 2001). Hence social, family and marital relationships could be disrupted (Costa, 2003). Some authors point out that people engaged in shifts and night work are out of phase with society. This kind of schedule can lead to social isolation (Table 1). Table 1. Some relevant authors in the psychosocial perspective AUTHORS RESEARCH RESULTS Costa, 2003; Bohle & Quinlan, 2000 People engaged in shift and night work are out of phase wit society, and shift work can lead to social isolation or marginalization Gee, Polzer-Debruyne, Chen & Fernandes, 2007 Results clearly support the notion that family, shift worker and work place form and interdependent unit. The inclusion of social coping strategies combined with family involvement significantly reduced work-family conflict. Takahashi et al, 2006 More variable workload was associated with an increase daytime sleepiness and that reduced job satisfaction and more symptoms of depression were liked to elevated daytime sleepiness Tamagawa et al, 2007 Results indicate that tolerance of shift work was significantly associated with personality traits and mood states (…) (…) In Spain, 22.4% of workers work on shifts and 8.5% of them work on the night shift or rotating schedules (INSHT, 2007). Shift work is a special schedule organization, in which the worker must do his work in 3 different rotating time periods: morning (from 6 a.m. to 2 p.m.), evening (from 2 p.m. to 10 p.m.) and night (from 10 p.m. to 6 a.m.). Shift work has negative consequences and influences, but it is necessary in some institutions, so arguments in favour are related to productivity and maximizing costs. Below we present two different studies, with different participants and methods, but sharing a common aim: to contribute to ameliorating work conditions and increasing health levels of workers and organizations. 102 HEALTHY WORKERS AND HEALTHY WORKPLACES: PSYCHOSOCIAL EVALUATION IN ORGANIZATIONAL ENVIRONMENTS Study I Aims The aim of the present study was to explore workers´ perception of characteristics in the work environment that most affect their Quality of Life (QoL) within the context of shift work. We answered the questions “How do shift-workers perceive their labour environment?” and “How can we explore perception and access to the attributed meaning?” We also analyzed data in order to formulate recommendations for policy-making that would contribute to decreasing the negative effects of shift work, and so we were able to answer the question “What can we do to improve the work environment, with special focus on labour health and safety from shift-workers’ perspective?” Method Participants This research is a part of a larger study, and the data collected is the result of 3 different focus groups we arranged with the participation of shift workers in the largest cities in the province of A Coruña (Galicia-Spain). The sample included 19 participants shared out over three locations: 8 people in Ferrol, 7 people in A Coruña and 4 people in Santiago. The appropriate size for a focus group is from six to nine people, although small focus groups from four to six people have become more popular lasting recent years because it is easier to convene and keep all the group together (Krueger & Casey, 2000). The age range was from 25 to 61 (43.2), and the range of time that they had been working as shift workers was from 5 to 30 years ( 15.5). The distribution by sex was well-balanced, including 11 men and 8 women. Procedure We selected the participants in order to get a representative sample according to our aim. We contacted the shift workers through the most representative trade unions in A Coruña (CCOO, CIG and UGT), firstly by e-mail, and finally by phone. We met 10 or 12 workers in each meeting place, in order to guarantee a minimum attendance. Focus groups were arranged respecting different author criteria (Canales & Peinado, 1998; Callejo, 2001; Bisquerra, 2004; Murillo & Mena, 2006) about sample, size, introduction, screenplay and the key question to begin the discussion. Analysis The information gathered was analyzed with the qualitative software ATLAS.ti. This software was used to simplify the group´s analysis of discourse and to get more objective information through quotes, codes and families. ATLAS.ti allowed the identification of the main dimensions of shift work and QoL. AMELIA FRAGA MOSQUERA, ALBERTO DÍAZ-AYUDE & RICARDO GARCÍA-MIRA 103 Results We obtained 15 dimensions (Table 2), after the analysis conducted on data from these three focus groups, considering the shift workers´ point of view. Seven of these dimensions are directly related to the work environment, and they are the key elements in this study. This dimensions will be explained in order of importance. Table 2. The dimensions that affect the most the shift workers´s quality of work life FAMILY CODES QUOTES Familiar Life 14 72 Feeeding 8 31 Human Relationships 5 19 Commuting 10 28 Laboural Law 11 72 Performance-Productivity 5 19 Personal Variables 10 69 Psychosocial Well Being 4 19 Safety and Laboural Health 4 17 Hourly Organization 9 54 Sleep and Rest 16 62 Social Life 3 10 Well Being 6 24 Work Space and Environment 3 13 The first dimension was human relationships. Shift workers reported that work depends on a group of people working side by side with you; if you trust in your colleague the shift will be better, more bearable because you work with a feeling of peace. An important element for shift workers is the possibility to arrange shift changes with colleagues, but this is impossible in some factories because there is not enough staff. Specifically, the discussion confirmed the poor image that workers have about managers and the Board of Directors because workers think that “they only look for quick profits; they don´t take workers’ opinion into account”. As workers said, this theory is real in factories, the human capital is important because its application is well viewed, but factories do not carry it out in practice. Commuting was the second dimension: It is important to emphasize that covering long distances from home to the workplace inplies the extension of the schedule, and the time that workers spend on the journey depends on the means of transport used. The most used transport by workers is the car, either their own or shared with colleagues. Public transport is not used because lines and timetables are not adapted 104 HEALTHY WORKERS AND HEALTHY WORKPLACES: PSYCHOSOCIAL EVALUATION IN ORGANIZATIONAL ENVIRONMENTS to workers´ schedules. Going to the workplace on foot or by bicycle is impossible for most workers because the distance is too great. Workers think that having more public transport lines would be better for their lives because driving after long working hours involves a great effort .They need to clear their minds after a long day’s work before driving home. When they get home they need to relax in order to have a good rest. The third dimension was “Labour Law”. Participants think that present legislation is really limited to protect these kinds of work conditions; legislation recognizes the night shift work as “drudgery” but it is not enough to compensate it with a salary increase. Moreover, the practical application of legislation should be under control because it is not specific and it permits a high level of autonomy for application in factories; workers said they perceive large differences between working in the public sector and working in the private sector. On this subject, it is said that “factories have no interest in recognizing the ‘drudgery’ due to the improvement and costs associated”. As for performance and productivity, the fourth dimension, workers confirm they feel under pressure because of the Board of Directors, who are always looking for better performance. Workers inform that their performance would improve if work conditions were better (for example, considering a larger size for work teams within the shift). Therefore, workers think that the Board of Directors does not pay any attention to workers´ performance, “the work approach is in the hours of work, not in the production; so many hours, more productivity. Conclusion, managers do not think about performance”. The fifth dimension, labour safety and health, remarks that what participants did in relation to safety in work environment was focused on the night shift. For them, it is important to be relaxed at night, motivated by the absence of managerial staff. There is an increase of injury risk perception, within the last hours of the shift, because workers are exhausted. Workers accused people implicated in the decision making process of being responsible for accidents because they scheduled too many hours for the night shift. Hourly organization was the sixth dimension. There are clear differences between shift organization and the kind of rotating shifts that are established when the effective work timing, breaks and leisure time are assessed. Workers highlight that most of their leisure time is dedicated to resting and not spending time on other daily duties. The seventh dimension was work space and environment. In some factories there are no resting and eating areas, as workers´ rights dictate. When factories did not have these special areas, participants affirmed that they would be grateful for having such an area, being able to have a rest in the middle of the schedule and relax; this break would be a great help to doing a better job in the last hours of the shift. As for the environment, participants do not know any more information than environmental actions related to the legislation, but one of the participants spoke about the organization’s environmental consequences. AMELIA FRAGA MOSQUERA, ALBERTO DÍAZ-AYUDE & RICARDO GARCÍA-MIRA 105 Finally, it is important to emphasize that shift workers spoke about the importance of personal variables for coping with shift work, because their attitudes help them to cope with this type of schedule organization. Study II Aims The aim of this study was to analyze the conceptualization of a healthy organizational environment through workers’ perceptions, in order to contribute to the improvement of screening methods for determining the dimensions of organizational health status as perceived by the Administration and Services Personnel from the University of A Coruña (Spain). We focused this research considering the following hypotheses: H1 There are certain dimensions that characterize an organization as an HO. H2 There are significant differences depending on the variable types of contract, type of working day (Continuous/Non-continuous shift) and the duration of the working week (Full/Part time). In relation to the variables, as a criterion variable we considered the dimensions that determine the perception of health in work environments, and as a predictor variable we considered the type of contract (Indefinite/Temporary), type of working day (Continuous/Non-continuous shift) and the duration of the working week (Full time/ Part time). Method Participants Administration and Services Personnel (ASP) covering positions in the areas of Reception, Library, Student Bureau, the Dean’s Bureau and other administrative offices and campus services in A Coruña, on the Campus of Oza, Elviña and Zapateira at the University of A Coruña (Spain). A non-probabilistic voluntary sample of 232 individuals was attempted with a collection rate of 37%. We collected valid data from 86 subjects in total (N = 86). Procedure The starting point of the study was the research of Gimeno et al. (2008) and Wilson et al. (2004). We used the Organizational Health Questionnaire to collect all the data, divided into three parts (Gimeno et al., 2008): Part I, Perceived importance of the elements of an HO. Part II, Perceived experience of the elements of an HO. Part III, Priority indicators in an HO. Analysis A Descriptive Analysis of the sample and a Factor Analysis using the Principal Components Analysis with Varimax Rotation, Multidimensional Scaling Analysis and 106 HEALTHY WORKERS AND HEALTHY WORKPLACES: PSYCHOSOCIAL EVALUATION IN ORGANIZATIONAL ENVIRONMENTS Cluster Analysis were conducted with all data collected. All data were analyzed using Statistical Package SPSS for Windows Version 15.0 . Results We conducted a Reliability Analysis obtaining a Cronbach´s α of .97 in Part I of the questionnaire, Cronbach´s α of .96 in Part II of the questionnaire and Cronbach´s α of .84 in Part III of questionnaire. These results allow us to establish and confirm that the estimated reliability is optimal. The average age for this sample is 43.35 years, with a minimum age of 25 years and a maximum age of 63. In relation to sex, 21.18 % of individuals included in the sample are men and 78.62 % are women. The analysis performed with data showed three main factors that characterize the university as an HO, namely - Health and Equality, Stability, Recognition and Working environment, Involvement, Excellence in management and Occupational health and safety policies, and Participation and Quality of resources. From the Multidimensional Scaling and Cluster analysis, it also verified the existence of two dimensions in relation to the social perceptions of ASP about the university as an HO, an organizational dimension which includes aspects related to the organizational environment, and a personal dimension which includes aspects related to workers (Figures 1 and 2). Figure 1. Perception of the importance of different variables to consider an organization as a healthy one AMELIA FRAGA MOSQUERA, ALBERTO DÍAZ-AYUDE & RICARDO GARCÍA-MIRA 107 Figure 2. Common Stimuli Space With the results obtained from the Factor Analysis performed on the data contained in Part I and Part II of questionnaire, it was possible to extract a factor structure to analyze aspects of individuals’ perception about the importance attributed to the university in relation to internal cohesion, development of confidence and improvement of job satisfaction. Factor analysis of data from Part I, using the Principal Components Analysis with Varimax Rotation - we did not consider in the analysis those items with a saturation below .4 - showed three major factors (71.64% Total variance explained), which are Equality, Security and Stability (28.30% variance); Commitment, Innovation and Health and Safety policies (23.40% variance); and Quality, Participation and Communication (19.90% variance). The data analysis in Part II, using the Principal Components Analysis with Varimax Rotation - we did not consider in the analysis those items with a saturation below .4 - showed the existence of five factors (73.12% Total variance explained), which are Health, motivation, commitment and identity (21.20% variance); Promotion, quality, communication and participation (16.83% variance); Equality, security and stability (15.67% variance); Conciliation, wellbeing and recognition (12.43% variance); and Health and Safety policies (6.98% variance). The results obtained in Part III of the questionnaire showed that the Security and stability in employment factor is the most important for workers, followed in decreasing order of importance byEquality among workers and Non-discrimination, Health and Safety conditions at work, Recognition of merit at work and fair and equitable rewards, Involvement and motivation of workers, Training and skills development for the future, Loyalty between employer and employee and Identification of common objectives, Autonomy and responsibility in the development of work tasks, Participation 108 HEALTHY WORKERS AND HEALTHY WORKPLACES: PSYCHOSOCIAL EVALUATION IN ORGANIZATIONAL