An Analysis of Jordanian Bedouin Riddles from the Badia Region

INTERNATIONAL DOCTORAL SCHOOL OF THE USC ABDULATEEF SULEIMAN SALAMEH ALMARAYEH PhD Thesis AN ANALYSIS OF JORDANIAN BEDOUIN RIDDLES FROM THE BADIA REGION Santiago de Compostela, 2023 Doctoral Programme in Advanced English Studies: Linguistic, Literature and Culture PHD THESIS AN ANALYSIS OF JORDANIAN BEDOUIN RIDDLES FROM THE BADIA REGION ABDULATEEF SULEIMAN SALAMEH ALMARAYEH Director: JoDee Anderson McGuire Director: Jesús Varela Zapata PHD PROGRAMME IN ADVANCED ENGLISH STUDIES: LINGUISTICS, LITERATURE & CULTURE INTERNATIONAL PHD SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA 2023 ii AUTORIZACIÓN D0 DIRECTOR/TITOR DA TESE Dna. JoDee Anderson McGuire En condición de: Titora e directora Título da tese: AN ANALYSIS OF JORDANIAN BEDOUIN RIDDLES FROM THE BADIA REGION INFORMA: Que a presente tese, correspóndase co traballo realizado por D. ABDULATEEF SULEIMAN SALAMEH ALMARAYEH, baixo a miña dirección e titorización, e autorizo a súa presentación, considerando que reúne os requisitos esixidos no Regulamento de Estudos de Doutoramento da USC, e que como directora e titora desta non incorre nas causes de abstención establecidas na Lei 40/2015. En Lugo, 15 de Novembro de 2023 Sinatura electrónica iii AUTORIZACIÓN D0 DIRECTOR/TITOR DA TESE D. Jesús Varela Zapata En condición de: Director Título da tese: AN ANALYSIS OF JORDANIAN BEDOUIN RIDDLES FROM THE BADIA REGION INFORMA: Que a presente tese, correspóndase co traballo realizado por D. ABDULATEEF SULEIMAN SALAMEH ALMARAYEH, baixo a miña dirección e titorización, e autorizo a súa presentación, considerando que reúne os requisitos esixidos no Regulamento de Estudos de Doutoramento da USC, e que como directora e titora desta non incorre nas causes de abstención establecidas na Lei 40/2015. En Lugo, 15 de Novembro de 2023 Sinatura electrónica 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First of all, I thank Almighty Allah for the strength and guidance he has provided me during the entire time that I have been preparing this dissertation and for the people whom he has provided to stand as guides and supporters along the journey as we were carrying out this project. A doctoral thesis is always a work of a unique nature that comes about as the result of a lengthy time of devotion, struggle, work, faith, delight, and likewise, suffering. There are many who have served as supporters in encouraging me along the way, so I would like to personally express my continuous appreciation to them; nonetheless, several of them, due to their support and intended or unintended participation, will always deserve my greatest thankfulness for their determination in the perfection of this work. My first sincere appreciation and gratitude will always go to my dissertation supervisor, Dr. JoDee Anderson McGuire, for the moments of motivation and inspiration that I have gained from her company by my side during my research project. She is exemplary to me, the one who dedicates all her knowledge, scientific experience, priceless suggestions, carefully selected expressions, and chosen words for the sake of our research success. She left no advice or hesitation in providing educational and ethical resources to me throughout these last 2 years of dedication to this project. Thank you for your continuous help and for encouraging me to make successive improvements till the last moment of our work—what a great honor for me to be one of your students. I would love to raise my heartfelt gratitude to my second dissertation director Dr. Jesús Varela Zapata for his wonderful contribution and enhancement in the correction phase. His unique professionalism is appreciated very much, as well as his in-depth knowledge of matters dealing with all things literary, his dedication, and accuracy. You were my critical tool through which I must stand for any linguistical and literary investigation. Thank you very much for your help and supervision and thank you for presenting new ideas for the investigation so as to obtain the final results of this study. I have learned a lot from you about critical thinking and research. I would also like to thank you for your expressions of encouragement and support as I conducted this project. To my beloved university of Santiago de Compostela, words of love and appreciation are few for you. This deep-rooted university will always be remembered for the outstanding academic atmosphere at the Faculty of Philology, and the International PhD School (EDIUS), and my special thanks goes to the administrative staff and library team who were always there to help with encouragement. To Santiago de Compostela City, the Kind city with beautiful views, stunning sights, and charming nature, where I spent the hardest and best times of my life, may peace be upon it and its good citizens. To the State of Spain and the European Union, I have seen justice, equality, and freedom; I also have seen people's love, simplicity, and dedication to their work for the sake of their countries' development, my peace, and love for you. Special thanks to every person who has had a favorable influence on me, personally, and on my journey during this investigation; it is hard to mention them all here. I thank my wife, Eman, and my family, 3 Tayem, Mohammad, and the little one, “Anas”, for their tolerance with me during the crucial times that I was not there when they missed me. The present thesis would not have been achievable without the collaboration of some essential people who made helpful contributions to the thesis during the riddle collection phase. Many thanks to the poets and elderly people who supplied me with the needed data. I do not forget my father, Sulieman Al-Marayeh, and my brothers and sisters, who, through their prayers, encouragement, and financial support have been a primary factor in this success “your support immersed me to a great extent”. My continuing appreciation to all my companions in Santiago who motivated me to complete this work. In addition, I would also like to assert that concluding the journey of writing a Ph.D. dissertation has been a remarkable experience. It was definitely momentous at times, but our determination was greater; in this way, the impact was incredible and beneficial for me as a human as well as a researcher. Last but not least, I would like to conclude this expression of gratitude by referring to the human being whose soul resides in me; her heartbeats, her tenderness, and her sparkling eyes are in my heart and imagination. To my mother, the source of my ambition and the reason for my existence, I would say, Mum, to your pure soul that rests in peace in my heart before its final destination place, my mother, without you and your prayers, your son would not have reached this achievement despite the years of separation. Peace be upon your soul forever. I will be indebted to you for my entire life. 4 DEDICATION To my life coaches, my late beloved mother, my father, brothers, sisters, wife, children, and relatives; because I owe it all to you. My recognition, gratitude, and appreciation to you all. Extended Summary In English 11 impossible, to find a riddle that does not contain a topic and a reply. Another meaningful consideration is that the structural definition is flexible and can be adjusted to different riddle categories. Finally, this study presents a more modern definition to be that a riddle is an oral or written genre that has different functions. It usually consists of one or more oppositional or non-oppositional descriptive elements for one or more stated or unstated topics. It may appear in poetic or prose formulas, and the referent is meant to be deciphered. Certain classifications of the riddle have been presented and include, the true riddle, oral riddle, visual riddle, simple riddle for children, parody riddle, riddle that have been geographically classified, the neck riddle, the clever question, the arithmetic puzzle, the conundrum, the pictorial riddle, and the wisdom riddle among others. It has been found that the classification of the riddle is based on the content, the form (prose or poetic), the question, and the answer or reply format. Next, the different functions of the riddle are presented and discussed. The functions of the riddle have been described to be varied, intentional, and non-intentional for all the participants who participate in the riddling process, i.e., the riddler and the riddlee(s). The idea that riddles may have a social, cultural, cognitive, educational, recreational, challenge, or even ritualistic function. At the same time, some riddles might function in different, almost contradictory, ways. That is to say, what is intended by the riddler may be treated as unintended by the riddlee. An example of this might occur when an “educational” function is posed from the side of the riddler as an attempt to know who is the cleverest in a certain group. The riddlee(s) will most likely solve the riddle as they actively participate in what, for them, is the “challenge” function. Moreover, riddles may provide good circumstances for those interested in studying the social, cultural, psychological, and even political situation of a given country or a specific society, even though the “recreational” function is the most obvious and familiar for many around the world. Several international and Arab studies that deal specifically with the study of Arabic riddles have been identified; the most important studies were concentrated in the geographical area of Algeria and Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 12 Tunisia, where some of them were translated into other languages such as French and English. As per international studies written in Arabic, Algeria has been demonstrated to be the Arab country that invests the most in writing about the subject of riddles when compared to other Arab countries. It was found that this area of research has not been taken into consideration as much in the Jordan, especially as regards form, linguistic composition, or a structural classification of the Jordanian riddle. These studies dealing with riddles that have plays on words, and how riddles are used as an intrinsic source of Arabic humor, or as for Jordanians to find common ground and be able to empathize with people who do not share their opinion are referenced. Next, this study specifically considers the JRBR. First some background on the folklore of this geographical area is provided. Evidence of how riddles may be presented as poems and how they are used at gatherings as a means of popular entertainment, where the each riddler participating may attempt to produce more complicated riddles than the other riddlers presenting theirs. After that, the study at hand analyzes the significant corpus of JRBRs presented so as to demonstrate that they contain the main elements of the narrative structure. Like any other narration, the JRBRs are integrated works that may contain the six essential elements in narrative structures. The narrator is the riddler; the audience, or the riddlees, receive this narration (by hearing or reading it). The event is the action being described, and it may include the characters, the place, and the time. However, while the first two elements are, without the slightest doubt, completely necessary since there is no riddle without a riddler and a riddlee, they are considered constant in any riddling process that takes place to achieve the goal of the riddle, which is to find a solution. The event is also necessary to provide context. However, the rest of the elements are what the riddler uses to build the ambiguity on which he/she creates the riddle. That is to say, what the riddler intentionally deletes from the riddle text or simply does not present to the audience makes the vagueness or uncertainty in meaning necessary for the riddlees to come up with an appropriate solution. Then, when the solution to the riddle has been provided, the elements Extended Summary In English 13 of the narrative discourse are again complete so that the meaning is clear and intact. In this way, the narrative elements included or not in the JRBRs presented here may also be deemed interesting for our descriptive study. However, a more in-depth analysis of a larger corpus is perhaps still needed to propose more formal final considerations. Next this study analyzes certain cultural aspects that appear in this corpus in order to provide a more complete representation of JRBR. The key elements that appear have been described, the types of space included in the riddles have been analyzed and the most common elements referenced in the JRBRs have been provided. The author has also confirmed that JRBRs make up a major component of non-material Jordanian folklore, since the three conditions that Arab critics adhere to were found to apply, i.e., folk literature should be imitational oral literature, the author should be unknown, and it should be passed down to a certain degree from generation to the next. Finally, the linguistic perspective of the structural theory proposed has been applied to the JRBRs that form part of our corpus and which appear first in their original Arabic Bedouin dialect and then with the English translations provided as a way to permit non-Arabic readers to observe the characteristics found and analyzed. The study has pointed out many of the characteristics of the JRBR, which were a mainstay for entering into the analysis of the riddles utilizing the structural theory adopted to do so. The author believes that analyzing the riddles culturally and socially greatly facilitates understanding for those interested in JRBR, whether Arabs or non-Arabs. When Georges and Dundes (1963) structural theory was applied to JRBRs it was found that Jordanian Bedouin riddles typically matched their use of this theory, and also the related extensions set out by Chyet (1988). The corpus has been characterized as being either prose or poetry. This was especially true for prose JRBRs which had a better fit than poetic JRBRs. On the other hand, samples of poetic JRBRS were found to represent the casual contradictive, inverse privational contradictive, and multiple descriptive elements. In this way, the new formulas for JRBRs that were presented based on Chyet’s method are: the Contrastive Oppositional Formula of the JRBR; the General Poetic Riddle Formula of the JRBR, the Riddle Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 14 Inside a Riddle Formula; and the Multiple Topic Formula. In addition, a new category has been posited; this category is made up of prose riddles that are differentiated according to the number of core topics in each riddle. The JRBRs in the corpus considered here have provided examples of riddles with no topic, riddles with a single topic, and riddles having two, three, and even four topics. The main area of investigation in this study was the riddle which was initially taken as a common feature in all languages and societies, since the use of the riddle is directly related to both the language and the culture of the society itself. An idea of the importance of riddles, in general, to the area of folklore has been established with the example of JRBRs; this proposal has been found to relevant and, in the future, may be applied to this tradition in literature studies carried out on riddles written in other languages and from other geographical areas. Furthermore, this study has presented a significant corpus of JRBRs as well as their translation, as appears in the Appendix to this study, which may be published as in book format as a result of the translation study in English provided here, and this edition may be used for further research. An initial and straightforward idea of the capabilities and contributions that the Arabic language and its dialects can make to any global theory related to language and its characteristics has also been proposed. Furthermore, due to their sometimes very specific cultural weight, riddles are closely related to how individuals in these societies behave and interact. As such, it is posited that riddles should not be seen as merely a cultural luxury, something that is only