ENVIRONMENTS of all members of the company in the organization of work, and ultimately less important for workers, the Competitive strength of the company (Table 3). Table 3. Rating and Attributed Importance Scale Item Best rating position Mean Standard deviation Security and stability in employment 1 8.05 2.541 Equality between workers and Non-discrimination 2 7.91 2.722 Health and safety conditions at work 3 7.27 2.441 Recognition of merit in the work and fair and equitable reward 4 7.12 2.831 Involvement and motivation of workers 5 6.83 2.640 Training and skills development for the future 6 6.18 2.665 Loyalty between employer and employee and Identification of common objectives 7 6.00 3.207 Autonomy and responsibility in the development of work tasks 8 5.90 2.584 Participation of all members of the company in the organization of work 9 5.64 3.038 Competitive strength of the company 10 5.10 3.488 According to the Type of Working Day variable, significant differences were found among workers who perform a continuous full-time shift and workers who perform a non-continuous full-time shift or continuous part-time shift, Pearson χ2 = 0.05 (≤ 0.05); the first group perceives Training and skills development for the future as the most valuable aspect (38.80%), while the second group (100%) and the latter (100%) consider it as a minor aspect. We also found significant differences depending on the Type of Contract variable and Mutual loyalty between employer and employee dimension, and the identification of common goals, Pearson χ2 = 0.02 (≤ 0.05), workers with indefinite contract (49.30%) perceive it as an aspect of high importance, but workers with a temporary contract (57.10%) perceive it with medium importance. In relation to the Type of Contract variable, there are also significant differences in the Participation of all members of the company in the organization of work dimension, Pearson χ2 = 0.05 (≤ 0.05). Workers with an indefinite contract (42%) perceive it as an aspect of high and low importance, but workers with a temporary contract (57.10%) perceive it as an aspect with medium importance. There are also significant differences depending on the Type of Contract variable and the Competitive strength of the company dimension, Pearson χ2 = 0.05 (≤ 0.05). Workers with an indefinite contract perceive this dimension with high importance (43.50%) and low importance (47.80%) while workers with a temporary contract (57.10%) perceive it with low importance. AMELIA FRAGA MOSQUERA, ALBERTO DÍAZ-AYUDE & RICARDO GARCÍA-MIRA 109 Discussion In light of the results of the first study, we achieved the aim: to explore workers´ perception of characteristics that most affect QoL within the context of shift work. Therefore, we can answer the previously established research questions. Firstly, how do shift-workers perceive their work environment? Workers perceive their work environment as a strange environment, unconnected with their necessities and preferences. This point of view is probably under the influence of some dimensions that we obtained, focused on two different ways, the circumstances that occur inside the work environment and the circumstances that occur outside. And from the participants’ perspective these two environments engaged are disconnected, and so they are in conflict. As we mentioned above, the work - family conflict has been studied (Gee, Polzer-Debruyne, Chen & Fernandes, 2007), and according to the authors, the results clearly support the notion that family, shift worker and work place constitute an interdependent unit. Secondly, how can we explore perception and access to the attributed meaning? A way for exploring workers’ perception is using a “focus group”. This technique produces a specific kind of qualitative data, very difficult to obtain in a quantitative way. And finally, what can we do to improve the work environment, with special focus on labour health and safety from the shift-workers’ perspective? Listening to the shift-workers and considering their perspective is a way to construct an integrative approach in general work planning and in the healthy workplace design. This particular idea has some connections with other aspects that will be explained later in the conclusions. We obtained fifteen dimensions that never have been found before our research. This is probably because the topic is very specific, but really there are some previously similar proposals like Royuela, López-Tamayo & Suriñach (2009) and Gimeno et al. (2008), but both of them were focused on inner work dimensions, without a focused interest on the outer dimensions, so this affects workers´ perception of quality of work as much as the others. A future way to improve this research would be to explore in more detail the ponderation between those two kinds of dimensions, inner and outer, in order to know how it affects workers´quality of life inside the job. In general, we can conclude that a hypothetically bad psychological environment of work is caused by the lack of participation in improving the factory and its processes. The study show that employees want to be more implicated in the decision making process; this is related to previous investigations that demonstrate that participation in work task organization is linked to the dimensions that characterized an HO (Gimeno et al., 2008). According to the results obtained in the second study, the existence of two dimensions in relation to the social perceptions of Administrative and Service staff about the university as an HO was verified, an organizational dimension and a personal dimension. The ten dimensions proposed by Gimeno et al. (2008) are contained in the factors found in this study, but they are included in a more parsimonious three factors - Equality, Security and Stability; Commitment, Innovation and Health and Safety policies; and Quality, Participation and Communication - in Part I, and five factors 118 EXPERIMENTS IN MAPPING HUMAN FACTORS FOR SUSTAINABLE DESIGN AND LIVING in for example the deteriorating stock of natural resources, easily accessible fossil energy sources and the capacity to uphold further social development in the form of a growing economy (Murphy & Hall, 2011; Schneider, Kallis, & Martinez-Alier, 2010; Freeman, 2000). By discussing the context of the extreme, and lessons transferred to the ‘everyday’ in a situation of global crises, the border between the two becomes blurred. Conditions become extreme when the environment poses special limitations and/ or hardships for people to survive and maintain relative physical and psychological comfort (Bannova, Smith, & Landschulz, 2005; Nuttall, 2005). The major limitations are usually in regards to all or some of the following: · Resources; · Availability of services; · Availability and accessibility of space; · Mobility and transportation. These challenges result in the experience of strong restrictions in the ability to execute everyday work tasks, impossibility to perform social interactions, and constraints in fulfilling necessary living needs. Perceived control and self-efficacy in situations where some or all of these conditions apply is hence impeded, further inducing psychological barriers for overcoming or adapting to these limitations, whether outspokenly defined as extreme or more abstract in nature, as in the case of climate change (Gifford, 2011). Investigating essential human needs and how those needs can be addressed in design and planning is a relevant challenge. Developing and applying sustainable design practices is essential to diminish and overcome difficulties imposed on people in extreme conditions; both in terms of physical, structural envelope solutions as well as user-derived strategies and social organization. The creation of holistically sustainable living environments is an imperative in the context of specific extreme situations such as space or the arctic (Petersen & Poppel, 1999). Much can be learned from previous projects in extreme environments or those posed in limited conditions, where closed resource and energy loops are considered, and where social organization and collaborative processes govern the design and facilitation of well-functioning, qualitative living environments. In parallel, sustainable planning and design is an increasingly important factor for the development of living environments all around the world, as the environmental and social impact of the built environment is understood and problematized (Montserrat Pareja & Støa, 2004; Schweber & Leiringer, 2012; Sev, 2009). This has further become a critical element for the success of designing and planning for extreme environments, where construction and utilization processes developed may also be tested in terms of success rate and effectiveness. The pursuit of sustainable practices is spreading within the building industry, especially in a Scandinavian context (Jensen & Gram-Hanssen, OLGA BANNOVA AND PERNILLA HAGBERT 119 2008; Gluch, Gustafsson, Thuvander & Baumann, 2013). However, the radical mitigation of the environmental impact, distributive injustice and socio-economic segregation - to which the construction sector is a large contributor - is not yet achieved (Hagbert, Mangold, & Femenías, 2013). As a broad concept, sustainable development is today an unavoidable mainstream connotation, with increasing implications on how we reside, conduct business and educate. Ranging from policy agreements or guidelines to pragmatic in-practice approaches, the global challenges we face in a time of rapid changes (whether climatic, financial or social) are addressed differently. The idea of sustainability can be applied practically to all aspects of human society, creating multiple facets of sustainability that include (Petersen & Poppel, 1999): 1) ecological and environmental behavior; 2) economics; 3) social habits; and 4) political actions and systems. All of these aspects of sustainability are regarded as interrelated and can benefit from each other, although criticisms and alternate suggestions regarding the ordering and hierarchy between them have been raised both within the design community and the discourse in large (Findeli, 2008; Kates, Parris, & Leiserowitz, 2005). The overarching idea of achieving synergy effects between different facets of sustainability, as discussed by Robinson (2004), suggests an application in design and planning from the very beginning of the process, and throughout an extended period of time. Such an approach is addressed and applied in the research outlined in this paper. It is argued that an integrative comprehension in the design, build and living phases of housing not only put emphasis on user-centered and user-derived knowledge, but also the continuous re-negotiation of such processes, and subsequent need for improved design-user practices. This paper investigates user-centered design research methodologies and practices for radically reducing energy and resource use, through a proposed ‘design/build/ live’ approach in a ‘Sustainable Living Lab’ (SusLab) currently under development in the form of student housing at Chalmers University of Technology in Gothenburg, Sweden. The project involves researchers from multiple departments at Chalmers, but the specific research outlined here is the focus of the research team from the dept. of Architecture, consisting of professor Maria Nyström, assistant professor Paula Femenías, doctoral students Pernilla Hagbert and Olga Bannova (University of Houston), and visiting professor Larry Toups from NASA JSC (Johnson Space Center). A brief overview of the project and the experimental design/build/live approach is first presented. This is followed by an account of international precedents dealing with similar experimental student settings and tasks. Methods and initial results from studies with students, to be integrated in the methodological and design development of the project, are further elaborated upon. The paper is concluded with outcomes and key points for future development. 120 EXPERIMENTS IN MAPPING HUMAN FACTORS FOR SUSTAINABLE DESIGN AND LIVING Project background and approach The work outlined here constitutes a part of the larger EU Interreg funded project SusLab NWE1, studying sustainable living and innovations for the design of future residential environments. Through developing user-centered and participatory design research methodologies, along with technological advancement, the project explores how sustainable innovations are applied and perceived in everyday life and living environments. By gaining insights into the usability and acceptance of sustainable strategies, products and services regarding both spatial and material properties, the objective is to enable sustainable living practices. The physical structure, called ‘HSB Living Lab’, is developed in collaboration with the largest Swedish co-operative housing association, HSB, and Johanneberg Science Park, and is being built in 2014 as student housing, located on Chalmers main campus2. The building will be three stories, with a ground space of around 400 m2. It will accommodate about 25-30 students and guest researchers. The student units are designed to be flexible, with the possibility to change the layout during the course of the temporary ten-year building permit. The structure will include additional facilities like an exhibition area, a common laundry room and various meeting areas. The overall SusLab project is structured into three phases: 1. Early insight studies with residents and users 2. Full-scale living lab studies, testing sustainable living innovations and strategies; 3. Final studies of sustainable living innovations and strategies as implemented in existing housing stock. This paper discusses the first phase, with the intention of applying the insights in the research conducted in the Living Lab. During the course of the project development, the following objectives are expected to be fulfilled: 1. Completing a functional analysis of programming and schematic design relating to living environments; 2. Mapping personal and shared activities of users; 3. Analysing spaces in context of utilization timeframe and frequency; 4. Strategically positioning multi-functional spaces and utilities; 5. Creating conditions for sharing practices; 6. Providing means for visibility of successful sustainable practices within the community. 1 http://suslab.eu/ 2 http://suslab.eu/partners/chalmers-th/hsb-living-lab/ OLGA BANNOVA AND PERNILLA HAGBERT 121 Figure 1. Diagram of proposed process, highlighting the focus point of this paper The process is conceived to be advanced farther by incorporating an explorative design/build/live approach, where a group composed of students from different disciplinary backgrounds will be emerged in an experimental studio environment within designated units in the living lab building. The premise is that participating students, holding undergraduate degrees in architecture, planning, engineering or industrial design engineering, engage in explorations of various strategies for sustainable living, building upon a transdisciplinary research process and coherent knowledge creation (Després, Vachon, & Fortin, 2011). Moreover, it is here argued that hands-on learning and full-scale testing (Hornyánszky Dalholm, 1998) in ‘real-life’, process-oriented situations (Nicol & Pilling, 2000) is of relevance to complement the various learning styles associated with the design process (Demirbaş & Demirkan, 2003). It is our opinion that sustainability should not be understood as something added, but rather an integral part of educational and professional practice. The complexity of the knowledge, skills and competencies needed to accomplish the tasks set in light of local and global challenges also demands more of design education than a conventional curriculum (González-Gaudiano, 2005; McMahon & Bhamra, 2012). Some of the skills and competencies identified as important for students to develop in order to engage in socially sustainable design are: participation, compromise, openness, engagement, reflection, critical questioning, understanding, comparison, accountability, communication, teamwork, and problem-solving (McMahon & Bhamra, 2012).These could be extended to cover multiple aspects of sustainability. The introduction of critical reflection through collaborative projects is vital. By creating a studio context where students act as designers, builders, as well as residents through constructing and inhabiting their own designs - an iterative process can be developed further as the students interact with problems in real-time as they arise. 