meant to be enjoyed in terms of how well a riddler uses his or her imagination, or as fleeting entertainment but that they should be recognized for what they are: signs of deeper meaning in a given society that represent its history and how that culture was passed on to the next generations. More specifically, this study has introduced the JRBR system based on the structuralist theory to a corpus of local riddles. In this way, it has shown that JRBR features can account for new categories of the riddle as an extension to the universality of the riddle occurring in all nations. In addition, this study has shown satisfactory results since new types of structural riddle formula have been developed as well as new classifications based on the number of topic present in JRBRs. Extended Summary In English 15 To conclude, the ideas included in the study at hand may help to form a transitional view of riddle aspects that could lead to new comprehensive research projects investigating in a more general sense, riddles from the English-speaking world, as well as, in a more particular one, other Arabic riddles of various sub-ethnicities in Jordan and the surrounding nations. This, in turn, might lead to the remapping of riddle groups with particular interests in colloquial Bedouin poetry. The Bedouins have their own methods when it comes to expressing themselves. They depend on older community members knowledge to determine how the riddle will be created and who will participate in the riddle exchange. Despite the drastic life changes they have undergone lately and, more often than not, without the same technology that others have grown accustomed to in today’s world, their traditional way of doing things is still of great interest to many scholars. Since there do not seem to be enough studies published on the local, social knowledge of the Bedouin people from the South-east Badia region, it can be confirmed that the logical continuation of the study at hand is to research this subject. Furthermore, future investigations carried out would do well to focus on the local-literary genres, as well as certain factors related to the Bedouins’ recognition of the variability of language. EXTENDED SUMMARY IN GALICIAN RESUMO EN GALEGO O propósito do presente estudo, realizado no marco do Programa de Doutoramento en Advanced English Studies: Linguistics, Literature & Culture, da Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, é dar conta de e describir a adiviña, ou enigma beduíno, tal e como se atopa en Xordania. Para iso, utilízanse como base para o desenvolvemento do aparello crítico, certas perspectivas teóricas que principalmente seguen as propostas de investigadores anglosaxóns nos campos da lingüística, dos estudos culturais, dos estudos literarios pos-coloniais, , e do estudo do enigma. Ademais, outros traballos de investigación publicados en inglés e árabe tamén se utilizaron para lanzar máis luz sobre a contorna cultural e literaria de Xordania e, máis concretamente, o da rexión xordana de Badia. Doutra banda, preséntase e abórdase un corpus de enigmas beduínos xordanos da área xeográfica da rexión de Badia. A vantaxe significativa deste corpus é que inclúe exemplos de máis dunha xeración e, por tanto, proporciona un vínculo máis próximo con aqueles que experimentaron unha interacción real e persoal na tradición oral. Esta tese doutoral divídese en dúas seccións. Na primeira parte esbózanse certas especificacións culturais que se tiveron en conta, así como as bases teóricas sobre as que se sustenta o estudo. O capítulo 1 describe a rexión xeográfica máis específica que é obxecto de estudo, e tamén proporciona antecedentes sobre moitos dos aspectos culturais desta rexión. O capítulo 2 proporciona un marco teórico sobre as Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 18 investigacións previas dedicadas aos enigmas e, ademais, proporciona un reconto dos estudos previos realizados sobre enigmas no mundo árabe. A continuación, presenta algúns antecedentes sobre estudos previos realizados en Xordania e ofrece a presentación do enigma beduíno xordano da rexión de Badia, ou JRBR. Logo leva a cabo unha discusión das características estruturais formais dos JRBR. As observacións finais ofrecen algúns comentarios sobre a conclusión do estudo en cuestión, así como as posibilidades de investigación para o futuro. Máis especificamente, a primeira sección do presente estudo fai uso de certos conceptos presentados nos campos da lingüística, dos estudos culturais, dos estudos literarios e pos-coloniais para proporcionar unha descrición xeográfica e histórica de Xordania, ou como se lle chama oficialmente, o Reino Haxemita de Xordania, como un compoñente importante do mundo islámico-árabe de Oriente Medio. O árabe é o idioma oficial en Xordania onde se fala o chamado dialecto do Levante e onde a relixión islámica considérase a máis estendida xa que máis do 97% da poboación foi clasificada como musulmá sunnita. Relátanse os momentos históricos máis significativos que afectaron a Xordania antes do xurdimento do estado actual, así como as diferentes etapas que marcaron o seu desenvolvemento moderno desde mediados do século pasado ata a época actual, xa que Xordania caracterízase pola súa diversa contorna xeográfica que contribuíu a determinar a natureza da poboación e o estilo de vida en cada rexión. Ao referirse especificamente ao deserto, a maioría dos investigadores están de acordo en que o termo beduíno refírese ao pobo árabe nómade que historicamente habitou as áreas desérticas viaxando cos seus rabaños en busca das áreas de pastoreo de pasteiros no norte de África, a Península Arábiga, Iraq e o resto da rexión coñecida como Levante. En árabe, badawī significa o “habitante do deserto”, e tradicionalmente oponse a ḥāḍir ou o termo para persoas sedentarias. Concórdase coa idea exposta por Tamplin de que, actualmente, en Xordania, a maioría dos árabes que se definen como beduínos descenden dos beduínos nómades e prefiren como lugar de residencia unha rexión concreta. A imaxe dos beduínos como habitantes nómades Extended Summary in Galician 19 do deserto remóntase a séculos atrás; con todo, non hai moitas tribos que aínda manteñan propiedades. Na segunda parte da primeira sección, preséntase e describe o estilo de vida en sociedade dos beduínos. Ao analizar o seu estilo de vida e a adiviña xordana da rexión de Badia (JRBR), pódese lanzar luz sobre moitos dos aspectos máis significativos da vida diaria para brindar unha imaxe mental realista e detallada aos non beduínos, así como para identificar unha gran parte do sufrimento que acompaña ao beduíno ao longo da súa vida. Nesta sección explícanse os seguintes conceptos, as súas características e como son utilizados ou empregados polos beduínos: a tenda beduína, a vestimenta, os animais domésticos e o gando, os animais salvaxes, a charla agradable, a honra, a hospitalidade e a xenerosidade, e certas condicións e protocolos sociais especiais. Estas descricións coinciden con outros traballos de investigación publicados por orientalistas occidentais e crese que contribuíron a cambiar o patrón de pensamento occidental de maneira positiva en relación cos árabes e os beduínos, en particular en termos dos dereitos das mulleres e como os homes beduínos tratan ás mulleres que os rodean. Tamén é certo que os beduínos gozan desta forma de relacionarse como parte da súa vida cotiá e están orgullosos diso e do seu patrimonio cultural en moitos aspectos, tales como a xenerosidade e a honra, xunto coas tradicións culturais e morais centenarias aos que aínda se adhiren hoxe en día. Este é un patrimonio material e cultural do que eles cren que xurdiron a maioría das culturas das sociedades en todo o mundo árabe. Como calquera sociedade, a sociedade beduína está estruturada cun sistema que administra os seus asuntos de modo que cada individuo, home ou muller, coñeza os seus deberes e dereitos. Este sistema social xunto cos conceptos de familia, o papel da muller, o papel do home, o clan, a tribo, o sheikh ou “xefe”, a lei tribal, o poder xudicial tribal, armas, as relacións sociais dentro da tribo, o folclore beduíno, e as súas historias preséntanse en certos usos e manifestacións dos proverbios, a poesía, a música e a danza. Finalmente, tivéronse en conta as dificultades que sufriron os beduínos desde mediados do século XX ata o de agora, como as viaxes, as fronteiras políticas despois Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 20 da Segunda Guerra Mundial e o crecente papel político do réxime actual que domina á sociedade xordana. A continuación, no segundo capítulo, este estudo recorre novamente á base teórica anglosaxoa desde os estudos culturais mais a perspectiva lingüística como base para a historia, caracterización e definición do enigma. Nesa liña, presentase a importancia da tradición literaria oral do enigma anglosaxón. Neste apartado observouse que os enigmas xurdiron como unha elegante forma de arte e interacción social que se utiliza para comunicar unha gran cantidade de significado en poucas palabras; como tal, os enigmas xogan un papel vital nas tradicións de fala e conversación de calquera sociedade. Como preguntas, afirmacións ou frases, e mesmo, ás veces, como versos poéticos, os enigmas redáctanse intencionalmente de maneira desconcertante ou enganosa. Tenden a ser declaracións de dobre sentido ou de sentido velado en forma de descricións que se compuxeron para facer que unha persoa empregue o seu enxeño imaxinativo para chegar á resposta correcta. Ademais, dado que contarlle un enigma a outra persoa é unha forma de xogar coa linguaxe, é bastante común que os nenos aprendan como funcionan os enigmas a unha idade temperá, ata o punto de que os enigmas están incluídos nos plans de estudo dos sistemas educativos de todo o mundo. Como ferramenta lingüística única, o enigma pode aumentar o atractivo do idioma utilizado e, por tanto, fortalecer o seu efecto comunicativo. Desta forma, entón, os enigmas representan un elemento sociocultural do coñecemento cultural xeneral que unha sociedade transmite aos seus membros, especialmente á súa mocidade. Doutra banda, describiuse o momento de contar un enigma, e como este involucra ao “riddler” ou a persoa que narra ou realiza o enigma. O enigma en si pode aportar contido diverso na medida en que os “riddlers”, ou narradores, deben estar ben versados na cultura e o coñecemento xeral dos elementos que compoñen a súa contorna e do mundo en xeral. O terceiro elemento é o “riddlee”, ou a persoa que tenta responder o enigma, quen tamén debe compartir este coñecemento común para responder adecuadamente. A aparición e definición do enigma como elemento universal relacionouse con referencia a un dos modelos máis antigos, o enigma EXTENDED SUMMARY IN SPANISH RESUMEN EN ESPAÑOL El propósito de este estudio, realizado en el marco del Programa de Doctorado en Advanced English Studies: Linguistics, Literature & Culture, de la Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, es dar cuenta de y describir la adivinanza o el acertijo beduino tal como se encuentra en Jordania. Para ello, se utilizan como base para el desarrollo del aparato crítico, ciertas perspectivas teóricas que principalmente siguen las propuestas de investigadores anglosajones en los campos de la lingüística, los estudios culturales, los estudios literarios y poscoloniales, y del estudio del enigma. Además, otros trabajos de investigación publicados en inglés y árabe también se han utilizado para arrojar más luz sobre el entorno cultural y literario de Jordania y, más concretamente, el de la región jordana de Badia. Por otro lado, se presenta y se aborda un corpus de acertijos beduinos jordanos del área geográfica de la región de Badia. La ventaja significativa de este corpus es que incluye ejemplos de más de una generación y, por lo tanto, proporciona un vínculo más cercano con aquellos que experimentaron una interacción real y personal en la tradición oral. Esta tesis doctoral se divide en dos secciones. En la primera parte se esbozan ciertas especificaciones culturales que se han tenido en cuenta, así como las bases teóricas sobre las que se sustenta el estudio. El capítulo 1 describe la región geográfica más específica que se trata y también proporciona antecedentes sobre muchos aspectos culturales de esta región. El capítulo 2 proporciona un marco teórico sobre investigaciones previas dedicadas a los acertijos y, además, proporciona un recuento de estudios previos realizados sobre acertijos Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 28 en el mundo árabe. A continuación, presenta algunos antecedentes sobre estudios previos realizados en Jordania y ofrece la presentación del acertijo beduino jordano de la región de Badia, o JRBR. Luego se lleva a cabo una discusión de las características estructurales formales de los JRBR. Las observaciones finales ofrecen algunos comentarios sobre el final del estudio en cuestión, así como las posibilidades de investigación para el futuro. Más específicamente, la primera sección del presente estudio hace uso de los conceptos presentados en los campos de la lingüística, los estudios culturales, los estudios literarios y poscoloniales para proporcionar una descripción geográfica e histórica de Jordania, o como se le llama oficialmente, el Reino Hachemita de Jordania, como un componente importante del mundo islámico-árabe de Oriente Medio. El árabe es el idioma oficial en Jordania donde se habla el llamado dialecto del Levante y donde la religión islámica se considera la más extendida ya que más del 97% de la población ha sido clasificada como musulmana sunita. Se relatan los momentos históricos más significativos que afectaron a Jordania antes del surgimiento del estado actual, así como las diferentes etapas que marcaron su desarrollo moderno desde mediados del siglo pasado hasta la época actual, ya que Jordania se caracteriza por su diverso entorno geográfico que ha contribuido a determinar la naturaleza de la población y el estilo de vida en cada región. Al referirse específicamente al desierto, la mayoría de los investigadores están de acuerdo en que el término beduino se refiere al pueblo árabe nómada que históricamente ha habitado las áreas desérticas viajando con sus rebaños en busca de las áreas de pastoreo de pastizales en el norte de África, la Península Arábiga, Irak y el resto de la región conocida como Levante. En árabe, badawī significa el “habitante del desierto”, y tradicionalmente se opone a ḥāḍir o el término para personas sedentarias. Concuerda con la idea planteada por Tamplin de que, actualmente, en Jordania, la mayoría de los árabes que se definen como beduinos descienden de los beduinos nómadas y prefieren vivir en una sola región. La imagen de los beduinos como Extended Summary in Spanish 29 habitantes nómadas del desierto se remonta a siglos atrás; sin embargo, no hay muchas tribus que aún mantengan propiedades. En la segunda parte de la primera sección, se presenta y describe el estilo de vida en sociedad de los beduinos. Al analizar su estilo de vida y los JRBR, se puede arrojar luz sobre muchos de los aspectos más significativos de la vida diaria para brindar una imagen mental realista y detallada a los no beduinos, así como para identificar una gran parte del sufrimiento. que acompaña al beduino a lo largo de su vida. En esta sección se explican los siguientes conceptos, sus características y cómo son utilizados o implementados por los beduinos: la tienda beduina, la vestimenta, los animales domésticos y el ganado, los animales salvajes, la charla agradable, el honor, la hospitalidad y la generosidad, y ciertas condiciones y protocolos sociales especiales. Estas descripciones coinciden con otra literatura publicada por orientalistas occidentales y se cree que han contribuido a cambiar el patrón de pensamiento occidental de manera positiva en relación con los árabes y los beduinos, en particular en términos de los derechos de las mujeres y cómo los hombres beduinos tratan a las mujeres que los rodean. También es cierto que los beduinos disfrutan de esta forma de relacionarse como parte de su vida cotidiana y están orgullosos de ello y de su patrimonio cultural en muchos