122 EXPERIMENTS IN MAPPING HUMAN FACTORS FOR SUSTAINABLE DESIGN AND LIVING Precedents in experimental student design and living experiences Although there is a long history of experimental architectural education for design, technology development and behavioral research, only two examples can in essence be considered as precedents for the here outlined approach. Indeed, Alexander Pike’s Aukarktic House built with students from the University of Cambridge in 1971, the Rural Studio at Auburn University pursuing community-oriented work since its establishment in the 1990s, TUDelft’s co-ordination of the SusHouse project in 1998-2000, the BBC Integer House project in 2001, and others offer handson learning experiences. Yet they do not fully address the latter stages in the here outlined approach, where it is proposed that students inhabit, evaluate and re-build the environments they have created, during a longer period of time. Because of this distinction, the TreStykker project and SICSA’s hands-on 4th year studio project are regarded as two precedents that more fully reflect the objectives of the presented project. The TreStykker project was initiated in the summer of 2005 when students from three Norwegian universities (The Oslo School of Architecture and Design, the Bergen School of Architecture and the Master Program in Architecture at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology in Trondheim) participated in a workshop to design, finance and build a small experimental student house (Thomsen & Tjora, 2006). The project’s goal was to explore the spatial experience of living in a transformable environment, in an experimental student house where only interior space was convertible. The collaborative nature of the effort added educational value and is regarded as having contributed to its success. Series of student interviews were conducted during the project and the findings were based on: 1) looking at a house as a transforming place, examining the flexibility and changeability on a daily basis; 2) studying social life as collaboration, investigating relationships between social life and privacy; and 3) studying how building residents see the image of their habitat and the importance of that image. It is argued that such experiments can be seen as a way of understanding and adapting to constantly changing needs throughout an extended timeline, and thereby approaching sustainability of residential buildings from a user perspective: “…flexibility in housing should not necessarily be seen as moveable elements but may include a ‘neutral’ plan solution, where no specific use is pre-ascribed to rooms, for example with all rooms of equal size” (Thomsen & Tjora, 2006:20). Flexibility may be space or time related and structured depending on different time periods. For example, some may occur in a few minutes, while others involve major efforts and resources, but would be applied much more random (Thomsen & Tjora, 2006). Qualitative research methods used during the study included both individual and group semi-structured interviews and weekly diaries that provided personal data. This methodology proved to be effective in accumulating information on an individual level, providing foundation for the overview of students’ housing requirements and needs. Group interviews on the other hand demonstrated that a participant’s responses may be influenced by others, and may alter his or her response based on a popular opinion. OLGA BANNOVA AND PERNILLA HAGBERT 123 A second precedent is the hands-on Closed Environment Laboratory for 4th year architectural students, run at the University of Houston’s Sasakawa International Center for Space Architecture (SICSA)3 for several years until 2004. Every year, a one-year project included one semester of design and research, followed by a one-semester design/build stage when students had to learn how to implement their design ideas in real life conditions and test design solutions as they are being built. The testing environment represented a mock-up of a conventional space module like those currently used in the International Space Station (Figure 2). Challenges that students had to deal with during the course included: coordinating design solutions with limitations and restrictions of confined environment of the module; investigating how living and operating in such conditions would affect person’s everyday schedule and hierarchy of activities; and how and when design elements may interfere with human factors. The design had to be done in accordance with specifics of extreme environment of space and satisfy all human factors requirements at the same time. That brought uniqueness to the project and encouraged students to take their roles as designers very seriously. Every year students had to review the previous year’s proposals and design their projects based on that cumulative experience. They also had to test their design solutions and submit reviews on the whole studio experience and their involvement in it. Even though the evaluation process was not an ultimate goal of the project, the reviews demonstrated that hands-on studio education is a valuable experience for the students. The students appreciated an opportunity to learn and see in real life how their design solutions affected the overall architecture of the mock-up and human factors. It also proved to be an effective method to stimulate student design research and learn cost-effective techniques. Figure 2. Closed environment laboratory. SICSA, 2004. The discussed precedents have demonstrated the benefits of involving students in the design process at all stages of development. The project outlined here is a step forward from these experiences. It expands and extends learning prospects and is more inclusive in design aspects and involved disciplines. It is also argued that extending the experience of students to that of being longer-term residents of the developed structure would offer better research opportunities and provides a more solid foundation for future improvements and innovations. Building upon these two precedents, an essential 3 http://www.uh.edu/sicsa/ 124 EXPERIMENTS IN MAPPING HUMAN FACTORS FOR SUSTAINABLE DESIGN AND LIVING part of the presented design/build/live approach is also to more rigorously research and develop strategies enabling sustainable practices among participating students, as well as possible follow-up evaluations after they move out of the facility. Proposed and applied methodology in initial empirical studies The proposed methodology for the experimental design/build/live program outlined here is based on the assumption that students are the main drivers of this aspect of the project development, and will research, design, build, live, review and subsequently advance design solutions throughout the lifetime of the facility. Key elements of that include: · Students’ involvement at all levels of the project; · Creation of multidisciplinary student teams; · Support from faculty and construction and management companies. Primary elements of the process are co-creation workshops and surveys in the form of activity diaries among student respondents. Preliminary empirical data on daily living activities was gathered in December 2012, with students at the Architectural Department of Chalmers University of Technology and the University of Houston’s College of Architecture, and workshops were held in December 2012 and May 2013 at Chalmers only. An understanding of the functional breakdown of student housing from these initial findings can be discussed according to: 1) Grouping of activities and human functions (Table 1 and 2); 2) Levels of private or shared use of space and resources (Table 1); 3) Defined or perceived corresponding spatial, energy and resource requirements. Table 1. Daily activity assessment based on students’ perception of degree of sharing SLEEPING EATING HOUSEKEEPING/ COOKING STUDYING HYGIENE RECREATION COLLECTIVE (SHARING ACTIVITY AND RESOURCES) NO YES YES YES NOT LIKELY YES INDIVIDUAL/ SHARING RESOURCES MAYBE MAYBE MAYBE YES NOT LIKELY MAYBE PRIVATE/ NOT SHARING AT ALL YES NOT LIKELY MAYBE NOT LIKELY YES NOT LIKELY Activity diaries collected at both Chalmers and the University of Houston (n=19) outlined temporal, material and potential social characteristics of various activities. They further demonstrated differential understanding and presumptions of collective OLGA BANNOVA AND PERNILLA HAGBERT 125 and private values. For example, even though students belonged to same age groups and had relatively similar disciplinary background, their demand for privacy diverged, most likely based on cultural and social specifics and housing situation. This was further underpinned at two workshops held with respondents at Chalmers only. The first workshop revolved around the students self-reported activities and understanding of functions in their living environments. Through an inductive process, using simple means (Figure 3), the students produced and organized their understanding of living activities in a current and potential ‘extreme’ condition. The result, although to be understood in this precise context as a qualitative method and snapshot, point to some interesting aspects regarding living functions, hierarchy of activities (and space) and home-based practices students see as more or less negotiable. The participants mapped their understanding of student living as ranging from ‘basic survival’, ‘supportive activities’ and ‘life quality’, as well as on a more general scale of relating to spaces inside or outside the dwelling unit. In a context of optimization, the relationships between activities were challenged, and the suggested division between private and shared functions became more blurred as activities such as showering were discussed as conditional (it was argued that students could imagine sharing showers, at a farther distance from their sleeping area, if there was a wash basin provided in the most immediate vicinity). Figure 3. Student functionality and activities assessment workshop. The overall results from the data analysis of the workshops and surveys were developed in a form of a ‘human tree’ of living functions. Through a cross-analysis, overlapping spatial, energy and resource requirements are outlined with regards to both current functional understanding and in a scenario of optimization due to posed limitations. In addition, human factors conditions - physical, organisational or behav- 126 EXPERIMENTS IN MAPPING HUMAN FACTORS FOR SUSTAINABLE DESIGN AND LIVING ioural prerequisites (Matthews, 2000) - for the amelioration and optimization of living functions from a residential quality perspective, as well as the radical reduction of energy and resource consumption were discussed. Data were furthermore analyzed in order to establish a pattern of compatibility, with a focus on spatial composition, functional relationship and overall layout of the facility (Table 2). It is clear that the current understanding of habits such as relating to personal hygiene remain normative, but students’ changing practices also point at some interesting developments regarding, namely, new educational modes (higher degree of group work, different work loads, media used for study, etc.) or new forms of recreation (changing role of TV, online streaming and portable devices enabling flexibility as well as potential issues of conflict). The implications of such assessments for programming, layout and execution are of interest for the development and research conducted in a proposed designated facility where the users –the students – are also the designers. Table 2. Compatibility assessment. SLEEPING DRESSING EATING COOKING GROUP WORK SOLITARY STUDY HYGIENE (WATER) RECREATION RELAX SLEEPING well cond.1poor poor2ok poor3cond.2, 5 well DRESSING poor poor poor2ok ok ok ok4 EATING well well1ok5poor well1, 6 ok1,5, 6 COOKING ok1, 5 ok1, 5 poor well6cond.1,5, 6 GROUP WORK well5poor well cond.2, 5 SOLITARY STUDY poor ok5well HYGEINE (WATER) poor poor/ cond.6 RECREATION ok2, 5 ‘UNWIND’/ RELAX Notes: (1): requires easy cleaning/flexible (2): issues of privacy/safety (3): issues of humidity/air quality (4): both secluded places, yet not necessarily day lit (5): possible issues of noise (6): as part of socializing/relaxation Resulting from the complexity of the project, every discussion grew out of the initial scope of work and resulted in a spill-over of questions and concerns to be addressed further, but that need to be resolved prior to the initiation of design/build/live experiments. The table below categorizes and summarizes some of the issues that were discussed during the second workshop and that have to be included into the develop- OLGA BANNOVA AND PERNILLA HAGBERT 127 ment process based on a user-centered approach, mapping individual and joint activities and home functions (Table 3). Generally speaking, private activities may include: sleeping, washing (range), dressing and other basic activities, while sharing may include cooking, diverse hobbies, studying and other social–related actions. Some of the issues have to be addressed and solved before the programming stage of the project begins. For example, legal agreements and budget arrangements have to be resolved before students will start signing on. Experiencing from the ‘inside’ and mapping such experiences based on spatial, social, economic and time requirements is essential for creating consistent sustainable practices (Yaneva, 2011). Table 3. Design tasks. ISSUES ISSUES STUDENT INVOLVEMENT who do we want to attract? STRUCTURE/BUILDING envelop elements testing: what, how, when only students or are friends also allowed? including spaces for lounging for the whole building criteria for grouping people who will be living there measure impact changing envelope elements on heating/ cooling co-gender groups or mixed how much change/not change in surroundings mixed ages or different year students allowed? what’s changing with the environment? (eg. fire codes?) ORGANIZATIONAL type of rental contract (timing, aligning with students’ needs) LAYOUT living room wasted space? if the kitchen shared – is there need for a living room? maintenance: who does what? kitchen is the ‘core’ of home? insurance neutral spaces are needed for meetings rules and regulations multifunctional spaces: cooking/eating, library, something else? security changeable interior walls and interior blocks SOCIAL living with friends: groups up to 24 / strangers: no more than 4 LIFESTYLE what to share and how? accessible place to socialize recycling or sharing creating positive and sustainable dominant living practices challenge laziness Conclusions and future investigations Real conclusions and evaluations will only be made possible after the proposed design/build/live approach within the overall student housing structure will have been operational for a few consecutive years and data have been collected throughout its development and operation phases. It will also be important to conduct surveys amongst students participating in the project after they have graduated and moved out of the environment they co-created, to see if they were influenced by the experience, in terms of sustainable living or in professional practice. 