aspectos, tales como la generosidad y el honor, junto con las tradiciones culturales y morales centenarias a los que aún se adhieren hoy en día. Este es un patrimonio material y cultural del que ellos creen que han surgido la mayoría de las culturas de las sociedades árabes en todo el mundo árabe. Como cualquier sociedad, la sociedad beduina está estructurada con un sistema que administra sus asuntos de modo que cada individuo, hombre o mujer, conozca sus deberes y derechos. Este sistema social junto con los conceptos de familia, el papel de la mujer, el papel del hombre, el clan, la tribu, el jeque o “jefe”, la ley tribal, el poder judicial tribal, armas, las relaciones sociales dentro de la tribu, el folclore beduino, y sus historias se presentan en ciertos usos de los proverbios, la poesía, la música y la danza. Finalmente, se han tenido en cuenta las dificultades que han sufrido los beduinos desde mediados del siglo XX hasta ahora, como los viajes, las fronteras políticas después de la Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 30 Segunda Guerra Mundial y el creciente papel político del régimen actual que domina la sociedad jordana. A continuación, en el segundo capítulo, este estudio recurre nuevamente a la base teórica anglosajona desde los estudios culturales, la perspectiva lingüística como base para la historia, caracterización y definición del enigma. En esa línea, se ha presentado la importancia de la tradición literaria oral del enigma anglosajón. En este apartado se ha observado que los acertijos han surgido como una elegante forma de arte e interacción social que se utiliza para comunicar una gran cantidad de significado en pocas palabras; como tal, los acertijos juegan un papel vital en las tradiciones de habla y conversación de cualquier sociedad. Como preguntas, afirmaciones o frases, e incluso, a veces, como versos poéticos, los acertijos se redactan intencionalmente de manera desconcertante o engañosa. Tienden a ser declaraciones de doble sentido o de sentido velado en forma de descripciones que se han compuesto para hacer que una persona emplee su ingenio imaginativo para llegar a la respuesta correcta. Además, dado que contarle un acertijo a otra persona es una forma de jugar con el lenguaje, es bastante común que los niños aprendan cómo funcionan los acertijos a una edad temprana, hasta el punto de que los acertijos están incluidos en los planes de estudio de los sistemas educativos de todo el mundo. Como herramienta lingüística única, el acertijo puede aumentar el atractivo del idioma utilizado y, por lo tanto, fortalecer su efecto comunicativo. De esta forma, entonces, los acertijos representan un elemento sociocultural del conocimiento cultural general que una sociedad transmite a sus miembros, especialmente a su juventud. Por otro lado, se ha descrito el momento de contar un acertijo, y como éste involucra al “riddler” o la persona que narra o realiza el acertijo. El acertijo en sí puede contener contenido diverso en la medida en que los “riddlers”, o narradores, deben estar bien versados en la cultura y el conocimiento general de los elementos que componen su entorno y del mundo en general. El tercer elemento es el “riddlee”, o la persona que intenta responder el acertijo, quien también debe compartir este conocimiento común para responder adecuadamente. Extended Summary in Spanish 31 La aparición y definición del acertijo como elemento universal se ha relacionado con referencia a uno de los modelos más antiguos, el acertijo de la Esfinge, del que se ha documentado su existencia en Mesopotamia, el Antiguo Egipto, Grecia e incluso en las Islas Marshall occidentales: así como a la idea de que aún hoy en día se van formando regularmente nuevos acertijos como cualquier otro tipo de obra literaria. En cuanto a la definición planteada en el estudio que nos ocupa, se plantea que la definición estructural es más significativa que la definición cognitiva o la definición basada en el contenido y el estilo. Se ha demostrado que la perspectiva estructural proporciona una definición más universal que puede acomodar todos los acertijos de diferentes regiones y sociedades; además, es muy anormal, quizás casi imposible, encontrar un acertijo que no contenga un tema y una respuesta. Otra consideración importante es que la definición estructural es flexible y se puede ajustar a diferentes categorías de acertijos. Finalmente, este estudio presenta una definición más moderna: un acertijo es un género oral o escrito que tiene diferentes funciones. Por lo general, consta de uno o más elementos descriptivos opuestos o no opuestos para uno o más temas declarados o no declarados. Puede aparecer en fórmulas poéticas o en prosa, y el referente está destinado a ser descifrado. Se han presentado ciertas clasificaciones del acertijo e incluyen, el acertijo verdadero, el acertijo oral, el acertijo visual, el acertijo simple para niños, el acertijo de parodia, el acertijo clasificado geográficamente, el acertijo del cuello, la pregunta astuta, el acertijo aritmético, el acertijo misterio, el acertijo pictórico, y el acertijo de sabiduría, entre otros. Se ha encontrado que la clasificación del acertijo se basa en el contenido, la forma (prosa o poética), la pregunta, y la respuesta, o el formato de respuesta. A continuación, se presentan y discuten las diferentes funciones de la adivinanza. Se ha descrito que las funciones del acertijo son variadas, intencionales y no intencionales para todos los participantes que participan en el proceso de acertijo, es decir, el “riddler” (narrador) y el(los) “riddlee(s)” (adivinadores). Se expone la idea de que los acertijos pueden tener una función social, cultural, cognitiva, educativa, recreativa, desafiante o incluso ritual. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 32 Al mismo tiempo, se ha visto cómo algunos acertijos pueden funcionar de modos diferentes, casi contradictorios. Es decir, lo que pretende el “riddler” (narrador) puede ser tratado como accidental por el “riddlee”, o persona que adivina. Un ejemplo de esto podría ocurrir cuando se plantea una función "educativa" desde el lado del acertijo como un intento de saber quién es el más sagaz en un determinado grupo. Lo más probable es que los “riddlee(s)”, o adivinadores, resuelvan el acertijo mientras participan activamente en lo que, para ellos, es la función de “desafío”. Además, los acertijos pueden proporcionar buenas circunstancias para aquellos interesados en estudiar la situación social, cultural, psicológica e incluso política de un país determinado o una sociedad específica, aunque la función “recreativa” es la más obvia y familiar para muchas personas en todo el mundo. Se han identificado ciertos estudios internacionales y árabes que se ocupan específicamente del estudio de los acertijos árabes. Dentro de este grupo, los estudios más importantes se concentraron en el área geográfica de Argelia y Túnez, donde algunos de ellos fueron traducidos a otros idiomas como el francés y el inglés. Según estudios internacionales escritos en árabe, Argelia ha demostrado ser el país árabe que más se ocupa de escribir sobre el tema de las adivinanzas en comparación con otros países árabes. Se encontró que esta área de investigación no se ha tenido tanto en cuenta en Jordania, especialmente en lo que respecta a la forma, la composición lingüística o la clasificación estructural del acertijo jordano. Se hace referencia a estos estudios que tratan sobre acertijos que tienen juegos de palabras, y cómo los acertijos se utilizan como una fuente intrínseca del humor árabe, o de modo que los jordanos encuentren puntos en común y puedan empatizar con personas que no comparten del todo la misma opinión. A continuación, este estudio considera específicamente el JRBR. En primer lugar, se proporcionan algunos antecedentes sobre el folclore de esta zona geográfica. Se presenta evidencia de cómo los acertijos pueden narrarse en forma de poesía, y cómo se utilizan en reuniones como un medio de entretenimiento popular, donde cada “riddler”, o Extended Summary in Spanish 33 narrador, que participa puede intentar producir acertijos más complicados que los otros narradores participantes. Posteriormente, el estudio que nos ocupa analiza el valioso corpus de JRBR presentados para demostrar que contienen los elementos principales de la estructura narrativa. Como cualquier otra narración, los JRBR son obras integradas que pueden contener los seis elementos esenciales en las estructuras narrativas. El narrador es el “riddler”, la audiencia, o los “riddlees”, reciben esta narración (oyéndola o leyéndola). El evento es la actuación que se describe, y ésta puede incluir los personajes, el lugar y el tiempo. Sin embargo, si bien los dos primeros elementos son, sin la menor duda, completamente necesarios ya que no hay acertijo sin “riddler”, o narrador, y “riddlee”, o adivinador, se consideran constantes en cualquier proceso de acertijo que se lleve a cabo para lograr el objetivo del acertijo: encontrar la solución más adecuada. El evento también es necesario para proporcionar contexto. Sin embargo, el resto de los elementos son los que utiliza el “riddler” narrador para construir la ambigüedad sobre la que crea el acertijo. Es decir, lo que el “riddler”, o narrador, elimina intencionalmente del texto del acertijo, o simplemente no presenta a su público, aumenta la vaguedad o la incertidumbre en el significado que son necesarias para que los “riddlees”, o adivinadores, tengan que emplearse para encontrar la solución adecuada. Luego, cuando se ha proporcionado la solución al acertijo, los elementos del discurso narrativo se vuelven a completar para que el significado quede claro e intacto. De esta forma, los elementos narrativos incluidos o no en los JRBR aquí recogidos también pueden resultar de interés para nuestro estudio descriptivo. Sin embargo, tal vez aún se necesite un análisis más profundo de un corpus más amplio para proponer consideraciones finales más formales. A continuación, este estudio analiza ciertos aspectos culturales que aparecen en este corpus con el fin de proporcionar una representación más completa de JRBR. Se han descrito los elementos clave que aparecen, se han analizado los tipos de espacio incluidos en las adivinanzas y se ha aportado una descripción de los elementos más comunes referenciados en los JRBR. El autor también ha confirmado que los JRBR constituyen un componente importante del folclore Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 34 jordano no material, ya que se ha demostrado que se aplican las tres condiciones a las que se adhieren los críticos árabes, es decir: la literatura popular debe ser literatura oral de imitación, el autor debe ser desconocido y debe transmitirse hasta cierto punto de generación en generación. Finalmente, la teoría lingüística estructural propuesta se ha aplicado a los JRBR que forman parte de nuestro corpus y que aparecen primero en su dialecto beduino árabe original y luego con las traducciones al inglés proporcionadas como una forma de permitir a los lectores no árabes observar las características encontradas. El estudio ha señalado muchas de las características del JRBR, que fueron un pilar para entrar en el análisis de los acertijos utilizando la teoría estructural adoptada. El autor cree que analizar los acertijos cultural y socialmente facilita enormemente la comprensión para los que se interesan por los JRBR, ya sean árabes o no. Cuando se aplicó la teoría estructural de Georges y Dundes (1963) a los JRBR, se encontró que los acertijos beduinos jordanos generalmente coincidían con el uso de esta teoría, y también con las extensiones relacionadas que estableció Chyet (1988). El corpus se ha caracterizado por ser prosa o poesía, y el cumplimiento de estas condiciones fue especialmente manifiesto en el caso de los JRBR en prosa que tenían un mejor ajuste que los JRBR poéticos. Por otro lado, se ha probado que las muestras de JRBRS poéticas representan el contradictorio casual, el contradictorio privado inverso, y los elementos descriptivos múltiples. De este modo, en base al método de Chyet, se plantean cuatro nuevas fórmulas para los JRBR del corpus de este estudio, que son: la Contrastive Oppositional Formula of the JRBR, la General Poetic Riddle Formula of the JRBR, la Riddle Inside a Riddle Formula y la Multiple Topic Formula. A ello se suma una nueva propuesta de categoría que se compone de acertijos en prosa que son diferenciables según la cantidad de temas centrales en cada acertijo. Los JRBR del corpus recogido aquí han proporcionado ejemplos de acertijos sin tema, acertijos con un solo tema, y acertijos con dos, tres e incluso cuatro temas. Extended Summary in Spanish 35 El principal campo de estudio fue el acertijo que inicialmente se tomó como un rasgo común en todas las lenguas y sociedades ya que el uso del acertijo se relaciona directamente tanto con la lengua como con la cultura de la propia sociedad. De ahí, el ejemplo de los JRBR ha servido para demonstrar la importancia de las adivinanzas para el área del folclore. Esta propuesta ha resultado pertinente y, en el futuro, podrá aplicarse a esta tradición en los estudios literarios realizados sobre adivinanzas escritas en otras lenguas, y de otras zonas geográficas. Además, este estudio ha presentado un valioso corpus significativo de JRBRs, así como su traducción, como aparece en el Apéndice de este estudio, que puede publicarse en formato de libro como resultado del estudio de traducción al inglés que se proporciona aquí, y esta edición puede ser utilizada para futuras investigaciones. Asimismo, se ha propuesta la idea inicial y sencilla de demostrar las capacidades y contribuciones que la lengua árabe, y sus dialectos, logran hacer con cualquier teoría global relacionada con la lengua y sus características. De hecho, debido a su peso cultural a veces muy específico, los acertijos están estrechamente relacionados con la forma en que los individuos de estas sociedades se comportan e interactúan. Como tal, se postula que los acertijos no deben verse como un mero lujo cultural, algo que solo debe disfrutarse en términos de lo bien que un “riddler”, o narrador, utiliza su imaginación, o como un entretenimiento fugaz, pero que deben ser reconocidos por lo que son: signos de un significado más profundo de una sociedad determinada que representan su historia y cómo esa cultura se transmitió a las siguientes generaciones. Más concretamente, este estudio ha introducido el sistema JRBR basado en la teoría del estructuralismo en un corpus de acertijos locales. Además, ha mostrado que las características de JRBR pueden dar cuenta de nuevas categorías del acertijo como una extensión de la universalidad del acertijo que ocurre en todas las naciones. Por otro lado, este estudio ha presentado resultados satisfactorios ya que se han desarrollado nuevos tipos de fórmulas de acertijos estructurales y nuevas clasificaciones basadas en el número de temas presentes en los JRBR. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 36 Para concluir, las ideas incluidas en el estudio en cuestión pueden ayudar a formar una visión de transición de los aspectos de los acertijos que tal vez conduzcan a nuevos proyectos de investigación integrales que estudien, en un sentido más general, los acertijos de otros países, (por ejemplo, del mundo de habla inglesa), así como, en uno más particular, otros acertijos árabes de diversas sub-etnias en Jordania, o en las naciones vecinas, lo que podría conducir a la remapeo de grupos de acertijos con intereses particulares en la poesía coloquial beduina ya que los beduinos tienen sus propios métodos a la hora de expresarse. Dependen del conocimiento de los miembros mayores de la comunidad para determinar cómo se creará el acertijo y quién participará en el intercambio de acertijos. A pesar de los drásticos cambios de vida que han sufrido últimamente y, la mayoría de las veces, sin la misma tecnología a la que otros se han acostumbrado en el mundo actual, su forma tradicional de hacer las cosas sigue siendo de gran interés para muchos académicos. Dado que no parece haber suficientes estudios publicados sobre el conocimiento social local del pueblo beduino de la región del sureste de Badia, se debe afirmar que este estudio tendría una continuación lógica desarrollando una indagación sobre esta área antes mencionada. En un futuro trabajo de investigación, se haría hincapié en los géneros literarios locales, así como en los factores relacionados con el reconocimiento de los beduinos de la variabilidad del idioma. Introduction 43 It is true that in the early stages of the development of this research area, the discipline was more focused on collecting and preserving traditional cultural practices, stories, and beliefs. Folklorists were mainly interested in the idea that protecting oral literature and the performances of songs, dances, games, and other cultural practices carried out in a certain community was a positive step to retain and, in this way, keep alive the cultural activities that were an integral part of the communities they observed. Hence, the study of folklore began with a general concern for the preservation of traditional cultures and concentrated its interest on all aspects of folk culture, i.e., song, dance, social customs, language, religion, and traditions at the same time that it considered their historical antecedents and, even, their contemporary manifestations. Scholars also seem to agree that many of these early folklorists believed that the main value of folklore resided in how it was so directly related to the traditional cultures of people groups and their worldviews. This was important for these researchers since they also felt that the forces of modernization and globalization could well be a threat to these conventional and established cultural practices. Over time, the study of folklore became a respected and distinct academic discipline that was considered to be part of a multidisciplinary field of study including anthropology, history, sociology, literature, linguistics, psychology, ethnography, and ethnomusicology. Furthermore, the study of folklore has been increasingly interested in the recording of folklore data and the use of technology to archive and disseminate this data, promoting public awareness and understanding of cultural customs and beliefs. In this study, using the perspectives set out by these researchers, the riddles in the corpus included here have also been recorded and preserved for the future. Thus, this rich area of knowledge becomes one that can be used by scholars who want to examine them, and even to compare them with certain texts from other areas around the world. An important part of the research in the area of folklore was carried out on forms of oral literature, or ancient forms of literature that were not recorded in writing, but that were transmitted orally from one generation to another. Indeed, these oral traditions predate the written Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 44 word in many societies. Nonetheless, despite its importance, oral literature has been somewhat marginalized in academic circles until recently. In fact, it has received more attention, to a certain extent, in the last few years, particularly due to aforementioned field of cultural studies as mentioned above. The research carried out in this area has enabled scholars to understand oral literature as a dynamic, interactive, and evolving phenomenon. This field has recognized that oral literature is not fixed, but that it varies across time and space, depending on the cultural context in which it is created and consumed. Furthermore, the perspective of cultural studies also acknowledges that oral literature does not undergo a unidirectional process, but that it is shaped and molded by the social, political, and economical dynamics of the societies that produce it. Participating in the activity of storytelling was, traditionally speaking, one of the main ways in which people entertained themselves, taught their children about their history, and passed on their cultural values; while doing all of this, they created their own cultural identity. Thus, storytelling represents an essential aspect of the oral literary tradition. A common way to make these stories more engaging is to use riddles. There exist many forms of riddles, i.e., puzzles, conundrums, or brainteasers and they may be constructed as cryptic statements, questions, or phrases. The riddle is often presented in a poetic format that employs imaginative and often surrealistic language, which is used intentionally in order to pose a challenge to the audience who is supposed to decipher and solve the riddle. One of the main ways that the field of cultural studies has contributed to the study of oral literature is by analyzing the function that oral literature has in society. Many academics agree that oral literature serves various functions, depending on where it originates. One can illustrate this with the example of riddles. The function that a riddle has in a rural community in Africa might not coincide with the function of a riddle in an urban European setting. Cultural studies has also explored the meaning and symbolism of oral literature, the social context in which these texts emerge, and the social identities of the relationships that they create and uphold in communities. Understanding the implications of this has allowed previous researchers Introduction 45 to demonstrate that riddles are not only playful word games but are commonly filled with cultural significance and value and that when a people group from a certain culture participates in the riddling process, certain social identities and relationships are reinforced. Riddles have been used since ancient times as a way to entertain, challenge, and educate. In many cultures, riddles were considered an important part of social interaction which has captured the attention of linguists, anthropologists, and folklorists. There exist many references to riddles in Ancient Greek literature. Indeed, over the centuries, scholars from various fields have developed theories about riddles, attempting to explain their cultural significance and the cognitive processes involved in solving them. Many scholars have commented on one of the earliest theories, put forth by Aristotle, who saw riddles as a form of metaphor, requiring the listener to make a connection between seemingly unrelated things. In addition, it has been demonstrated that in medieval Europe, riddles were often used as a form of courtly entertainment, and collections of riddles were compiled and circulated among the nobility. Perhaps one of the most famous of these collections is the Exeter Book, a manuscript dated to the 10th century, which contains over 90 riddles in Old English and represents the Anglo-Saxon culture. An ancient manuscript, the Exeter Book, is considered to be one of the four major codices of Old English literature, and contains a wealth of diverse material, including religious and secular poems, elegies, narrative texts, and a collection of riddles. Hence, this anthology of writings represents of the most important manuscripts in Anglo-Saxon studies. The Anglo-Saxon riddles included in this book are enigmatic literary devices used to describe everyday objects as well as natural phenomena and are expressed in metaphorical and descriptive language. In Anglo-Saxon England, riddles were a popular form of entertainment. It is believed that in this society, riddling events often took place during social gatherings like feasts held in Mead halls, a type of longhouse used for gatherings. These riddles offer insights into their lives and beliefs and represent a notable aspect of Anglo-Saxon folklore. It seems that the base for studying the riddle in English stems from these texts. For this study, a short introduction about the riddles Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 46 in the Exeter book helps to lay out a certain foundation for the riddles in our corpus and how they, in turn, provide information about the lives and social activities of the people in the Jordanian Badia region. The theoretical perspective from the area of structuralism is also significant for the work at hand. This theory focuses on perceiving and interpreting the underlying structures of human society and culture. Originating in the fields of linguistics and anthropology, this concept has been applied in various other disciplines, i.e., literary theory, sociology, and psychology. The fundamental premise of structuralism is that every aspect of culture, including language and social institutions, has a basic structure that can be singled out, analyzed, and assessed. Once these structures are understood, one can better comprehend the functioning of culture as a whole. Structuralism was first introduced by the Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure in the late 19th century. Saussure’s ideas dealt mainly with language and on how the structure of language shapes a people’s understanding of the world around them. He claimed that language is not a simple collection of words and meanings, but that it is a complex system of signs that are interconnected and that only have meaning in relation to each other. To Saussure, this interconnectivity represents the structure of language. Thus, one of the significant concepts of structuralism is the belief that a people’s behavior and actions are shaped by social structures and cultural patterns. In 1969, the French anthropologist Clause Lévi Strauss applied this idea in his analysis of social structures and cultural practices. Strauss analyzed kinship systems to better grasp how groups structured their idea of kinship and concluded that all societies are structured around a set of binary oppositions, i.e., male vs. female, or nature vs. culture. Strauss claimed that these oppositions are universal to the human being and reflect the ingrained structure of the human brain. The idea of binary oppositions has continued to be a topic of great consideration. Nowadays some researchers still believe that they are fundamental structures of human thought, and as such are reflected in all aspects of culture, i.e., good vs. evil, and life vs. death. Several studies have suggested that binary oppositions are not merely simple dichotomies, but that they portray complex systems of meaning that Introduction 47 define how human beings understand the world around them. Other scholars have suggested that binary oppositions are not universal, but that they are culturally specific and, as such, reflect different cultural values and beliefs. Another area of structuralism that is significant for this study has to do with the field of linguistics. Structural linguistics comprises an approach to language that highlights the underlying structures of language rather than individual words and their meanings. In this way, structural linguistics stresses the importance of the rules that govern the use of language, or grammar, over individual words. An illustration of this can easily be seen in the difference between the phrases “he is writing” and “he wrote” in which the same verbs have been conjugated in the present continuous and the past simple verb tenses in order to express very different meanings. This clearly shows that the rules which govern how people use language are more important than the individual meaning of the words themselves. One of the scholars involved in rethinking structural linguistics was Michel Foucault who rejected the more simplistic idea of language and highlighted that social structures reinforce and maintain power relations to the extent that they are often disguised as language and cultural practices. This critique of structuralism as well as others, led to the emergence of poststructuralism, an area that considers there is a need for more complex analyses that take into account the idea of individuals and individual subjectivity and how they help to shape cultural and social phenomena. In this dissertation, this structural linguistic point of view has been applied to the corpus of JRBRs presented; similarities between them and riddles from other areas has been found, as well as certain differences that help to establish their own structural and linguistic description. Apart from grammar, structuralism was also applied to literature theory in the mid-20th century. Researchers who applied this perspective concentrated on the underlying structure of literary texts as well as on how these texts reflect deeper structures of culture. Many of them claim that literary texts are not simple representations of reality, but instead are complex systems of meaning that demonstrate deeper structures of culture. An illustration of this can be observed in a literary Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 48 text that employs binary oppositions such as good vs. evil to exemplify more profound cultural beliefs and values. This idea has also been utilized in the study of riddles since they can be analyzed as a system of meaning that represents deeper structures of a cultural system. Riddles use language to create meaning and have a specific structure that consists of a question or statement followed by a clue or hint and then the solution or answer is given. The first part sets up the problem to be solved, while the second part points the way to the correct answer. The answer is the solution to the problem that the riddle presents. The idea of problem vs. solution is in itself an example of a binary opposition. Moreover, the metaphors and figurative speech that appear in riddles is another example of opposition, i.e., literal vs figurative language. Furthermore, the riddle commonly involves a certain type of wordplay or pun, which can also be explained in the binary opposition of literal meaning vs. multiple meanings. In the study at hand the concept of the structuralist theoretical perspective emphasizing the underlying structures of human society and culture is applied to the corpus of JRBRs presented here. In this application, evidence of how the riddle reflects a deeper cultural understanding of the people group from this region is clearly observed. Finally, this dissertation contributes to the field of postcolonial studies, since its focus is on non-Eurocentric cultures so as to mark their space in Western academia. Whether in North Africa, Mesopotamia, Arabia, or the Levant, the Bedouin experienced colonial dominance even though this culture in fact superseded that of the Europeans. In certain instances, Western cultural hegemony was based on literacy terms, i.e., well established European written traditions that tended to displace traditional native oral forms of expression. Although Arabic is a rich literary language and did not suffer the constraints of most African languages that were strictly enclosed in the oral tradition, the fact is that literacy rates among the Bedouin have perhaps not been as high as in other people groups and this has relegated them in scholarly production. In this sense, the field of postcolonial studies has readdressed certain biases from the past. They have oriented Western philology towards cultural forms of non-Western regions. Therefore, although Introduction 49 this dissertation is written in English as a global language of culture that, along with French, is still largely used by scholars in Arabic institutions, it furthermore simultaneously addresses Arabic cultural tradition as well as Arabic itself. In this sense, the Arab world owes much to primary sources such as the Quran (the Islamic Holy Book) and to documented historical Arabic manuscripts that have helped to preserve the classical written and oral structure of traditional Arabic. One specific example of this is the Alfiyya of Ibn Malik a book of Arabic grammar written in rhyme; this summary, as proposed by Jamal Al-Din Muhammad bin Abdullah bin Malik Al Taei Al-Jayani in the 13th century AD, consists of one thousand poetic verses about the syntax and morphology of the Arabic language. Until the current time, the impact of the high esteem bestowed upon Classical Arabic is still dominant in most written work and is still widely used in official speeches as well. Furthermore, due to the wide variation between Arabic dialects, it is also the only way for Arabic speakers to communicate with people who do not share the same regional dialect of Arabic. Nowadays, since the fields of postcolonial studies and cultural studies have fostered plurality and respect for native cultural manifestations, research projects like the one at hand are indeed merited. By nurturing this project, the PhD program in Advanced English Studies: Linguistics, Literature & Culture at the Universidade de Santiago de Compostela participates in the wake of other prestigious institutions, such as the London School of Oriental and African Studies and their counterparts in Berlin or Paris. It seems only fitting that in institutions like these which were once founded to teach members of the colonial administration and their families now play an active role promoting the cultures of the former imperial territories. This dissertation has a multicultural ambition; by using English as the medium of expression it caters to an international audience while it provides access to research published in Arabic. At the same time, it is a base point for intercultural comparative studies. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 50 OBJECTIVES Next, the objectives of this study, and the research questions are laid out with reference to the specific topic of this dissertation: the Jordanian Bedouin Riddle of the Badia Region, or JRBR. Taking into consideration the previous discussions related to the study of the riddle with reference to cultural studies, folklore and structuralism, this doctoral dissertation seeks to fill a gap not yet accounted for by preceding studies, as well as to allow for a deeper understanding of the topic, since it is conducted on the specific Arabic-speaking community of the Bedouin of the Jordanian Badia region. In it, one seeks to: 1) preserve the texts in the corpus presented here as elements of folklore that have great significance in the understanding of the beliefs and worldviews of this people group; 2) demonstrate that JRBRs are systematic and rule-governed, and that they have universal correlations and specific patterns that can be successfully explained by international theories proposed by previous scholars.; 3) publish this corpus as a way to provide an English translation of the riddles so that they can be more easily accessed by other researchers in the future; 4) draw attention to the JRBR as an oral literary and aesthetic genre. Much like participating in riddling exchanges in Bedouin societies, this genre itself is extremely popular, and, as such, represents a source of linguistic features generated during a human activity that has yet to be adequately studied; 5) reveal the universal link between different societies by applying the well-known theories from the structuralist perspective mentioned above to the Jordanian Bedouin Riddle of the Badia region, or JRBR; Introduction 51 6) serve as a referent for future analyses on the functions, form, and content of riddles in literary traditions in English-speaking and also in other non-English speaking countries; and 7) provide evidence of the variation between prose and poetic riddles which is carried out by applying the theoretical framework from a structuralist point of view. Making use of this empirical perspective will help to answer the following research questions about the cultural implications on the level of cultural aspects and the linguistic structure present in JRBRs. 1. What cultural aspects and elements form part of JRBRs? 2. Using the structuralist framework, what features are found to exist in the widespread genre of JRBRs? 3. Are JRBRs universally linked to other riddles around the world? 4. What variations does the structuralist theory yield for JRBR prose and poetry riddles? METHODOLOGY For the purpose of this doctoral dissertation, a corpus of data was gathered from Jordanian Bedouins living in the Badia region in the southeast Jordan. Native Arabic speaking females and males were asked to supply JRBRs that were familiar to them, especially those that would be beneficial for a cultural study, and those that were most related to the more traditional style of other people their age, and their ancestors. Although the age of the participants was not limited, all of them were adults with experience in the riddling process; some were even more experienced poets who are accustomed to interacting as participants in the more difficult level of riddle challenges. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 52 The collection of riddles that was gathered and presented in the study at hand is of particular interest for two reasons. The first resides in the time frame itself since it is likely that the informants were able evoke riddles going back to as far as the twentieth century or earlier. Secondly, and possibly even more crucially, these riddles are active artifacts of the speakers’ pre-literate oral culture, and, in other words, represent oral-literary knowledge as observed from this oral component. They appear as an abundant quantity of literary diversity that originated from an illiterate people; furthermore, they are of special significance to the author since they are artifacts of his ancestors. Once the riddles were collected, they were transcribed into Arabic. The structure of each example was studied to ascertain the components and order of each riddle. The topics and cultural elements present in the riddle were also analyzed and described. These texts were also translated into English. One of the main difficulties in presenting this study was being able to provide an appropriate and adequate English translation of the original Arabic corpus. Due to the extreme linguistic, stylistic, and cultural gap between Arabic and English, one of the linguistic obstacles is achieving equivalence when interpreting the riddles between the two languages. Generally speaking, cultural and linguistic differences are considered to be the most problematic issues of translation, which is why the translator must be completely aware of the other culture, and, thus, able to understand the meaning of a specific cultural expressions. Moreover, when translating local idioms associated with a particular society, there are cultural connotations that arise from the unique ecology found there, as well as the more characteristic religious traditions, social habits, concepts, and beliefs. To put it bluntly, to a great extent, the linguistic structure of JRBRs cannot be translated in an exact way into English. Since the local dialect of Arabic and the cultural circumstances of this area correlate quite firmly with the linguistic structures used, translating from one language to another while retaining all of the relevant linguistic features proves difficult. Therefore, it is the translator who must come up with an accurate rendering of the riddle and the reply. To do this he/she must be accustomed to many features of this specific social reality, both natural Chapter One: The Bedouin in Jordan & Bedouin Culture 59 hares, jackals, foxes, wildcats, hyenas, wolves, gazelles, mongoose, rodents, and even a few leopards. Golden eagles, vultures, pigeons, and partridges can be found as can lizards, centipedes, and scorpions. As far as the human population is concerned, most of the people in Jordan are Arabs, mainly Jordanians and Palestinians, most likely because Jordan may be the only Arab nation that automatically grants citizenship to Palestinian refugees. There is also a notable minority of Bedouin. The latter group, also known as Bedu in Jordan, made up the largest indigenous people before the mass arrival of the Palestinians after the wars with Israel in 1948 and 1967. To date, the Jordanian Bedouin tribal system remains faithful to the Hashemite kingdom, which has ruled the country since the Arab revolt in 1923. There are also minority groups of Syrians who are refugees from the Syrian Civil War and Iraqis who took refuge in Jordan after the Persian Gulf and the Iraq War respectively. Finally, there are a small number of Circassians living in Armenian communities and Turkmen as well. As per religion, the majority of the population, over 97% are Sunni Muslim. The rest of the population is mostly Christian. Of the latter, most conform to the Greek Orthodox doctrine, although there are also Greek Catholics, Catholics of the Byzantine ritual, Roman Catholics, a small group of Syrian Orthodox Patriarchates of Antioch and an even smaller group of Protestants. Most of the non-Arab Christians are Armenians and belong to either the Orthodox or the Catholic Church. There are also small groups of Druze and Baha’i followers. Arabic is the official language in Jordan. The regional dialects which occur here are related to the Levantine variety of Arabic spoken in parts of Syria, Palestine, and Lebanon and, thus, mutually understandable. The educational system includes Modern Standard Arabic, very similar to Classical Arabic, which is notably different from the more colloquial, spoken language used in everyday life as happens all over the Arab world. With respect to the cultural heritage of the Arabic language, the Arab world owes much to primary sources such as the Quran (the Islamic Holy Book) and to documented historical Arabic manuscripts that have helped to preserve the classical written and oral structure of traditional Arabic. One specific example of this is the Alfiyya of Ibn Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 60 Malik a book of Arabic grammar written in rhyme; this summary, as proposed by Jamal Al-Din Muhammad bin Abdullah bin Malik Al Taei Al-Jayani in the 13th century AD, consists of one thousand poetic verses about the syntax and morphology of the Arabic language. Until the current time, the impact of the high esteem bestowed upon Classical Arabic is still dominant in most written work and is still widely used in official speeches as well. Furthermore, due to the wide variation between Arabic dialects, it is also the only way for Arabic speakers to communicate with people who do not share the same regional dialect of Arabic. Hence, it is easy to see why, for many generations, researchers and scholars focused mainly on what Western scholars denominated Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) or Modern Written Arabic (MWA). These researchers soon realized how rich in folklore and culture literary texts in other dialects of Classical Arabic were. Unlike other Arab countries such as Egypt, the interest of Jordanian scholars in documenting their own cultural heritage and local literary texts seems to have been sparked somewhat later in the last decades of the 20th century. Although many reasons caused this delay, the most important one is most likely the overall poor, local economic conditions, as well as the resulting social instability, that developed because of the wars that ravaged the whole region, (i.e., WWI and the Arab-Israeli Wars). First as a part of the Ottoman Empire, and then as a mandate of the United Kingdom, Jordan did not become an independent kingdom until 1946. The literary movements present in Jordan can be observed in three stages that reflect this historical transition: from 1921, the time of the Eastern Emirate, until the independence of 1946, from 1947 during the post-independence and the Jordanian-Palestinian interdependence phase until the six-day war in 1967, and from the Al-Naksa setback in 1967 to the present time. The nature of Jordan’s association with the Levant until the end of the Ottoman rule coupled with the power that the tribal conquests had on the relations between the tribes and the rural population in that area resulted in an absence of newspapers and magazines, and also in insufficient means to promote education or schools to teach Arabic. Hence, education was limited to the religious schools of Sheikhs whose Chapter One: The Bedouin in Jordan & Bedouin Culture 61 culture and curricula focused only on understanding mathematical calculations, memorizing the Quran, and writing Arabic calligraphy. The first Jordanian secondary school was established in 1923, two years after the arrival of Prince Abdullah I bin Al-Hussein and produced its first graduates in 1928. Nevertheless, the middle of this period saw an improvement in the development of literary works which focused mainly on Arab nationalism as regarded through the eyes of several well-known poets and writers, such as Mustafa Wahbi Al-Tal, known locally as Arar, Muhammad Abu Qhanema, and Husni Fareez among others. The time after 1948, known as the post-Nakba period, which brought over 70,000 Palestinian refugees into the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, may perhaps also mark a certain turning point in Jordanian literature. The explosion in population triggered the addition of new schools which resulted in higher numbers of educated people, and, consequently, of university graduates. Most of the literary works at this time noticeably revolved around the Palestinian issue. Various academic and intellectual trends concerned with the characteristic mixture of Jordanian-Palestinian originated, and, in turn, contributed to the emergence of many writers, critics, and poets in the fields of the short story, novel, traditional poetry, and free verse. In his conclusion, Abdualrhman Abu Hani, references how the writers during this period significantly influenced the curricula of schools and universities and continued to do so until the beginning of the current century. Their literary works abounded in authentic Arab culture which combined the glories of the past with the spirit of the future (1979: 202-204). During the third stage, by focusing on groups of poetic and prose genres that belonged to different regions, e.g., Jordanian style or Palestinian character, scholars began to investigate a certain amount of literary works from the previous phase. In doing so, a new and more local interest in researching Jordanian forms of literature and the use of the Arabic language surfaced (Ya'qoob 2009: Vol.1: 1045-1317). This world of scholarship might seem to be outside the realm of the Bedu, who by nature, live a simple life, and, generally speaking, avoid complications, since they are mostly interested in their livestock living far away in the desert, and may or may not know how to read and Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 62 write. However, the Bedouin environment was a rich field of studies for orientalists and some local researchers who paid great attention to the Bedu dialects, culture, and customs that, according to many scholars, might represent the lifestyle of human beings who have not been affected by the processes of modern civilization. These previous investigations studied Bedouin colloquial dialects, as well as their poetry, prose, proverbs, and folk tales. For instance, among the productive writers who became well known through the Jordanian media one can find the poets: Hekmat An-Nawasiyah, Habib Al- Zeyoudi, Ali Shaninat, Muhammad Al-Qaisi, and Ibrahim Nasrallah. As regards the Bedu story, one must refer to: Jamal Naji, Moas Al- Razzaz, Salem Al-Nahhas, Jalal Barjas, Hazza Al-Barari, Mafleh Al- Adwan, Samiha Khreis, Hashem Gharaibeh, Uday Madanat, and Mukhlid Barakat. In the field of heritage studies on Jordanian Bedouin literature, Rocks Al-Azizi, Yaqoub Al-Awdat (the masked Bedouin), and Abdel Halim Abbas stand out. While, finally, some of the scholars dedicated to studying the Bedouin dialect are: Fakhri Kawar, Mahmoud Al-Rihawi, and Badr Abdel-Haq (as referenced in Samer Qutami 1981: 6-8). Due to the aforementioned climatic and geographical differences, the Jordanian landscape is divided into two basic areas, the desert region and the cultivated region, and each area enables a different lifestyle. Hence, Jordanians have traditionally settled in three major groups: Bedouin, or Bedu, nomadic tent-dwellers, rural residents, and urban residents. The Bedu nomadic tent-dwellers comprise around 10% of the population, and make their living in the desert, certain areas of the plains and in the mountainous highland area. This percentage used to be higher, but many have moved to urban areas. Indeed, it is said that around 30% of urban Jordanian residents can trace their ancestry to this nomadic Bedu group. Of the Bedouin nomadic tent-dwelling group, the eastern Bedu are mostly camel breeders and herders, while the Bedu in the west herd sheep and goats. Another part of them are semi-nomads, or people who adopt a nomadic existence during the summer months but return to their homes and lands when school is in session and crops need to be planted. Rural citizens, including small numbers of Bedu, form about 20% of the population. A normal living situation for them Chapter One: The Bedouin in Jordan & Bedouin Culture 63 consists of a group of houses with other essential buildings like a mosque and primary school and pastureland nearby. Depending on the size of the village there may also be a medical clinic, post office, a traditional farmer’s market space and even a café. In these villages, the families tend to be closely related. This patriarchal system also depends on extended-family ties that help to govern their social relationships and tribal systems. Around 70% of Jordanians reside in urban regions.1 The main population centers are Amman, Irbid, and Al-Zarqāʾ, although there are many smaller cities and towns which have hundreds of thousands of inhabitants. Unlike the villages, most towns have government and private schools, libraries, hospitals, banks, mosques, churches, as well as entertainment facilities. The capital city, Amman, and Al-Zarqāʾ, and to a certain extent, Irbid, have more advanced urban characteristics than do the smaller towns. Most scholars agree that the term Bedouin refers to the nomadic Arab people who have historically inhabited the desert areas traveling with their herds in search of the meadow in North Africa, the Arabian Peninsula, Iraq, and the Levant.2 In Arabic, badawī means the “desert dweller”, and is traditionally opposed with ḥāḍir or the term for sedentary people. As referenced in Tamplin, currently, the majority of Arabs who define themselves as Bedu descend from the nomadic Bedouins and prefer to live in one region (2018:3). The image of the Bedouin being nomadic desert dwellers dates back centuries; however, there are not many tribes that still maintain property. As will be seen in the next section, the unique culture of the Bedu resulted from the agriculture shortage and the cruel circumstances undertaken to be able to inhabit the desert. The Bedouin, or Bedu, are organized not only with a tribal structure, but also according to a more political and economic aspect that affects the social and cultural activities that take place both within the tribe’s interactions as well as outside the tribe's affairs. Leybourne points out that although the Bedouins compose just a small percentage, 1 See Donald P. Cole, 2003:251. 2 Cross reference: Walter Dostal: 1967. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 64 perhaps less than 10%, of the total population of Jordan, they have continued to play an essential role in the current affairs of this country (1993:34). The Bedu have presented their distinct roles in Jordan in an especially attractive model, and, consequently, their culture has also been embraced, to the extent that many Bedouin traditions and customs have spread widely throughout the Jordanian community. The Bedu of Jordan consider themselves to be the original source for Jordanian heritage and, thus, the backbone of Jordanian culture. Therefore, they are commonly recognized as being the “pureblooded” citizens of Jordan. The standard language of the Bedu in Jordan is usually Arabic; however, many non-Bedouins may have trouble understanding them because they not only have a distinct dialect, but they also tend to employ lexicon and certain phrases which form a part of their cultural background. In addition, many Bedu tend to dress in a style that is different from the social norms of the rest of society since these more traditional ways of dressing are better suited for their life in the desert. It is generally understood that the Bedouins were the sole users and masters of all of the desert areas, before modern Jordan was established, and their strong emotional attachment to the desert can easily be observed. H.R.H. Prince Ghazi bin Muhammad bin Talal quotes a popular saying about the Bedu when he affirms that whether they are settled, semi-nomadic, or among the few remaining true Bedouins of Jordan, the desert represents who they are (1999:20). In describing this attachment, H.R.H Prince Ghazi bin Muhammad used the well-known saying, “ ﻊﯿﻄﺘﺴﺗ ﺐﻠﻗ ﻦﻣ ءاﺮﺤﺼﻟا جاﺮﺧا ﻚﻨﻜﻤﯾ ﻻ ﻦﻜﻟ ءاﺮﺤﺼﻟا ﻦﻣ يوﺪﺒﻟا جﺮﺨُﺗ نا يوﺪﺒﻟا” or, you can take the Arab out of the desert, but you cannot take the desert out of the Arab2F 3. Indeed, most agree that the desert is the home of many Jordanians who descend from a pure Bedu heritage. Some of them even claim that the current state is but a temporary country, formed to “fence in” the life and liberty of the Bedouin people. During the time this study was undertaken, some of the Bedu were living in Badia, in the eastern, Al 3 Translation by the author. Chapter One: The Bedouin in Jordan & Bedouin Culture 65 Raqnb sector of Jordan. As a Bedu settlement, Badia has been characterized to be tribal, self-sustaining land that was received from the state as a means of support. This area is predominantly made up of arid and semiarid climates because of the lack of rainfall. Yet, in spite of the low levels of rainfall in Badia, it is still an important source of grazing for livestock breeders. Perhaps since Badia is not close to metropolitan areas, the Bedu have been capable of maintaining their unique social values and norms. However, some say that several of the most prominent features in Arab society as a whole, and in particular, in Jordan, can be seen in their strongest form in the Bedu lifestyle. For instance, Bedouins are celebrated for their generosity and hospitality. In fact, an essential part of their creed, rooted in the cruelty of life in the desert, is that no visitor be turned away. Another example is the tribal structure of Arab society that is easily observed amongst the Bedu, where the clan is the center of their social life. In Bedu culture, a collection of small families together constitutes a clan (qawm), then a number of these clans make up a tribe or (qabila). In these clans and tribes, Bedouin values are passed down from one generation to the next based on their ancient code of honor which insists on absolute loyalty to the clan and tribe in order to warrant the survival of certain groups. Since the Bedu have remained in these areas, and thus lived for so long outside the dominant authority of the kingdom, they have adopted several specific social tribal laws to maintain order in their community. These laws include expulsion from the tribe and the necessity to stand firm in support of certain issues that are important for their survival and well-being. Until the beginning of the 20th century, the Bedu in Jordan were nomadic, although certain tribes held the right to selective grazing regions. In the early 1940s, many factors, such as the increased controls implemented by the modern government, caused not a small number of young Bedu to enter the Jordanian army. In the last 40 years, those Bedu have become more settled, or “sedentary” and, at most, semi-nomadic. As a way to facilitate classification, movement with herds has become a factor in distinguishing nomads from sedentary people. Livingstone Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 66 addresses the regularity of most Bedouin movement as being based on distance, which might provide an ambiguous average for classification (1985:3-4). However, the very concept of movement is more complicated than it seems because it can mean the involvement of only the strongest family members, or it can also mean the involvement of the entire family. It is quite common for the younger family or clan members to form part of the group who carry out the movement, either in the preparations of the necessary arrangements for those who will follow, or in the preparations of the herd that will be in transit with a restricted number of shepherds. Today, it is challenging to distinguish between nomadic and settled Bedu and it is even more complicated to draw the line between the settled Bedu and those who are more mobile in Jordan. Some scholars have suggested that physical conditions are what marks the difference between the settled and the nomadic groups. In any case, the Bedu used to behave differently, but today most of them no longer wander from place to place. Instead, they have tended to associate and mix with settled communities and, consequently, have adapted to this change. An example can be seen in the lifestyle of some nomadic Bedu women. Traditionally, these women would spend most of the day in and around their tents carrying out the specific duties and chores involved in caring for their homes, children, and herds. Part of these activities included collecting firewood and water which meant they interacted with the other women who lived nearby, which, in turn, helped to promote their social relationships. Once they left their nomadic lifestyle behind, many of these women no longer have to leave their homes, so they stay indoors for longer periods of time and do not enter into as much social interaction. This is said to have resulted in a reduction in social relationships and community ties. A more general description of these changes was provided by Jabbūr and Conrad who identified and proposed three types of Bedu lifestyle today (1995:30-31). The first type is representative of the classical, pure, or mainly unmixed, group who are still mobile. Those who practice mobility wander through the Badia area searching for grazing land and water supplies for their herds. The second type, the semi-nomads, represents a group whose activities are half-way between Chapter One: The Bedouin in Jordan & Bedouin Culture 67 the original and more authentic nomadic lifestyle and the settled group. In Badia, the semi-nomads plant crops, especially barley and wheat, and take their herds of sheep and goats far and deep into the desert before turning back to their villages. However, this group of Bedu also consider themselves to be pure Bedu. Apart from the crops they plant, their most valuable financial activity is animal husbandry. Therefore, with pastoralism centered on sheep and goats, and some cultivation crops, even though they are semi-nomadic, their way of life is comparable to that of the nomadic Bedu. Obviously, there is also some variation in this group and a certain number of them are more settled, but the common factor seems to be that they have increasingly focused their attention on planting crops such as barley, yet they may still tend to some sheep and goats. The third type is the group who have stopped raising animals and have settled down completely; in fact, many of them have moved to urban areas. While these three groups only vary in terms of how mobile they are and the number of animals in their herds, they all share similar habits in cultural values and traditions. Hence, the tribal association is still essential for all three groups since it provides them with several rights and advantages over the strategic resources found in their areas like land and professional opportunities. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 68 1.1 LIFE IN THE DESERT After presenting this initial idea of who the Jordanian Bedouin are, it is also necessary to discuss some of the more important aspects of their culture. Since these culture representations reflect the cultural heritage passed down from previous generations, in the case at hand, it has much to do with the nomadic lifestyle of the tribal groups in the geographical area referred to above. Indeed, making a living in the desert has resulted in many of the cultural aspects that are called for when humans must survive in such a hostile environment. One of the most important elements necessary for an itinerant community is their home which, in this case, is the Bedu tent. The Quran describes the homes of the Bedouins, their furniture, and their belongings with the verse: “ ﷲو ﻞﻌﺟ ﻢﻜﻟ ﻦﻣ دﻮﻠﺟ مﺎﻌﻧﻷا ًﺎﺗﻮﯿﺑ ﺎﮭﻧﻮﱡﻔِ ﺨَﺘْﺴَﺗ َمﻮﯾ ﻢﻜﻨﻌَظ مﻮﯾو ﻢﻜﺘﻣﺎﻗإ ﻦﻣو ﺎﮭﻓاﻮﺻأ ﺎھرﺎﺑوأو ﺎھرﺎﻌﺷأو ثﺎﺛأ ًﺎﻋﺎﺘﻣو ﻰﻟإ ﻦﯿﺣ ”, which has been translated as: It is Allah Who made your habitations homes of rest and quiet for you; and made for you, out of the skins of animals, (tents for) dwellings, which ye find so light (and handy) when ye travel and when ye stop (in your travels); and out of their wool, and their soft fibers (between wool and hair), and their hair, rich stuff and articles of convenience (to serve you) for a time (Alnahil Surah, verse 80). Attia explains that the homes of the Bedu are tents which are hot in the summer and cold in the winter, and do not protect those who live inside against moisture and rain as they should (2004:1). In fact, heavy winds, which are not uncommon at certain times of the year, may hit the tents hard enough to shake them and even cause them to fall in on the heads of their owners. Nevertheless, despite their disadvantages, for thousands of years these tents have been the Bedouins’ dwelling place and shelter. Their main utility is that they may be simply folded up when it becomes time to travel to a new place, and then, are just as easily installed when the family settles in. An environmental product imposed by the conditions in which the Bedu lives, these tents are made of camel and sheep wool, and in many cases, are furnished with handicrafts produced from these wools as well. These constructions are Chapter One: The Bedouin in Jordan & Bedouin Culture 75 have partaken of food or drink; in this way, they may even find safety in the den of their enemy (1985:31). This means that the socially appropriate generosity displayed by the Bedu is still one of the noble traits that they cling to and cherish. In these circumstances, no matter how late the hour, food is served to the guest as soon as possible; thus, the Bedouin are always ready for such visits. In honoring his guest with food and drink, the Bedu always apologizes for the amount and the kind of food served, even when there is more than enough food, and it is of high quality. Normally, camel milk and lamb or mutton are provided. It is socially appropriate for Bedouins to show humility in front of their guests; so, they will say things like, “excuse us for the shortcomings”. The apology complemented hospitality etiquette is expected so as to not embarrass the guests and to make sure that everyone’s behavior while eating is adequate. Normally, the guests are presented to those asked to sit at the table with the older family members. Noone will start eating until they are allowed to do so by the host who will mention Allah’s name, by saying “in the name of God” and will also welcome the guest and those in attendance. Another protocol typical of Bedu hospitality is to talk with guests about what they like after understanding what that is. Sowayan reports that “failure to entertain guests is a shameful act" (1985:114). Several other behaviors are considered to be unacceptable in front of guests. In this way, grumbling about time, poverty, or even disease, raising a person’s voice, getting angry, and even yawning or falling asleep are considered to be impolite behavior while guests are present. There exists one specific symbol of generosity that is essentially always present when Bedu men get together: serving coffee. In fact, the Bedouin have special gatherings or majlis, also known as diwaniya, to drink coffee and exchange current news (Yamani, 2020:150). When guests are present, coffee is considered to be a symbol of generosity; while Alsarhan has affirmed that men seem to take pride in participating in these coffee rituals by drinking the coffee to manifest their masculinity since their participation indicates that they are aware and active in their role as members of the tribe and its cultural traditions (2017: 34). Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 76 Hence, preparing and serving coffee to guests is a highly respected social custom of the Bedouin. Furthermore, the protocols that are involved are generally similar among the different tribes. In this coffee ceremony, there are specific procedures for the unique coffee pots. The most important one is called dallah, or the coffee pot, and some hosts prefer to use special, more costly coffee pots that have been acquired abroad. During this ceremony, it is customary for the person who serves to pour the coffee for the guests while standing up. Before serving, the server will look to see who the guest or the eldest person is and start with that person since he should be the first to drink. The coffee pot should be secured in the left hand, while the coffee cup is held in the right hand. The server should not sit down until everyone has finished drinking their coffee. At times, the server will provide an additional cup of coffee for a guest who has not even finished drinking so as to help a guest who is too ashamed to ask for more and this is another illustration of how generous the desert people are. When a person shakes the coffee cup after drinking, it means that they have had enough. Finally, it is also customary for a person not to accept more than three cups of coffee (Hanauer,1905:259-261). This traditional coffee ceremony is very much present in everyday life since people engage in it as a way of carrying out many other types of social interaction in Bedu society. Asking for help, coming to an agreement on who will marry whom, requesting protection, and such, all start by putting the coffee cup on the ground and not drinking it until the tribal sheikh, or the host, agrees to the guest’s demands. Hanauer has reported that finishing the coffee represents the guest’s satisfaction. On the contrary, ignoring the guest’s request is considered to be a great defect on the part of the host and one that he does not want to bear in front of his tribe (1905: 259-261). Yet, since their social interaction and survival depend on it, Bedouins normally respect all their cultural traditions so that impossible demands are not made in the first place. It remains to be said that the sensitivity with which the Bedu deal with guests has been transmitted from generation to generation and this wisdom encourages them to do everything they can to serve their guests in the best possible way. Indeed, on many occasions, when meeting with older tribe members, the author has often heard this expression, Chapter One: The Bedouin in Jordan & Bedouin Culture 77 “If a guest comes, he is a prince. If he sits, he is a prisoner; and if he leaves, he is a poet”.5 In this cultural saying, there are three stages of dealing with guests. First, when guests arrive, a warm welcome is required. This welcome should include expressions of joy and appropriate clothing when the guests are received, much like what would happen at the reception of a person as important as a prince. Secondly, the guests must sit with their hosts. In this way, the guests show their respect for their place by paying attention to what their host says, and by participating in a seated position, since the guests will need to assume their place as requested by their host. And, at the same time, the guests must get permission from their host to ask for anything that they need, and, in this way, they are like prisoners. However, according to tradition, their host should fulfill any request, as long as it is possible to do so. All of this together means that the Bedu try to provide the best treatment for their guests. This may also be due to the fact that when the guests leave, no one can prevent them from talking about the reception they have received at their host home, and therefore, they are considered to be poets when they refer back to the treatment that they have been given. 5 Translation by the author. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 78 1.2 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION These strongly rooted cultural traditions also have to do with how the Bedu organize their social structure. Much like other people groups, the Bedouin society consists of internal sub-divisions that determine the nature of the tribal relationship between community members; moreover, they arrange their affairs so that there are certain references with specializations that vary according to the different issues that occur within the community. The family makes up the nucleus of Bedouin social formation like all other human societies. The Bedu family is a patriarchal family, where the father is the head of the family, and, as such, his decisions are obeyed by all family members who live in the domestic unit, dwelling in his tent or tents. The family consists of the father, his wife, or wives, and their children. It is normal for this family group to consist of a husband, three or four wives, and seven to twenty kids. Married sons generally live near their parents, but each son manages his own household’s finances separately, and also tends to live as an individual domestic unit, in his own tent or tents. In contrast, children who have not married usually stay with their mothers. The position that each of these domestic units occupies in the tribe, and the rights that they retain, depend on how much money is made and how many men make up the family. The Bedouin are keen to have as many males as possible because they customarily consider the total number of male members to be a critical factor that, in turn, affects the pride and strength of each family within a clan and of the entire tribe itself when compared to other tribes. (Na'amneh et al., 2008:156-157). Due to polygamy and the extremely large families that result from this practice, the population of the Bedouin increases more than that of other inhabitants of Jordan. In this way, Bedu families continue to sustain what they believe to be their economic, educational, cultural, and religious duties. Along those lines, it is important to discuss the role of the Bedu woman. Al-Dajani says that because of the nature of Bedouin life where the role of the man is distinguished since he is the one who protects the clan, wards off invaders or others who seek to harm the clan, and Chapter One: The Bedouin in Jordan & Bedouin Culture 79 generates the family’s livelihood, the role of the woman is limited to housework and childcare. Nonetheless, she may perform preliminary economic work necessary to help sustain their livestock such as herding camels and sheep, milking them, and fetching water (2001:70-71). Moreover, in the desert conditions where the Bedu live, women are as important as men when it comes to courtesy and bravery. In this way, many of them carry the same moral values, seek refuge with men, honor guests when the men are absent, bear the work, troubles, and hardships, and even, if it becomes necessary, women may actively participate in an invasion. Hence, following the Bedouin tradition, the woman is a symbol of honor and dignity. As mentioned above, women are highly respected and should never be transgressed or dishonored. Furr and Al-serhan discuss the Bedu “honor code”, whereas the female should not be touched, nor encounter any harm whatsoever, no matter how much enmity and hatred exists between clans (2008:29). There is no stigma attached to a nobleman as appalling and dreadful as insulting, humiliating, or hitting a woman. This idea of honor and dignity is surely also related to the conservative view of the role of women characterized in Islam, and which, to a certain extent, continues today. Thus, Bedu women tend to adhere to their inherited customs. Especially those who still inhabit the desert areas where the traditional dress with its loose cloak and head covering that only allows a person to see their faces still reflects its conservative roots. This may contrast with other Bedouin women, as well as men, living in rural and urban areas who have tended to abandon this more traditional style. Travelers from the West who have come in contact with the Bedouin tribes have also commented on the major role that Bedu women have in the political, economic, and social affairs of the tribe (Richard et al. (1996), Oppenheim (2007), Seabrook (2006), and Hess (2010), among others). They have also made reference to how a Bedu woman carries the status of hormah, meaning that she cannot be touched even if she is from an enemy tribe. The Bedouin woman normally takes part in decisions that affect her about her marriage, or divorce, the affairs of her household, and those of her people and clan. If she does decide to accept a marriage Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 80 offer outside her tribe, she is aware of how this relationship will strengthen the trust that members of these tribes have for each other, as well as how alliances against other tribes may be formed as a result. The Bedouin man regards the woman as an asset who will help her family and tribe with increasing the population and, thus, with future tribal warriors. In this sense, she should not be dishonored, but must be kept safe as a well esteemed and be his respected wife at this level of the Bedu family. At the next level, one can find the clan which, in Bedouin society, is considered to be a more absolute unit of social integration. It is said that the individual leaves the clan and then returns back to it. As such, it is almost the only social institution that exerts social pressure on individuals. This has to do very much with nomadic culture, the very nature of the Bedu life, which demands that everyone make an effort and pitch in for the survival of the entire clan. Each clan has a boss, a sheikh who rules and manages its affairs. The sheikh, or the leader of the tribe, represents the highest rank of civil order and as such, whether in war or peace, every member of the tribe must follow his direction; thus, this figure might be similar to a head of state today. In this sense, what the sheik mandates is diligently obeyed by the other members of his clan as long as he looks after the clan’s interests and heeds its affairs. The resulting organization works well because it is understood that the welfare of each and every individual benefits the clan’s best interest and vice versa (Furr & Al-Serhan, 2008:3-22). The tribe is a larger social system than the clan and consists of several clans who share a blood relation as cousins and who gather together to form a single tribe made up of a large number of clans. Usually, the tribe travels and lives in areas these Bedouin clans know well. This gathering of tribe members has its advantage in providing aid and assistance. In addition, it contributes to projecting their unity when seen by other tribes, which, in turn, helps to establish their reputation and, at the same time, demonstrate that they are ready to defend themselves against any danger to their lives or property. One of the very specific social situations that often arise from this type of tribal organization is the strong relations that are formed inside the tribe due Chapter One: The Bedouin in Jordan & Bedouin Culture 81 to consanguineous marriage, or the union between two individuals who are related as second cousins or closer. This type of arrangement occurs since a male cousin has the right to marry his own female cousin, even sometimes without consulting her first, although this is by no means a generalized practice and does not occur very frequently in Bedouin society nowadays, as already mentioned above. According to their tradition, consanguineous marriage does not contradict the value and position of a woman, because the Bedu believe that the male cousin will best preserve the female cousin’s dignity and there is also the added benefit that the daughter will continue to live close to her parents where they can visit her daily and best take care of her. If she were to marry a member of another tribe, this type of daily contact would most likely not be possible. This could also be considered to be an example of assabeyah, or tribalism. This term implies the idea that the human social group that makes up the tribe has a common concern for the survival of all of its members. Thus, there exist “tendencies to be loyal to and favorable toward one's own tribe”, at the same time that those that make the tribe are “less favorable toward other tribes” (Clark et al., 2019:5). When rivalries take place, tribalism is the reason why a man will be called to support his clan or tribe, and also why he will stand by his clan or tribe no matter what the outcome. This type of comprehensive, coercive force is a social phenomenon that exerts a great deal of control over the members of each tribe since a certain sort of nervousness towards other tribes leads to tribal cohesion in the Bedouin society. On the one hand, this type of complete unity is beneficial since every individual feels psychological and material security; yet, on the other, this behavior also isolates the tribe socially, psychologically, geographically, and in other vital aspects. Apart from this initial coercive force, there also exists the phenomenon of tribal law. In Jordan, this type of law is still accepted in Jordanian society; hence, it carries a certain amount of power and status. This is partly due to the fact that the history of this law goes back to before Jordan was founded as a modern state. Before this happened, the Bedu were able to create a system of law that helped not only to regulate their lives, but also to resolve disputes between them. The Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 82 current state has not changed the tribal law pattern that characterizes Jordan, and the government authorities have approved Bedu tribal law and adopted its provisions. The Bedouin judiciary deals with many issues and problems that may occur in the Bedu society. Furr and Al-Serhan state that “the tribal legal system does not impose either prison sentences or the death penalty” (2008:22). This is perhaps the main reason that many prefer to choose the Bedouin courts over the other legal options. Moreover, the tribal courts tend to hold trials very soon after an offense is carried out; therefore, the ruling is not delayed, as rulings tend to be in the standard courts. The Bedouin courts see their cases and deal with them in public; thus, everyone knows that the rights of the oppressed have taken into consideration, that they were not subject to insult or ridicule, nor referred to as being weak members of their social group. In all cases, it is necessary to arrange and coordinate with the official security authorities so that the trial judge’s ruling is effective and not open to discussion. The session is held in a Bedu tent with the presence of the two conflicting parties and a group of people who act as witnesses. The relatives of the judge play the role of the police in maintaining security and preventing any expected problems during the session to preserve the prestige of the judicial place (Furr, Ann, and Al-Serhan, 2008:18). The casework and court decisions for violent crimes (i.e., murder) are often carried out in coordination with the official authorities, as long as the victim’s family members accept the tribal procedures and rulings. The judicial judgment is required to have witnesses as well as representatives for the local, official authorities. In many cases, honor issues are dealt with in the tribal courts due to the fear, as mentioned earlier, of what other people will say about those implicated; in this way, the trials are carried out in an expeditious manner and resolved rather quickly. Cases of theft, slander, insults (such as recalling past faults), and accusations without evidence are also commonly ruled on by the tribal judges. These cases may end with a sentence of cutting off part of the offender’s tongue or a part of the thief’s hand (in the absence of evidence, witnesses, or if a case was already considered previously). However, nowadays, tribal judges normally replace the penalty of the amputation of any part of the human body with a fee that is customary Chapter One: The Bedouin in Jordan & Bedouin Culture 83 among the members of the tribal judiciary. This is more than likely due to