134 AFFECTIVE MAPS: VALIDATING A DIALOGUE BETWEEN QUALITATIVE AND QUANTITATIVE METHODS the structural relationship of this object with the observer and other objects, and the practical or emotional meaning that this object has for the observer (Lynch, 2010). Assuming that the city presents readability, which refers to the clarity with which the city can be read, decoded by its inhabitants, the author argues that the symbolic construction of the image of the city allows the subject to form a mental map, although fragmented, which allows you to orient yourself in the city. A legible city means, therefore, that the subject can easily identify its elements and group them into global structures. According to Lynch (2010), the formation of a clear image of the environment enables growth of the subjects at the same time as they take advantage of the orientation that it produces. Thus, Lynch (2010) argues that the urban environment, even broad and large, can take on a perceivable form as the subjects draw their mental maps of the city. In addition to an image of the physical structure, as the author points out, in drawing the subjects express elements of their symbolic world, with regard to their interaction with the environment, i.e. the meanings that they structure for the city, the interpretation that they make and their individual and collective way of representing it become public. Therefore, in researches conducted by the author, it was found that not always drawn maps correspond to the physical reality of the environment, but to widespread generalized impressions that this reality generated in subjects. In this procedure, the construction of the drawing starts from the acquisition of information about places and attributes of urban space, which are encoded, stored, recalled and decoded by the subjects through a graphical expression. The cognitive maps studied by Lynch show that the guidance and knowledge of the city are important for the feeling of security, as well as enabling the organization of space, social and cognitive experience (Lynch, 2010). As noted by Bomfim (2003a), cognitive maps centered on a “rational” knowledge of the city, not including the affections contained in the graphic expression of the map and the symbolic constitution of space itself, for the subjects. Thus, intending an apprehension of affection, the author proposes the Affective Maps Generator Questionnaire methodology, the result of his doctoral thesis, as a form of access to the affection of the subject in relation to the environment, although there may be intangible and outer expression to other traditional methods. Therefore, we define affective maps as an environmental and social category related to the concept of place identity, cognitive maps, affectivity, and it is a representation of space related to any environment as an emotional territory. It intends to be a tool that shows affectivity and indicates the inhabitant’s involvement with the city or an environment (Bomfim, 2003a). Grounded in the philosophy of Spinoza, which advocates that true knowledge of the world comes from reason and how the body is affected by other bodies, affectation of body and soul (2005), the instrument proposed here seeks to integrate the cognitive and the affective, considering the subject in its entirety, with regard to his environmental experience, which is complex. As stated by Tuan (1983), space and place can be considered as images of complex feelings, becoming ambivalent. They ZULMIRA BOMFIM, BRUNO NOBRE, THAIS FERREIRA, LÍVIO ARAUJO, MARÍA FEITOSA, ANA MARTINS, HELENIRA ALENCAR Y NAZKA FARIAS 135 are neither good nor bad, but ambiguous, which leads us to multidimensional spaces, which evokes the same ambiguity of emotions related to them (Sawaia, 1995). Affection is understood here as a category of action-mediation and transformation of the human psyche, which may be positive or negative (Bomfim, 2003a), the emotional color that fills human experience with meanings and can express itself in the form of feelings - lasting and moderate with respect to the feeling of pleasure or displeasure - and emotions - intense, brief and focused on phenomena that disrupt the normal flow of conduct (Sawaia, 2011). Thus, affection can increase or decrease the power of action in the body, leading it into action, increasing its strength to exist, or passivity, this depressing force (Spinosa, 2005), also impacting the way the subject demarcates his territory (Pol, 1996) and binds him to places (Giuliani, 2004). For Bomfim (1999) emotions and feelings mediate the identity of the subjects, the interaction with space and others, as is the uniqueness of everyday history that it constructs, and moreover, is able to reveal how the subjects know and act on the city (Bomfim, 2003a). Sawaia (2011) understands the power of action as the regulative principle that allows the individual to act on his reality, towards his emancipation. Thus, Bomfim (1999) argues that affectivity gives an understanding of the conflict between the micro and macro social, reestablishing the dialectical relationship between them, breaking the dichotomy between internal and external, subjective and objective, thus decoupling affection, activity and consciousness about the environment perpetuates the alienation of subject and attenuates the existing relations of domination in society. On the other hand, according to Sawaia (2011), the power of suffering, the passion generated by sadness, driven by bondage and passivity, since it becomes subject to another at will. We would state, based on these considerations, that spaces and places can be emancipatory or maintainers of bondage and the suffering of individuals, and we propose affective maps as a way of consistent research about how subjects interact with the spaces, such as affecting with them, because we agree with Vygotsky (1998) that affection can only be understood within the dynamics of human life as a whole, in addition to not always being the same, but differing according to the level of development of the subject. Therefore, the Esteem for the Place (Bomfim, 2010; 2013), it is worth mentioning, concerns affective evaluations, with a positive and/or negative background, which a person feels from their environment, and it is, in turn, expressed by feelings and emotions through projected images, representations and visions of a world. The symbolism of space, built by the cultural-historical background of the subject, exerts a strong influence on attachment relationships, belonging and identifying with the place (Pol & Valera, 1999). Thus, the environment is not then understood only as a set of material properties, concrete and tangible, but rather as an emotional territory where these things are viscerally connected by meanings, so it is liable to be appropriated and transformed by the subjects that compose and occupy it. It is in this sense that Bomfim et al explains: 136 AFFECTIVE MAPS: VALIDATING A DIALOGUE BETWEEN QUALITATIVE AND QUANTITATIVE METHODS The Esteem for the Place refers to appreciation, valuation and attachment with regard to the place. It relies on the evaluation of the quality of housing and environmental use, i.e., security, cleanliness, organization, sophistication, aesthetic, environmental preservation, legibility, signage, accessibility, etc; in the quality of social bonds of friendship and good relations, on the social image of the place in society, and mainly at the level of the individual appropriation of space that people esteem. (Bomfim et al, 2013, p. 322). Affective Maps and the the Affective Maps Generator Questionnaire (IGMA2) Methodologically the Esteem for the Place is diagnosed using the Affective Maps Generator Questionnaire (IGMA), prepared by Bomfim (2003a, 2010), since this allows a graphical representation, a metaphorical and artistic relationship between the individual and a particular environment. We define the affective maps as an environmental and social category related to the concept of place identity, cognitive maps, affectivity, and it is a representation of space related to any environment as an emotional territory. It intends to be a tool that shows affectivity and indicates the inhabitant’s involvement with the city or an environment (Bomfim, 2003a). Affective maps can be drawn by the graphic, artistic and metaphoric expression from images and representations that people have from a place. It can be taken as a guiding principle of the implementation of actions intended to seek the involvement of the population in urban and environmental issues. The IGMA constitutes a quantitative and qualitative method of data collection and analysis, using interpretive synthesis compared with the scores from scale responses, evaluating the affective and imagistic production on environments from the relationship established between these and their occupants. Through people’s affection in relation to the environment, they articulate feelings, evaluations and identification of the person in respect to a particular place. This questionnaire will generate the affective maps. What we call the qualitative part of IGMA comprises a stimulation to construct a representational drawing of a particular environment (community, neighborhood, city, etc) followed by an inquiry about the feelings, meanings and qualities related to the environment and mediated by that drawing. The psychometric or quantitative part, in turn, constitutes a 5-point Likert type scale with assertions about the environment to be answered according to the degree of agreement with these assertions, plus a Socio-Economic Profile Questionnaire. 2 From the Portuguese form “Instrumento Gerador dos Mapas Afetivos”. ZULMIRA BOMFIM, BRUNO NOBRE, THAIS FERREIRA, LÍVIO ARAUJO, MARÍA FEITOSA, ANA MARTINS, HELENIRA ALENCAR Y NAZKA FARIAS 137 In summary, the complete contents of IGMA are: • Drawing of the Environment Researched • Inquiry3 • Scale (named Esteem for the Place Scale, EEL4) • Socio-Economic Profile Questionnaire After the data was collected from the people interviewed, the researcher constructs a framework like this and analyzes it by creating a subtext and sense of meaning for each one of the answers. This is the process of affective map construction. We call this process a “construction of meaning moved by affections” (Bomfim, 2003). Thus, the qualitative part of the questionnaire of Affective Maps is a method that seeks to reveal the affections considering the subtext and the sense of meaning (Vygotsky, 1995) presented in the responses of the individuals. Bomfim (2003a, 2010) considers, then, that there are four possible representations of the environment that are more frequent. They are Belongingness, Agreeableness, Destruction and Insecurity. These categories arising from IGMA data analyze the classification of the type of place of esteem in subjects. The Agreeableness image reveals feelings and qualifications perceived as pleasant by residents of neighborhoods, cities or communities. The Belongingness is an image in which the resident feels and describes his neighborhood or city, considering his social ties of friendship or kinship, besides presenting a deeper identification with the place. Insecurity is based on the feelings of fear, instability and inconstancy, which are opposite to Belongingness and derive directly from urban violence. The image of Destruction is the reverse of Agreeableness. Residents feel uncomfortable with the presence of destroyed, degraded and abandoned spaces. These affective indicators from the scale compose Esteem for the Place (Bomfim, 2003), which can be more potentiating or non-potentiating. The inhabitants involved who have a potentiating Esteem for the place have higher scores on the categories of Agreeableness and Belongingness, and the ones who score less on potentiating Esteem for the place have higher scores on Insecurity and Destruction. This is because the signs are that the feelings of fear, insecurity, frustration and anger (typical in the pictures of Insecurity and Destruction) decrease the potential of action of the individual in the city and his implication therein. Contrary to this, the feelings of belongingness and agreeableness, for example, promote a caring relationship and participation with the city and the inhabitant’s increasing potential of action, which correlates with the statement by Pol and Valera (1983) that when there is a 3 The survey contains questions about the meaning of the drawing, about the feelings, the word synthesis of the feelings, what they think about the environment researched, the creating of a metaphor of the city, and about the everyday paths and participation in association. 4 From the Portuguese form “Escala de Estima de Lugar”. 138 AFFECTIVE MAPS: VALIDATING A DIALOGUE BETWEEN QUALITATIVE AND QUANTITATIVE METHODS strong place identity, i.e. a strong identification with the city, there is also a higher level of overall citizen satisfaction. However, it is understood that both forms of esteem coexist, especially in context of complexity of large cities, producing a transverse category of analysis which is the contrast, or an Esteem for the location that goes from potentiating to non-potentiating. Method Building of Esteem for the Place Scale (EEL) Considering the lack of criteria of validity and accuracy of this scale in IGMA, the need arose to include the validation of the scale within the methodological approach of the study. To this end, a survey of studies in environmental psychology that used IGMA to raise the content of future items of the new scale was performed. In other words, EEL items were constructed from the contents collected in studies using IGMA (usually containing, besides drawings and inquiries, a scale created for each one of the studies, no criteria to establish its validity and accuracy). Thus, after the lifting of that content, even created in preliminary scale items and adjusted, they take into account the evaluation criteria of items exposed by Pasquali (2010). The construction of the items was oriented according to the expected scale factors, Agreeableness, Belongingness, Destruction and Insecurity. The items were then reviewed for their semantic readability through a Semantic Analysis and finally subjected to an Analysis of Judges (Pasquali, 2010). The latter consists of the presentation of the items and the theoretical definitions of the factors that make up the scale to experts (judges) in the area, without, however, relating them. The duty of the judge is to link the factors and their respective items without prior knowledge, in order to demonstrate consistency of the scale theory (Pasquali, 2010). After that, we arrived at a pilot scale that was inserted into the IGMA and subsequently subjected to statistical analysis of validity and accuracy. Application Procedures and Participants The application of Esteem for the Place Scale was in young students from the public schools in the city of Fortaleza, Ceará, Brazil. The environment chosen to be searched was the district of origin of the participants. Altogether, 293 high school students from public schools of Fortaleza participated in the survey responding to IGMA. Of these, only 69 responded to IGMA in the complete form and the remainder responded to the version containing only the Esteem for the Place Scale and SocioEconomic Profile Questionnaire. ZULMIRA BOMFIM, BRUNO NOBRE, THAIS FERREIRA, LÍVIO ARAUJO, MARÍA FEITOSA, ANA MARTINS, HELENIRA ALENCAR Y NAZKA FARIAS 139 Table 1 shows the sample characteristics of participants with frequencies and percentages. Table 1. Sample characteristics (N=293) Variable n % Sex Male 118 43,5 Female 153 56,5 Total 271 100,0 Age group (years)* 14-15 22 7,6 16-17 182 62,8 18-19 75 25,9 20 or more 11 3,8 Total 290 100,0 Familiar income (brazilian minimum wages5) 0-1 86 37,9 1-2 67 29,5 2-3 47 20,7 3-4 10 4,4 4 or more 17 7,5 Total 227 100,0 * Mean age 17, 19 years (SD = 2.20).5 Data Analysis First, considering the validation process of the EEL, we proceeded with the exploratory factor analysis of the sample. Furthermore, the data analysis methods carried out were descriptive analyses, as of standard deviation and frequencies; parametric analyses, like Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin, Bartlett’s Test of Sphericity, Principal Component Analysis and Cronbach’s alpha, the latter to assess the internal consistency of the scale. Results Validity and accuracy of the Esteem for the Place scale The factorability of the data matrix was confirmed by a KMO = 0.88 and a statistically significant chi-square test extracted from the Bartlett Sphericity, χ2 (1540) = 5526.53, p <0.001. These findings indicate that the data matrix was suitable for the factor analysis (Tabachnick & Fidel 2001). Hence a Principal Component Analysis showed that it was possible to verify the prevalence of two main factors with eigenvalues exceeding 1, which responds to the Kaiser criterion, and together explains 36.75% of total variance. However, in order to better evaluate how many components should be extracted, it was decided to take into account the graphical distribution of eigenval5 1 Brazilian minimal wage ≈ 290 USD⁄ month 140 AFFECTIVE MAPS: VALIDATING A DIALOGUE BETWEEN QUALITATIVE AND QUANTITATIVE METHODS ues (used as a tool for the Cattell criterion). According to this criterion, it was possible to consider also two components, as seen in Figure 1. Thus, the two-factor structure of this measure seems consistent. Figure 1. Graphic distribution of eigenvalues of the components. Figure 1. Graphic distribution of eigenvalues of the components Then, this factor structure obtained was tested using a rotating type of oblimin (when there is the hypothesis of correlation between the components) for extracting factors. Out of 56 items on the pilot version, 15 items showed no satisfactory saturations in any of the two factors and were therefore excluded from the scale in its final version. Was arbitrated loadings higher than |0.40| as cutoff factor values, since values above |0.30| are already considered, as a rule, as satisfactory. It is noteworthy that two items originally belonging to the dimensions of Factor I (Items 5 and 24) obtained saturations in Factor II, but with negative charges, i.e. their contents inversely measure the construct of Factor II. The first factor had an eigenvalue of 16.05 and explained 28.6% of the total variance, and an internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha) of 0.84, while the second factor had an eigenvalue of 4.53 and explained 8.1% of the total variance, while its internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha) was 0.88. The factors relate to each other negatively with a Correlation Coefficient (Pearson’s R) of -0.45, statistically significant at the 0.01 level. It is then essential to highlight the new setting that statistical data allowed in the scale, inasmuch as four factors were expected (Belongingness, Agreeableness, Destruction and Insecurity) and only two were proven. On the other hand, it was found that each factor proven admitted similar categories of items. The items of the factors expecting Belonging and Agreeableness were grouped in the same factor (factor I), which was termed Potentiating Esteem for Action and Involvement in the Environment. The same happened with Insecurity and Destruction, which, combined, constituted Non-potentiating Esteem for Action and involvement in the environment. In this sense, the categories that were expected as component factors of the scale will then be considered as dimensions within the definitive factors. Table 2 shows the factorial structure of the Esteem for the Place Scale, taking into account two factors extracted by the Principal Components Analysis. ZULMIRA BOMFIM, BRUNO NOBRE, THAIS FERREIRA, LÍVIO ARAUJO, MARÍA FEITOSA, ANA MARTINS, HELENIRA ALENCAR Y NAZKA FARIAS 141 Table 2. Factorial Structure of the Esteem for the Place Scale Items Factors h² α III 56. I feel attached. 0,77 0,55 0,83 47. I love it. 0,76 0,60 0,83 50. It has everything to do with me. 0,75 0,60 0,83 39. It’s attractive for me. 0,75 0,57 0,83 32. I feel that I belong. 0,71 0,49 0,83 43. It makes me proud. 0,70 0,54 0,83 36. I have pleasure. 0,67 0,56 0,83 26. If I’m not in it, I want to go back. 0,66 0,45 0,83 28. I feel identified with it. 0,64 0,51 0,83 49 I have fun. 0,62 0,45 0,90 29. I admire its beauty. 0,59 0,47 0,83 09. I consider it part of my story. 0,55 0,28 0,84 54. I would defend it if necessary. 0,53 0,30 0,83 07. I wouldn’t change it for anything. 0,49 0,33 0,83 35. The things that happen to it are important for me. 0,45 0,20 0,84 01. I consider it like something mine. 0,45 0,20 0,84 23. I have opportunities. 0,41 0,21 0,84 17. I’m scared. 0,77 0,56 0,87 16. There are risks. 0,75 0,49 0,87 19. Danger is constant. 0,72 0,51 0,87 51. It’s destroyed. 0,68 0,58 0,87 52. I have the feeling that something bad may happen. 0,67 0,44 0,87 11. It looks abandon. 0,63 0,44 0,87 05. I feel relaxed. -0,63 0,47 0,90 04. I have the feeling that I am helpless. 0,61 0,41 0,87 48. I must be alert. 0,60 0,31 0,88 45. I feel insecure. 0,60 0,45 0,87 18. It’s bad. 0,60 0,57 0,87 24. I feel peaceful. -0,59 0,53 0,90 53. There is dirt. 0,58 0,31 0,87 41. I feel that I am unsafe. 0,57 0,46 0,88 21. It makes me mad. 0,57 0,55 0,87 46. It’s despicable. 0,54 0,43 0,87 20. I think it’s ugly. 0,54 0,58 0,87 03. It’s polluted. 0,53 0,29 0,88 25. With substandard structures. 0,53 0,26 0,88 30. It makes me angry. 0,50 0,44 0,87 13. It embarrasses me. 0,49 0,36 0,87 12. I don’t trust people. 0,48 0,23 0,88 33. I feel suffocated. 0,47 0,36 0,87 55. Anything can happen. 0,46 0,20 0,88 Number of itens 17 24 Eigenvalues 16,06 4,53 Total Explained Variance (%) 28,6 8,1 Cronbach´s (α) 0,84 0,88 Factor I. Potentiating Esteem of Action and involvement in the environment. Factor II. Not-Potentiating Esteem of Action and Involvement in the environment. Note 1: minimal factorial loading satisfactory |0,40| Note 2: the English translation of the items has not been psychometrically tested. 142 AFFECTIVE MAPS: VALIDATING A DIALOGUE BETWEEN QUALITATIVE AND QUANTITATIVE METHODS Data analysis results of questionnaire The results obtained from the analysis of drawings and inquiry of the sample that responded to the complete instrument were distributed in terms of frequency of emergence of categories of Esteem for the Place. These results show there was a greater concentration on Non-Potentiating of Action and involvement in the environment, since the categories of Insecurity and Destruction totaled 37.7% frequency in this sample compared to Belongingness and Agreeableness (Potentiating Esteem), which amounted to 29%. However, in this analysis it is possible to identify the Contrast category in cases where there is a duality in the affective representation about the environment, i.e. esteem interposed between two polarities, totaling 33%. Figure 2. Draw and inquiry analysis results (n=69). Figure 2. Drawing and inquiry analysis results (n=69). The score analysis of the Esteem for the Place scale yielded results based on the means of all subjects for each of the factors. For the overall sample, it was found that the Potentiating Esteem for action and involvement in place had a mean of 3.42 (n = 246, SD = 0.67) and the Non-Potentiating of Action overall mean obtained 3.05 (n = 224, SD = 0.68), which did not allow us, from the statistical point of view, to infer that there is a significant difference between the two scores. An Esteem for the Place coefficient (e) was then produced, calculated by simple subtraction of the individual scores from factor I (Potentiating Esteem) and factor II (Non-Potentiating Esteem) in accordance with the following formula. e = M e potentiating – M e not-potentiating ZULMIRA BOMFIM, BRUNO NOBRE, THAIS FERREIRA, LÍVIO ARAUJO, MARÍA FEITOSA, ANA MARTINS, HELENIRA ALENCAR Y NAZKA FARIAS 143 This calculation produces positive results when the scores from factor I exceed the scores from factor II and negative in the reverse situation. We then traced a diagram with coefficients grouped in accordance with Figure 3.  e potentiating > enon-potentiating Menon-potentiating > Me Figure 3. Distribution of Esteem for the Place coefficients by groups (n = 199). It is easy to check that there is a concentration of Esteem for the Place coefficients (e) above 0 (zero), which could indicate that, in general, the sample demonstrated a higher potentiating esteem than non-potentiating esteem about the place. However, it is also observed that the highest concentration of coefficients is established at points very close to zero. The closer this value the smaller the differences between the means of the two types of esteem. Discussion The Dialogue between Qualitative and Quantitative Methods Quantitative analysis facilitates the improvement of the generator questionnaire of affective maps towards the construction of precise and valid items, which can be used for various types of environment without the need to apply a pre-test, making the survey faster and more consistent. We confirm our hypothesis for this project that has been tested in previous research, that the categories Agreeableness and Belongingness, and Insecurity and Destruction compose the potentiating and non-potentiating Esteem for the place, respectively. Furthermore, we note that the current results coming from qualitative and quantitative analyses corroborate previous research conducted during the period from 2003 to 2012, where categories are repeated and theoretical structure is confirmed. 252 UNDERSTANDING THE TRANSFORMATION OF LOW-RISE APARTMENT HOUSING UNIT PLANS IN ISTANBUL Figure 1. Example Plan Analysis, 1933 Pertev Apartment, Taksim (Phase 1), illustrating the division for the three primary areas (through different colors). 1-service area, 2-living area, and 3-bedroom area, wherein the syntactic analyses were performed Figure 2. 1933 Example Plan Analysis, Pertev Apartment, Taksim, illustrating the allocation of the 23 grids per m2 for the syntactic analysis, which is superimposed with the visual representation from the integration analysis MEHMET EMIN ŞALGAMCIOĞLU AND ALPER ÜNLÜ 253 Figure 3. 1933 Example Plan Analysis, Pertev Apartment, Taksim, illustrating an example Isovist point and its visual field area For the analyses, the average values for the first and second phases were compared using the mean values based on space syntax concepts, and the study tried to understand how the variation trended between these distinct phases. Diagrams addressing the variation tendencies of the mean values between the two phases are provided below (Tables 3 and 4). These diagrams and the above charts (Table 1 and Table 2) were considered together to better understanding the results herein. The trends indicated in these charts involve results that compose the essence of this study. Shown in Table 3, the average mean integration value (considering the average for each space in a plan and then average for all plans) rises from 1026 to 1219 during the transition from the first to second phase, which is an extremely important finding. When the reason for this rise was investigated, it was observed that the effect from the mean integration value for living areas rose to 2010 during the second phase, whereas it was 1531 level during the first phase, which indicates a significant effect. The living area comprising the lounge, living room, and housing space entry transformed into more integrated spaces, which can be interpreted as a result of the changing state of lounges. Living area rooms were used extensively due to the television, which began broadcasting in 1952 in Turkey, and became commonplace in spatial construction by the 1970s . Of course, television is not the only reason for this change: heating systems were as influential as television; inter-spatial boundaries were removed, which opened doors and supported such conditions. In addition, due to the increased population and socio-economic changes, the living area became more integrated. The depth value for the living area remained almost unchanged during the second phase, whereas its integration was stronger, which was due to less change in its allocation within the plan. 254 UNDERSTANDING THE TRANSFORMATION OF LOW-RISE APARTMENT HOUSING UNIT PLANS IN ISTANBUL Table 3. Changes in Syntactic Values Between Phases 1 and 2. The Plan Averages for the Average Mean Depth, Average Mean Integration, Average Isovist Area (m2), Average Isovist Perimeter (m), Average Compactness, Average Mean Circularity and Average Mean Connectivity Values. MEHMET EMIN ŞALGAMCIOĞLU AND ALPER ÜNLÜ 255 Table 4. Changes in Syntactic Values Between Phases 1 and 2. Averages for the Bathrooms, Kitchens, Bedroom Areas, Living Areas and Service Areas for the Average Mean Depth and Average Mean Integration Values. 256 UNDERSTANDING THE TRANSFORMATION OF LOW-RISE APARTMENT HOUSING UNIT PLANS IN ISTANBUL Among the phases shown in Table 3, the mean plan depths, which showed an increasing trend from the first to the second phase, were not strong but provided evidence for gradually deeper areas. If we consider that the mean integration (Table 3) increased sharply by shifting from 1026 to 1219, the mean depth increase for the entire plan during the second phase shows strong deepening in certain areas. The increase in the mean depth for the service area (Table 4) and bedroom area (Table 4) shows a general deepening in the plan. Despite deepening in these areas, the trend was more shallow/integrated (Table 4) only for the kitchen space during the second phase, which is notable; the trend for the mean depth value decreased from 2,68 to 2,56. In the second phase, integration increased significantly for the kitchen space (Table 4), which is an important result and is demonstrated in the shift from 305 in the first phase to 504 in the second phase. In this case, it is important to note that the integration for both the kitchen and the living area spaces significantly increased in the second phase. Importantly, in the second phase, the kitchen space transformed into both a shallower space through the decreased mean depth value and a more integrated space within the full plan through an increased integration value. This situation stems from the varied spaces included in the service area, which shifted away from a closed internal setup, thus creating a deeper space, in the second phase. Whereas service area spaces composed a greater m2 during the first phase and included maid’s rooms, internal hallways, office rooms and restrooms, the space decreased during the second phase; even though the kitchen space became shallower, the plan separated restrooms and service rooms, and singular deep spaces emerged. Considering the bathroom space, although integration values in the plan were similar for both phases (Table 4), it gradually deepened (Table 4) due to the deeper bedroom position (Table 4) in the second phase. Conclusion When the relationships between the two phases are analyzed in the context of spatial changes, the convex spaces change in the second phase where the dimensional data are gradually differentiated. Such conditions can be interpreted as evidence of change and the shifting of fields comprising many different spaces in the first phase towards a single space in the second phase. The circularity value gradually decreased during the second phase; in the first phase, the plan structure included entry fields or hallways; the results support a trend wherein the center was near the hall, which was the most important dispersion field in the bedroom area in the first-phase samples. The living area space comprised three, four or more convex spaces in the first phase; importantly, this area shifted towards a singular living area in the second phase, and the integration valued significantly increased. Due to changes in zoning rules and different parcel widths and lengths, we observed a shift away from convex spaces with dimension data towards convex space geometries with different dimension values consistent with such rules. MEHMET EMIN ŞALGAMCIOĞLU AND ALPER ÜNLÜ 257 We also noted a general trend wherein the mean circularity value decreased in the second phase due to diverging areas and connecting areas with narrow interconnections in the plan organization. For the second phase, we observed a structure wherein convex space fractures in the plan continuity decreased the mean circularity; the mean circularity tended to decrease for structures wherein the interconnecting areas tightened, narrowed and concentrated at a single field with a high mean integration. Finally, bathrooms showed similar trends in the first and second phases through their integration value; a deeper structure through the mean depth value and increasing connection with the bedroom area yielded a deeper structure in the second phase, likely due to privacy considerations. Revealing relationships between space and socialization, the space syntax theory facilitated discussions on social changes via numeric analyses. Space syntax enabled us to analyze different morphologies quantitatively, and the differences, similarities and changes in the samples between two phases and among each other were analyzed. Isovist syntactic analyses were used herein. Finally, the relationships that affect housing space development are physical organizations, such as technological development, environmental factors, a zoning change or a set of changes, and developments in sociological organizations related to human ecology over time. The framework for the conceptual infrastructure comprised five primary sections, which were determined by analyzing the relationships and additional theories in this context. Ecology-based theories, culture-related theories, environmental perceptionand cognition-based theories, semantics-based theories, and space syntax theories form the basis for such sections. 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E., Garip, E. & Mansouri, A. (2009) Interface of indoor and outdoor spaces in buildings: A syntactic comparison of architectural schools in istanbul. In Koch, D., Marcus, L. & Steen, J. (Eds.), Proceedings of 7th International Space Syntax Symposium, Stockholm, Sweden: KTH Royal Institute of Technology, (pp.132: 1-12). MYRIAM GOLUBOFF SCHEPS, AMPARO CASARES GALLEGO, CRISTINA GARCÍA FONTÁN 269 Figure 4. The evolution of the building typology at the original plot. The result was heterogeneous since it developed in direct relation to the future of the owners, but there was a willingness and integrated regulation, both social and urban. This order and scale identification, pampa-checkerboard-block-lot-house, resulted in a valuable combined portfolio of residential architecture. Today the rehabilitation of the “sausage houses” - “casas chorizo” - is an important real estate business. Decrees were also promulgated at this time to facilitate access to housing: 1948 / Law 13,512 / NATION: concerning Horizontal Property, allowing for the first time the subdivision and separate sale of different units in the same multifamily property. The purpose of this law was to “facilitate access to private property for all Argentines”. This is an important difference in comparison to the next period, comparing housing legislation found in 1967 / Law 17,605 / NATION: Plan to Eradicate Slums “Villas de Emergencia” (PEVE). While it focused on the problem, it resolved merely ministerial organization, objectives and planning at national level which did not derive in any effective action. In the “slums” - “villa de emergencia” – the relationship of building typology and urban morphology was not evident, since a model city had not been proposed. The settlement occurred with no order, no beam to support it ... The emergency situation in 1930 was the same as in 1880, fifty years earlier. In time, many houses of sheet metal and wood became brick houses, self-built, with a room added vertically. In some villas, the inhabitants managed to have the basic services of water, sewers and electricity installed. 270 UNEXPECTED CHANGES AS A PRINCIPAL FACTOR OF URBAN DISORGANIZATION We have seen some similarities and differences between these two processes, so now we are going to see if it is possible to apply some conclusions to provoke the transformation of these unfortunate settlements, “villa miseria”, and making them an integrated part of the city. The city was not prepared for that increase of citizens, they came from less developed areas in cultural and economic terms, and the increment of citizens happened in a very short period of time. It does not seem that housing is the worst thing in these marginal urban spaces. The common spaces, the services, the integration with the city, the work of the company for education and integration are the most relevant aspects to solve. From 1930, the”villas” grew inside the city and outside in the metropolitan area, where the problem was actually much more important because of migration from other countries. This information was obtained by direct interviews with the actors involved in these transformations of the city, planners and citizens, as well as written documentation of processes. The information was also obtained from the comparative study of the photo-mapping planes and demographic data reflecting the evolution of the city in these periods. Conclusions There was a theoretical discussion on the need for a supra-municipal planning for Greater Buenos Aires (Della Paolera) in 1929, while proposing this type of planning for New York and London. But the problem of Buenos Aires is different. There is no territorial hierarchy outside Buenos Aires, which means that there is no type of centrality, and it is not generated because it is not planned. London and New York raise the generation of new neighbourhoods or small new towns. In Buenos Aires only subdivisions were made for the construction of housing blocks, 120x120m, without gaps or fixtures. The urgent thing was to accommodate the mass housing of immigrants who arrived in less than 10 years. Everything that was built outside Buenos Aires planned in 1925, “Organic Project for the Development of the Municipality. The Master Plan and Federal Capital Reform” (Noel Plan), answers to this spontaneous grid. This massive occupation of Buenos Aires prevented the collapse of migratory mass housing outside the Federal Capital, while the checkerboard urban services only appeared decades later. But there was a complex self-organized transport system “los colectivos”, supporting rail. The founding purpose of the train had been to take goods to the harbour, but it was used to transport suburban workers. In the capital, as everything was developed, in the urban voids “villas de emergencia” sprang up - “slums”. Pockets of soil in the creek flooded in the south of the city and village 31 near the harbour and the train stations reaching Retiro. This was the inevitable response to a failure of management and a lack of interest in planning any- MYRIAM GOLUBOFF SCHEPS, AMPARO CASARES GALLEGO, CRISTINA GARCÍA FONTÁN 271 thing for people with low income and low culture, something that contrasts with what happened in the city in the early twentieth century with European migration. The grid subdivision provided results in an order that supports changes and overruns and the ability to host good architecture. It is very difficult for slums without any imposed order (chaos) to form a city and transformations, when possible, are complicated by the possibility of generating quality urban spaces If we leave the development and planning of cities to chance, the result is chaos: disorganization, disintegration, marginalization and exclusion. The extreme case is presented by the Kowloon Walled City: City of Anarchy. References Borthagaray, J. M. (2006). Hacia la gestión de un hábitat sostenible. Buenos Aires: Nobuco. Comelatto, P. (2009). Cambio demográfico en la ciudad de Buenos Aires y sus relaciones con el cambio en la participación económica (1950-2000). Revista Semestral De Datos y Estudios Demográficos, año 6(9), 23-30. Díez, F. E. (1996). Buenos aires y algunas constantes de las transformaciones urbanas. Buenos Aires: Belgrano. Gorelik, A. (1998). La grilla y el parque. espacio público y cultura urbana en buenos aires, 1887-1936. Buenos Aires: Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. Gutman, M., & Hardoy, J. E. (2007). Buenos aires 1536-2006. Buenos Aires: Infinito. Korn, F. (2007). Buenos aires población y vivienda 1920-1930. Anales De La Academia Nacional De Ciencias De Buenos Aires, Tomo XLVI, 257-262. Korn, F. (2009). Población de buenos aires. Revista Semestral De Datos y Estudios Demográficos, año 6(9) Magliani, C. (2009). Una mirada sobre la epidemia de febre amarilla en buenos aires (1871). Revista Semestral De Datos y Estudios Demográficos, año 6(9), 7-22. Rusiñol, S. (1910). Del Born al Plata. impressions de viatge. Barcelona: Antonio López. Torres, H. (1993). El mapa social de buenos aires (1940-1990). Buenos Aires: Universidad de Buenos Aires. Vapñarsky, C. (2000). La aglomeración gran buenos aires. expansión espacial y crecimiento demográfico entre 1869 y 1991. Buenos Aires: Eudeba. Varas, A. (1997). Buenos aires metrópolis. estudio sobre modelos del espacio públicos durante los procesos metropolitanos intensivos. Madrid y Buenos aires: uBA, UP& GSD Harvard. LILIAN NAMUGANYI, ROLF JOHANSSON 273 19 CONSTRUCTING ALTERNATIVE SPATIALITIES IN KAMPALA CITY: TWO CASE STUDIES Lilian Namuganyi, Rolf Johansson Lilian Namuganyi Makerere University, Department of Architecture, Kampala, Uganda. Rolf Johansson Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences (SLU), Uppsala, Sweden. CONSTRUCTING ALTERNATIVE SPATIALITIES IN KAMPALA CITY: TWO CASE STUDIES Lilian Namuganyi Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda. Rolf Johansson Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences (SLU), Uppsala, Sweden. Abstract Central Kampala, like many colonial cities, was modelled on modernist planning ideals of functionalism and visual aesthetics of science, logic, and order, to be reflected in its physical form, its life and functioning, and in its citizenry. These ideals pre-supposed a formal, elite, un-emotive and logical being, with a Western outlook, as opposed to cultural man that assigned meaning to place. The modernist city resisted alternative spatialities by enforcing strict planning and zoning laws, which assigned functions and people to specific areas in the city, directed public life, and excluded people who did not fit the definition of modernist citizenry. But by subverting these laws in countless ways, the previously fringe city in all its diversity embedded itself in the space of modernist Kampala, becoming ever more central, and making of the modernist city something other than its surface presentation. An ethnographic study explores how two people from alternative poles encounter the city, negotiate its rules, and construct different spatialities out of diverse but interconnected practices in the space of the one physical city. It emerges that these practices which are often invisible and fluid, are of a more complex logic and order than has previously been acknowledged and that the physical, functionalist, city is but only a medium for those diverse practices. Keywords: Public Space, Kampala, Diversity, Spatialities, Urban Practices Introduction It is often assumed in modern non-western cities that people experience the city in the same way, and that one account can represent the experience of all the people. This arises when the physical aspects of the city which are an “expression of function, structure, technology, construction and materials” are assumed to comprise its total experience and perception and since the physical does not change regardless of the person who is looking at it, it is thought that the city is the same to all people at all times (Malik, 2001:875). On the contrary, people’s experiences will vary depending on which places in the city they inhabit and how they mentally and physically structure the parts. Moreover individual social, cultural and economic positions affect the understanding that each person attaches to specific spaces and to the city as a whole. This paper is based on a study that explores how people from (not people of) different social and economic groups in Kampala experience and perceive the city, and how 19 274 CONSTRUCTING ALTERNATIVE SPATIALITIES IN KAMPALA CITY: TWO CASE STUDIES they therefore construct their spatialities of the city1. Two of the case studies in the research are presented and discussed in this paper2. The study is located in the Central Business District of Kampala. Present-day Kampala developed as a township of European colonial settlement adjacent to the Kibuga which was the administrative capital of the indigenous Buganda Kingdom. Although the Kampala Township as a whole was more formal in its appearance and outlook, there was diversity in the physical, economic, and social character of its districts. The diversity has grown out of a century of colonial and post-colonial modernist planning ideologies that reinforced separation of trading, commercial, and administrative functions, and segregation of the races and social classes according to their designated roles (Southall & Gutkind, 1957). Bands of green belts, swamp and wasteland, stretches of industrial areas, and zones of Asian settlement and economic occupation were used to buffer the Kampala township from the adjacent Kibuga, and to give access only to those spaces where the presence of other races did not threaten the privacy, security, and exclusivity of the Europeans, and where for administrative and economic reasons, it was necessary to interact with the other races. Africans were not allowed to own shops, or businesses in the city. They resided mostly in areas outside the city in a semi-rural setting or in the slums that had sprung up outside the European city to accommodate immigrants to the city (Southall & Gutkind, 1957). Today the city has expanded to incorporate the trading towns and residential neighbourhoods that had previously been outside its original boundaries. The formerly colonial Township has however retained its role as the core of the city, and still the place where people of different social, and economic groups come each day to work. The territoriality of this part of the city remains evident in its spatial demarcations and in the spaces that different social and economic groups predominantly occupy. While the administrative, commercial, and residential zones (Nakasero) have a predominantly, formal, educated, well off, and elite population of professionals and civil servants, the zones around the main public transport terminals, markets, and trading zones (Nakivubo), draw a daytime population that is predominantly uneducated, and poor. The latter is located at the fringes of what was previously the colonial Township, bordered by the Kibuga on the other side. The conceptual framework The purpose of the study was to explore how people drawn from different social and economic groups construct their spatialities of the city. The study used the conceptual framework of place which according to Relph (1976: 61) is defined by the physical aspects of place, activities, and by the meaning that is assigned to a place. However 1 In Namuganyi (2011). Four cases were studied. The four cases were a hawker, two ladystreet vendors, a lady banker, and a boutique and beauty salon entrepreneur. 2 The two cases that are presented in this paper are Ssewava the Hawker, and Barbara the Banker. LILIAN NAMUGANYI, ROLF JOHANSSON 275 Lynch (1960) observed that because a city is so big it is not perceivable as one unit at any one moment. Rather the perception of the city is gathered by experiencing fragments which are physically and mentally structured together and assigned meaning. The model of identity, structure, and meaning that is developed after Lynch may thus be seen as a variation on Relph’s model. Kevin Lynch’s idea of fragments that are mentally and physically structured together converges to some extent with De Certeau’s navigational city. However fragments, trajectories, and simple meaning alone are not sufficient in defining the intricate and detailed everyday practices by which its inhabitants3 construct the city “because a trajectory is drawn, and time and movement is reduced to a line that can be seized as a whole by the eye and read in a single moment, as one projects onto a map a path taken by someone walking through the city” (De Certeau, 1984:35). Rather, beyond fragments and trajectories, spatial practices are defined by the many hidden, ephemeral and detailed acts and thoughts of “consumption”, or “secondary production hidden in the process of [its] utilization” (De Certeau, 1984:xiii), (which De Certeau refers to as tactics), that manipulate, subvert and makes use of the conversely more static, more regulated, and imposed systems (which he calls strategies). By their very relationship to one another and by their manner of functioning, the two modes of operation, the strategy and the tactic which, though the latter embeds in the former, are defined by differing characteristics. De Certeau (1984:29) accordingly observes of strategies and tactics, that: Although they remain dependent upon the possibilities offered by circumstances, these transverse tactics do not obey the law of place, for they are not defined or identified by it. In this respect, they are not any more localisable than the technocratic (and scriptural) strategies that seek to create places in conformity with abstract models. But what distinguishes them at the same time concerns the types of operations and the role of spaces: strategies are able to produce, tabulate, and impose these spaces, whereas tactics can only use, manipulate, and divert these spaces. He notes that the strategy “postulates a place that can be delimited as its own and serve as a base from which relations with an exteriority composed of targets or threats can be managed”. (1984:36). He refers not only to physical places, but also to places of power (the property of a proper), and to theoretical places (systems and totalising discourses) (1984:38) that articulate those physical places. In the sense of a city these might be correspond respectively to the physical space of the city, the institution of the city including the technocrats of those institution, and thirdly, systems, mechanisms and procedures of the city (1984:94). The characteristic of being located or anchored and having exteriority is important because it enables strategy to “capitalise acquired advantages, to prepare future expansions and thus give oneself a certain independence with respect to the variability of circumstances” (1984:36). This implies growth, stability, and autonomy. Moreover 3 Lefebvre (1991 [1974]:43-44) is averse to this term because it implies passive use. 276 CONSTRUCTING ALTERNATIVE SPATIALITIES IN KAMPALA CITY: TWO CASE STUDIES its being thus placed affords strategy a “panoptic”, overall distant view, plan and control of the whole. The strategy hence suggests discipline, power, and cold, objective, disinterested knowledge at one with science. The strategy aligns with the modern city, with the city of planners and technocrats, with the abstract. By contrast, De Certeau argues, the tactic lacks a place of its own. It operates in, not away from the space of others. It therefore does not have a wide overall view. It is short-sighted and lacks a long-term plan. It acts as it goes along and takes advantage of the opportunities offered by the moment, action by action, in close view. Because it does not have the space to stand back and examine the whole, it selects fragments. It is as such mobile, flexible, and unpredictable. It aligns with the “the pack donkey city” (Le-Corbusier, 1927), with the social and cultural city, with the lived city, and with bricolage. De Certeau (1984:31) observes that: [A] rationalised, expansionist, centralised, spectacular and clamorous production is confronted by an entirely different type of production, called “consumption” and characterised by its ruses, its fragmentation (the result of circumstances), its poaching, its clandestine nature, its tireless but quiet activity, in short by its quasi-invisibility, since it shows itself not in its own products (where would it put them?) but in an art of using those imposed on it. De Certeau’s revelation of the view from a skyscraper in Manhattan, and of the renaissance perspective drawing of the city (1984:92) demonstrate the ideology of a totalised panoptic outlook, that in the first instance, puts the city at distance for contemplation as one might an object, aloof, and that in the second instance, creates a fiction or a utopia, a picture, arguably possible, but quite disconnected from the reality of being on the ground where the detail, the individual beings and their action are visible, where those in the scene, on the street cannot see the whole, but rather must in their movement piece together the fragments. De Certeau (1984:93) reveals something of the city of a spatial practice. The ordinary practitioners of the city live “down below,” below the thresholds at which visibility begins. They walk – an elementary form of this experience of the city; they are walkers …whose bodies follow the thicks and thins of an urban “text” they write without being able to read it. … The networks of these moving intersecting writings compose a manifold story … shaped out of fragments of trajectories and alterations of spaces… These practices of space refer to …”another spatiality” (an “anthropological,” poetic and mythic experience of space), and to an opaque and blind mobility characteristic of the bustling city. A migrational, or metaphorical, city thus slips into the clear text of the planned and readable city. De Certeau likens the spatial practice of walking the city to writing. He likens it to writing “another spatiality” – a story, a poem that generates a poetic experience. It is important here to note that the poem and the poetic experience differ. The story, or the poem is the trajectory of the walk; the words are the fragments of the trajectory and of alterations of the spaces. We that are not walkers cannot know the entirety of the experience. We stand outside of it. But from a distance, we can read the words and so map LILIAN NAMUGANYI, ROLF JOHANSSON 277 the routes and spaces of the journeys. The walker cannot read the story in its entirety. They are too close. But they can feel, smell, and hear, and they can see the fragments. They engage in the practice of walking. They choose and discard fragments. They are in the space of the city. And by this, they know the experience. This is the migrational, or metaphorical city that slips into the clear text of the planned and readable city. Both the operation of walking, and the routes and spaces of the trajectory into which the operation is transposed, together, constitute the space of the practiced city. Methodology In order to see the detailed and ephemeral acts and in order to understand the relationships and encounters that contribute to the metaphorical city, one must be on the ground, and see the city through the eyes of the walker as they select the fragments moment by moment. For this reason, the study was conducted using ethnographic methods. The research was conducted over a period of about eight months with each case participant. The first task was to sketch out the background of the informantparticipant based on their account. This was crucial given that the threads of the past weave into the present and influence the progress of place. Further their childhood and past experiences determine the cultural baggage that a person brings to a current experience. Therefore an understanding of the informant-participant’s background gives an insight into the world that is accessible to them. Through participant observation the research maps out the fragments, the general structuring of these parts, and the meaning that each case participant assigns to the city. The researcher shares and gets involved in the lives of the informant-participants with the aim of getting as close to their experience as possible and observing this experience from the inside. The third and last part of the study is conducted from the informant-participant’s perspective. It tests the experiences of the researcher-participant through interviews based on photographs of places in the city that are taken by the informant-participant, secondly, through the informant-participant’s listings of people and narrative about their social interaction, and thirdly through drawing of mental maps accompanied by narrative. The two perspectives – that of the researcher and that of the informantparticipant, do not stand alone. They augment each other, fill the gaps, and allow the informant-participant’s spatialities of the city to emerge. Ssewava the hawker Ssewava is about forty years of age. He was born in the rural countryside to peasant farmers. Being one of a family of thirty six siblings, he had to share the little resources among many, and at the age of fifteen, he left school and came to live in the city. He stayed with a friend of the same age who had preceded him into the city. They run a small business making samosas. A few years later Ssewava started vending at a stall on the ground in Nakivubo and eventually hawking goods in the City Centre. At 278 CONSTRUCTING ALTERNATIVE SPATIALITIES IN KAMPALA CITY: TWO CASE STUDIES first he worked only in the Nakivubo area, but he gradually extended his journey to the Nakasero area. He had first been attracted to sell his goods in the Nakasero by the ladies of the country’s Central Bank, who he had observed many times as they stood outside the gatehouse to the bank. He thought that they looked quite elegant and he longed to sell his merchandise to them. Ssewava buys his merchandise in the Nakivubo area of the city which is the district for trade and where many of the city’s warehouses and wholesale shops are located, and sells it in commercial and civic Nakasero, where many of the city’s government, organisations, and international commerce and business offices are located. His targeted clients are the white collar elites of that part of the city. Ssewava’s work is illegal and informal. He is subject to be arrested by the Kampala City Council enforcement officials, who often patrol the streets in their characteristic green and yellow pickup trucks and make surprise swoops into an area. Sometimes the enforcement officials are camouflaged in plain civilian clothes and mingle with the pedestrians on the streets. Ssewava must work out strategies to evade arrest. These described factors of his life and work affect his choice of spaces and how he uses them, how he physically and mentally structures the spaces, the significance of those spaces. The circumstances of his work affect the form and scale of his city as well as the sequence and timing of his journeys which he plans so that he sells his merchandise, but minimises the possibility of encountering the enforcement officials. He uses different modes of transport, but mostly foot. The circumstances also affect the relationships that he forms in the city. Ssewava is of two worlds in the city. He recognises the area in and around Nakivubo and the area in the vicinity of, and including the administrative district of Central Kampala, as two entities that are distinct and separate. Further his identity with the two places differs. Ssewava’s identity with place not only defines the nature and degree of his connectedness, it also defines the relationship between the two places, and consequently, the mental structuring of place. Relph (1976:49-55) has discussed to some length the various ways of identitifying with a place. Ssewava has been nurtured by the main trading area of the city in and around Nakivubo where he worked for some of his earlier years in the city. He knows the area well. He knows the people well. He has been one of them. His is an existential insideness with the place. Yet over the years, in a gradual process, through his work of hawking, Ssewava has come to know other parts of the Central city, particularly the area around the administrative zone, at the same time as he has, to some extent, withdrawn from the area around Nakivubo. But he is neither civil servant nor employed in the formal sector. He does not have the education they have. He is barred from many of the buildings where they work. And so he is only of the place in a precarious way, as an incidental outsider where “places are merely backgrounds for other activities”, or at best as a behavioural insider of merely a “physical presence in a place” (Relph, 1976, 50), save for those few pockets of places and spot locations of meaning. Ssewava is aware of the distinct characteristics of each place and of its people. His work requires that he be conscious LILIAN NAMUGANYI, ROLF JOHANSSON 279 of these differences. In his mind, he juxtaposes, overlays, and connects the two worlds. And in his work too, by moving goods from one area into another where they would otherwise not be available, he superimposes and links. Ssewava’s journey in the Central City is linearly sequential and consists primarily of two parts, linked by a short matatu4 trip (Figure 2). The journeys within each of the two parts are undertaken on foot. In the area where Ssewava buys merchandise, the journey is targeted particularly as he will have determined beforehand what he is to buy and where it is to be purchased. But sometimes the journeys are explorative, seeking to discover new items on the market and new happenings. The main role of the path in this case is therefore to link the various location points (shops or shopping areas) within the district. In the area where he sells, Ssewava has a rehearsed and established route, occasionally with a little variation. Here, the path is as much to move and link as it is a space of encounter and interaction with the people of the place who are his customers. Along the path in the civic area are point locations where he gets information, particularly of how favourable the city is for him. The points provide intervals and tempo in what would otherwise be a long undifferentiated journey in a hostile environment. They are points of pause for re-composure. These points are kiosks, security gatehouses, doorways with guards or attendants, stationed special hire taxis, and manned telephone booths. The space inside the kiosks is private while that around them can be interpreted either as private or semi-private since it is within the range of the personal distance of both the attendants and their customer. A hawker quickly converts the few items in their possession from commercial merchandise to private personal belongings by depositing them inside the kiosk, thereby averting the confiscation of the goods and his arrest by City Council enforcement agents. A third feature of the journey is the places of rest. The spaces are either open and public or private spaces that are used by the public. The four identified spaces in this category differ in significance and intensity. At the National Theatre grounds Ssewava puts down his guard. He has a meal and interacts with other hawkers and people of other trades. 4 A matatu is a public taxi van which carries about fourteen passengers. 286 CONSTRUCTING ALTERNATIVE SPATIALITIES IN KAMPALA CITY: TWO CASE STUDIES Barbara’s city is constructed around a domain of professional elites, close family, relatives and friends. This is indicated by her list of people that she knows in the city. Some of these people also share her religious convictions, and family and child-rearing concerns. Barbara constructs meaning around her family. She and her husband must wake up early to drop her son and her neighbour’s children to school by 6.45 a.m. Barbara’s neighbours often pick her up from work. Other friends pray with her at the theatre. She has also formed friendships with people at work with whom she shares religious beliefs. Barbara’s is a corporate and formal world from which others that are not like her are largely excluded. This and the fact that she gets around the city by private car means that not only is she removed from the shared public space of the city, but also that the space to which she is removed (for example the car, and her office) gives her panoptic views and imagery, and selective encounter with only a few friends and family. She does not have a direct and sustained interface with the street. She does not engage in the immediate social and sensual experiences which furnish an intimate knowledge of place. Her encounters with the street vendor from whom she buys roasted groundnuts are brief and impersonal. She is oblivious of the vendor’s and the hawker’s lives, or of the enforcement officers who regulate their lives. If one is removed or distanced from the concrete world (in terms of their physical and/or conscious presence), their knowledge of a place can only but bias towards a mental construct, a vicarious outsideness that refers to a secondary and fictitious experience of place “through novels and other media” (Relph, 1976:50), and an incidental outsideness, “a largely unselfconscious attitude in which places are experienced as little more than the background or setting for activities and are quite incidental to those activities” (Relph, 1976:52), regardless that on the other hand, these places – the Bank where she works, the prayer hall, and are for Barbara also, ironically, places of some emotional significance. Further, her extensive use of the telephone to communicate with many of her friends and family, and the nature of her work that deals with abstract knowledge, such as of mergers and indices, makes for a virtual world. For example she has also told me that she does not often see many of the people on her list of acquaintances in the city, but she regularly talks to them on the telephone. I have observed her make many social telephone calls. She constructs an invisible city that compresses time and space into a moment. It is a city that is difficult to grasp. Yet as Graham (1997:114) concurs, it is a realm that is as real as a city that is tangible and visible, as real as a city of roads and buildings. Barbara’s city borders towards the conceptual, the mental, and the illusory as opposed to the concrete and sensual. It is a city of imagery and poetics. In the wider sense, imagery simply refers to mental images collectively or generally (Oxford English Dictionary, 2010) as pictures of the mind or their formation. Imagery replicates in the mind the equivalent to the concrete sensual and perceptual experience. The mental pictures may be mentally sensual, that is, of the mind’s eye, taste, sound, smell and touch. They may also be those that stir meanings and emotional response. LILIAN NAMUGANYI, ROLF JOHANSSON 287 Contrast, paradox, analogy, irony, metaphor and simile, drawing on memory, recall, association and comparison evoke mental imagery. Poetry also employs these means to create imagery, and indeed much of mental imagery is poetic. Conversely, imagery may also refer to the “representation of ideas with image” or to the “portrayal or visible representation” of an idea (Oxford English Dictionary, 2010), such that a tangible, sensual or visible situation can itself be imagery for an invisible, less accessible idea or mental construct. Situations can, using similar tools, evoke mental imagery of such poignancy as that evoked by verbal poetry. Likewise words, objects and sound can be poetic, as can actions, settings and events. Anne Whiston Spirn (2000:216-239) demonstrates the language of imagery and poetry in the experience of landscape. Although Spirn gets nearly all the vocabulary which highlights the imagery from set-piece landscapes, where people and activity are at the periphery (the illustrated landscapes do not have people in them), the same vocabulary can in fact also be found in lived landscapes and situations. For example as a landscape can be surreal, so too can a situation. Paradox and irony can exist in both form and lived situation. We might juxtapose things as we might conditions. When Barbara rides from her place of work in the Central City to her home, the imagery in the situation plays on the juxtaposition of two scenes – one inside and closed, the other outside and open; one intimate and warm, the other public and distanced; one familiar and cosy, the other less known. A backdrop of ever-changing frames is contrasted to the scene inside the moving car. The pane of glass accentuates the here versus the there and the separateness and disparity between the scene inside the car and that outside. Above all, the pane has the effect of rendering the situation illusory and dreamlike, not unlike De Certeau’s (1984:112) description of a train journey. The windowglass and the iron (rail) line divide, on the one hand, the traveller’s (the putative narrator’s) interiority and, on the other, the power of being, constituted as an object without discourse, the strength of an exterior silence. In her office on the third floor of the bank building, Barbara views the city from above, at a distance through a window that is tinted and lined with grey film. She does not see the detail and reality of the street. Far different from the life on the street, the office is air-conditioned, and smells of clean freshness, coffee, and light perfume. The people are clad in smart, restrained, and well tailored attire. The grey-tinted windowframed view might be compared to a romanticised and distorted airbrushed or sepia photograph. Barbara’s disconnection from the city scene, her panoptic view, the distortion of light, and colour (and consequently of time, weather, and mood), and the idealised setting of the office, all contribute to the imagery of the situation. Again De Certeau (1984:91-92) examines a similar condition of the city seen from above. In another situation, parallels are drawn between prayer at the Theatre la Bonita, and drama and performance. As in a performance drama, the prayer is the set in a theatre, and like drama, it has crescendos – points of climax that develop from one scene to another, and which are choreographed by rising and ebbing music and lighting. The imagery is all the more powerful because it contradicts one association of prayer with 288 CONSTRUCTING ALTERNATIVE SPATIALITIES IN KAMPALA CITY: TWO CASE STUDIES solemnity and quiet reflection. The line between prayer and drama is blurred. After the prayer, the audience emerges from the fictitious space of the theatre into the day-lit reality of the street. The bank where Barbara works is authorised for commercial use. The staff refectory in the bank’s complex is also authorised. The Theatre La Bonita where she prays is formally designated for public gatherings and functions. Cham Towers Shopping Arcade is officially sanctioned for trading. And she uses the street as designated to move from one location to another. She does not stow away the tools of her trade as the hawker and street vendor do. Hers is a stable city. She will return the next hour, the next day to find the street, the offices, the shopping arcades, and the other buildings with more or less the same assigned purpose as she left them the day before. Barbara’s mental city is small and comprises only a small segment of road between her place of work and the bank’s advocates (Figure 3). The map suggests that she is largely excluded from the space of the city. Notable is the absence of narrative of places or events that place her in the space of the city. Barbara lives her life in a formal setting behind the facades, away from the street. The street has very little social and economic significance for her when compared to the significance it has for the hawker and the vendors. Analysis and discussion Kampala, like many modern African cities, aims to replicate a European modernism characterised by a rigid and abstract separation, specialisation and ordering of space, for the functions of industry, trade, commerce, and administration, recreation and residence and a model citizen that is rational and free of tradition, culture, and emotional bias. The modernist city is strategically planned, implemented, and managed by organisations of or associated with state power and apparatus, and within the same urban setting, the ordinary citizens engage in many small and commonplace social and economic acts that sustain their everyday life. Further they perceive and attach emotional value to these acts. And so by these means – through theirs acts and through their thoughts, all cases subvert the strategic city. Those like the hawker that do not fit the definition of the formally accepted model citizen, must get round the rules that hinder their sustenance. They do so by taking advantage of ambiguities and crevices (De Certeau, 1984:53) in the laws – for example that there is not a law that prohibits a citizen to buy an item or to walk with that item on the street. Indeed it is impossible to differentiate between an item of personal belonging and one that is for sale especially if it is not carried in numbers. The informal also subvert by exploiting the unintended implications of strategy – that a zone or enclave planned for the elite may, at the same time have the unintended outcome of a self-imposed siege that excludes them from areas of the city, a situation that is exploited by the hawker who moves goods across boundaries to supply to the elite on the other side. LILIAN NAMUGANYI, ROLF JOHANSSON 289 Further, those at its edge may remake the strategic city without any incursion to it. The hawker enlists a support system and spy network of newspaper vendors, kiosk operators, taxi drivers, and security guards. Other hawkers look out for his security and wellbeing. Traders in the formal sector supply him with goods. He has a clientele base of white collar workers. On the face of it, to the innocent spectator, the social relations are no more than ordinary encounters – they are passive, they do not have a tangible presence, and they make no discernible impact to the surface presentation of the strategic city. At the formal end of the spectrum, the need to circumvent the strategic city may not be urgent. Still, everyday practices associated with the private individual’s mundane everyday life – family matters, religious practice, remain, as indeed does the visual dimension of the city. What’s more it is perhaps impossible to gaze upon the city and not assign it some value, depending on the standpoint of the observer. For one that does not ordinarily operate in the public space of the city, except temporarily in transit, as indeed is intended of the strategic city, the sleep-walker’s surreal understanding that is associated with a vicarious outsideness (Relph, 1976:50) must, in addition to the abstract institutional perspective, be part of the inventory of practices that contribute to the spatiality of their city. Whether operating within or at its margins, the re-working of the strategic city is a logic and order of fragments, scraps that are pieced together moment by moment. It is a city of micro-logics of the people’s social and especially economic survival – many small thoughts and actions of many people, woven into the detailed space of the city, unpredictable, never static, ever mutating. In reality there is not a cleavage between the two cities, for within the formal order of the strategic whole, at a tactical level, the modernist city’s rigid plan provides the very context for the its mutation and a richer, more diverse, more democratic and meaningful city. 290 CONSTRUCTING ALTERNATIVE SPATIALITIES IN KAMPALA CITY: TWO CASE STUDIES References Carmona, M., Heath, T., Oc, T., & Tiesdell, S. (2003). Public Places, Urban Spaces: The Dimensions of Urban Design. Oxford: Architectural Press. De Certeau, M. (1984). The Practice of Everyday Life. Berkerly, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press. Graham, S. (1997). Cities in the Real-time Age: The Paradigm Challenge of Telecommunications to the Conception and Planning of Urban Space. Environment and Planning A , 29, 105-127. Le-Corbusier. (1927). The City of Tomorrow. London: John Rodker. Lefebvre, H. (1991 [1974]). The Production of Space. Oxford and London: Blackwell Publishers. Lynch, K. (1960). The Image of the City. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Malik, A. (2001). After Modernity: Contemporary Non-western Cities and Architecture. Futures , 873-882. Namuganyi, L. (2011). Spatial Experience and Meaning of Place in Kampala City: Narratives of Personal Experiences (Doctoral Thesis). Stockholm: Royal Institute of Technology (KTH). Oxford English Dictionary. (2010, September). Oxford English Dictionary Online. Retrieved November 28th , 2010, from http://dictionary.oed.com Relph, E. (1976). Place and Placelessness. Massachusetts: Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Southall, A. W., & Gutkind, P. C. (1957). Townsmen in the Making - Kampala and its Suburbs. Kampala: East African Institute of Social Research. Spirn, A. W. (2000). The Language of Landscape. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. 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