the fact that the Bedouins seek a reprisal on a more psychological, or emotional, level than on a materialistic one. Hence, when the accused is deemed innocent, it is also customary for the tribal judge to provide an additional legal court order that the person who has accused the other unjustly place a white flag in more than one place, for instance a wellknown house, or a public and highly frequented commercial or meeting place, as a symbol that patently marks the innocence of the accused so that it is prominently seen by as many people as possible and, in this way, his / her reputation can be restored. While each clan has its own sheikh as seen above, not all clans have their own judge. Judges must have a good reputation and must have demonstrated ethical attitudes that make people trust their judgment. Moreover, judges are divided into several sections according to the type of case: some of them specialize in cases of murder and honor (e.g., cases related to women), and some specialize in cases of quarrels and financial disputes. The legal capacity of the tribal judges has been granted to them with the protection of the authorities; they also have the capacity to judge as traditionally accepted in the clan, since this right is passed on from father to son. Consequently, tribal judges are officially recognized as capable of carrying out their judiciary duties as well as ruling on cessation of spousal rights. This tradition goes back many decades since the law of the tribal courts was issued in 1924, and then modified 12 years later. This law provided a list of the “tribes of Jordan which would submit to this jurisdiction” and granted the members of these tribes “the freedom to submit their cases to their traditional judges” in order to arrive at solutions to cases according to their own legal tradition (Sonbol, 2003:46-48). After discussing the social structure of the Bedu, it is also necessary to present one of the sociologically interesting outcomes of this organization; that is to say the unique and vast folk culture that results from all of the circumstances in the harsh environment where they dwell deep in the desert, as described above. A proud people, the Bedouin are aware of the nomadic customs and traditions they have inherited from past generations and have even compared themselves with the settlers who are “bound to their mud houses, toiling Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 84 continually, like slaves”. In contrast, unlike those who have settled in one place, the itinerant Bedu is said to live by the sword. While this might seem to be merely a romantic notion, this concept goes much further, indeed it can be seen patently in the fact that, as indicated by Max Freiherr von Offenheim Arch-Brunelich, at times, Bedouins might seem to be afraid to go to the cities for fear that they will be forced to give up their weapons, which are a source of pride and dignity (2021: 80-83). In desert conditions, the Bedouin rarely goes outdoors without a weapon. There are many reasons for him to do so, but the most obvious reason is to protect himself or his herd from predators. Usually, the Bedouin carries an alshibiriya, or a hand forged Bedu dagger, known as a saif badawi, which is small and can be easily concealed. When shepherding his herds at grazing areas, a Bedouin generally carries a firearm since he may spend several nights away from home. Thus, keeping their sword6, or other weapons with them, is a way for Bedouins to retain their honor. As mentioned above when referring to Bedu Tribal Law, the example of how court sessions are held to restore honor and solve issues that deal with revenge, also demonstrates how valuable their dignity is to them. Since they are a people who have a high level of personal pride, they also demonstrate a specific reaction against any type of humiliation or self-mortification, which, according to their social code of conduct, must not be tolerated. Living in the desert provides Bedouins with an easy means to escape any situation in which they feel insulted, for example when they have a problem with a neighbor, or when they simply no longer feel comfortable where they are. Bedouins can simply pack their tent and leave, unlike the villagers or citizens who are tied to the property that they own and must keep quiet and try to live in peace even when their economical or housing conditions are not favorable. However, the Bedu understand that the protection that the sword provides also allows them to do this as they see fit. In this sense, 66 White weapon is a term given to a spectrum of personal, manual, cold weapons utilized for attack and defense; sometimes, they are also used as a tool for killing. However, the term “white” does not refer to their specific color, although this idea may come from the color of the metallic blades that cut, in this way, white weapons are ones like spears and daggers. (Ali, 1971:3) Chapter One: The Bedouin in Jordan & Bedouin Culture 91 and travel with their herds of livestock and camels, either on horseback or on foot, and the subsequent amount of time that these trips took coupled with the extreme weather conditions surely caused much hardship, boredom, and fatigue. No doubt, these difficult circumstances prompted the Bedouin to find a way to amuse themselves and their livestock, and in doing so, they raised their voices in song. In any case, for desert people, singing is food for the soul and represents an outlet in which they are able to find comfort and pleasure. In the poetic social circumstances already described, one can easily see how the Bedu understand where and how they learned to sing. Obviously, it is their own desert environment that nudges and incites them to sing with the voices of the camel, ram, and sheep, the neighing of the horse, the roaring of the lion, the howling of the wolf, the barking of the dog and the twittering of nightingales and doves as well as with the sounds of nature perceived in the trickling of water, the whirling winds, and even thunder itself. The Bedouin started to imitate these sounds and, over time, learned to express their ecstasy and relieve themselves of their distress (Boufas, 2019:29-33). As a result, the Bedu became the sons and daughters of their environment par excellence, so that they were able to simulate the sounds around them and create musical melodies based on the sounds around them for their comings and goings. Before long, Bedouin songs became as varied as the social occasions in which they were performed. In this way, there are songs used when they gather to celebrate a newborn child’s purification, others help to commemorate an engagement or a wedding, and there are also songs for the shepherd when he is alone. One specific type of song is called “al-hadda” and is essentially a type of traditional, yet improvised, battle carried out using oral discourse which is spoken to music. In the older days, when wars and invasions were still a common way to solve disputes, seek revenge, or even fight for loot and livestock from other tribes, the war chants were more well-known. A group of women accompanied the men in wars to help spread their enthusiasm. Hence, the women’s presence would help to motivate those who were fighting as they heard the women’s songs and war chants. Another way that women encouraged the male members of their clan or tribe was to Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 92 take off their veils so that the males in their clan would be forced to defend the women and protect them from being taken captive by their enemies. In this way, the women would help the men to overcome their fears so that they would stay on the battlefield and not be accused of cowardice. Traditionally, in early summer, the Bedouin head to the Western mountains in order to carry out the harvest. While they gather their crops, they accompany their work with specific songs for this time that are meant to instill a hard-working spirit in men and women alike. These songs are characterized by a short poetic verse similar to oral lyric poetry (Ghawanmeh, 2009: 28). Since their crops are gathered by hand using traditional methods that not only require them to bend over for long periods of time, but are also physically rather exhausting, men and women often reply to each other as part of these songs to spread a sense of humor and reduce their fatigue as they work under the hot sun on the particularly rugged terrain common to this area (Simms and Kenneth, 1997:696). Some of the songs were also performed while dancing. Indeed, the Bedu men are famous for the folkloric dance, which they still take part in today, called “al-Samer”. This dance has its origin in a traditional Bedouin ritual that is usually carried out at weddings but may take place any time people wish to express joy. Even though, there are some places in Jordan that would like to change the pace and fix a certain rhythm when the al-Samer is danced, the more traditional Bedouins do not believe this to be appropriate and may even see any change as an insult to their cultural heritage. Instead, the Bedu prefer the more traditional al-Samer dance, one that is usually done at night, and during which a poetic line is sung with a melody agreed upon by the participants performing the dance. Commonly, two men who have the same vocal layer share the poetry aloud, and then two other people reply back to them; an appropriate response should be of the same weight and rhyme pattern. The poetic lines of songs that are produced during an al-Samer dance tend to include some humor, banter, and riddles to add liveliness and zest to the performance for the enjoyment of the audience. To initiate the dance, the men who have formed a line begin to sway from Chapter One: The Bedouin in Jordan & Bedouin Culture 93 left to right as they clap to maintain the rhythm. At a certain point, the pace of the dance may begin to increase, accompanied by clapping, swaying, and even bouncing up and down. This is kept up until the participants become too hot and / or too tired to continue. Then, they rest while beverages are served, usually tea and coffee. After they have rested, they may dance again or watch as another group or clan participates. In some Bedouin tribes, al-Samer is performed in front of a section for females. This special section for the women has no lighting inside so that they remain unseen by the men. An atmosphere of suspense is created when the men perform well enough to cause the women to respond from inside their section with “zaghrouta” or ululation. This sound is a sort of long, wavering, high-pitched sound that, normally, women make by shouting and moving their tongue rapidly up and down on the roofs of their mouths to express trills of joy. In the olden days, political life in the Bedu society did not exist per se, at least in the sense understood by more urban or developed countries. As stated above, the Bedouin already had a social structure in place to deal with the problems arising from living together in since they had already developed their tribal law and adhered to it before the existence of the current Jordanian state. In this way, the Bedu tribal law that was passed down through the generations was the system that they used to regulate the members of their society for any necessary social, economic, political, or military action. According to Sweet, the authority was confined to the head of the tribe, in the person known as the sheikh, who determined the place where they would reside, the time of departure, the most appropriate places for grazing, and the borders that a tribe should defend (1965: 1132-1150). From a more modern perspective, the tribal sheikh can be seen to bear the moral responsibility of providing the means of livelihood that will provide the greatest degree of stability for his tribe members. Yet he works alongside the group of tribal elders whose duty it is to provide their advice and opinion on all of these matters; even so, the sheikh has the final and binding opinion about tribal issues. In the Bedu hierarchy, age is of utmost importance. The Bedouin society evaluates the extreme importance of a person’s age in terms of where Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 94 this person’s sits during a session. Thus, young people often sit towards the ends while more important people are placed in the middle. In this way then, younger members of this social group should be ready and available to carry out the tasks issued by the sheikh and his council, especially during time of conflict with other tribes, or when there exists the need to find the best places for grazing and housing, since these tasks may require a significant effort, as well as imply certain hardships that could restrict the participation of the more elderly members of the clan. Another role that might also be justified as political in nature is that of the sheikh’s mother or wife. This role is, however, obviously one that is not patent in the day-to-day encounters, but that some have found to be present on a more latent, or hidden level. Obviously, a sheikh’s mother has a position of great respect and appreciation in her son’s eyes. On the one hand, she was the wife of the former sheikh of the tribe; accordingly, she has the experience and love that motivates her son to trust her when consulting together about the affairs of the tribe. Concerning the wife, the importance of her opinion stems from the fact that, in most cases, the sheikh will marry only women of high class and lineage. Consequently, she comes from a family known for their wisdom and knowledge in dealing with general societal affairs. Women may play a very prominent role in disputes and have historically been observed to be the reason for ending a war, or for forming alliances between tribes when they enter into a marriage with a member of another hostile or friendly tribe and help to provide a strong base for the convergence of differentiated views between the opponents, that will in turn, bring an end to even long-standing conflicts. In any case, as mentioned above, this role remains undeclared because of the extreme sensitivity that Bedu men have towards women when they mix with men or talk to them (Abu-Lughod,1988: 60-66) and (Fenster,1999: 226-247). With the emergence of the current Jordanian state, the authorities have, generally speaking, tried to control the Bedouin people and impose their authority upon them. Many of the measures put into place by the government were met with absolute rejection by the tribesmen to the extreme that, on some occasions, it resulted in armed conflict Chapter One: The Bedouin in Jordan & Bedouin Culture 95 between the two parties. However, the Jordanian state quickly realized that the existing, and armed, tribes would be difficult to control due to the difficult geographical conditions of the desert on the one hand, and to the extension of this territory on the other. Moreover, the Jordanian state was newly established, and therefore it was alliances, not conflicts, that were needed to lay the necessary foundations for a more perdurable and longer-lasting rule in Jordan. Consequently, the political system in Jordan resorted to recognizing Bedouin tribal law as well as the institutional law stipulated in the Jordanian constitution (Abu Jaber & Garaibeh, 1980: 297-298). This recognition provided the Bedu tribes with a victory since they were able to adhere to their freedom and inheritance without civil distortion. Additionally, the Bedouin gained parliamentary representation for each tribe when the people belonging to the Jordanian Bedu tribes were divided into three electoral districts: the Bedouins of the north, the Bedouins of the center and the Bedouins of the south. Thus, all three of these districts are closed in the sense that non-Bedu citizens from the cities may not represent the constituents who belong to one of these areas. After this decision was taken, it would also be necessary to find a way to resolve the tension that had existed between the ruling regime and the Bedouin tribes for many years. In this sense, the political sphere of the Bedu can be divided into three stages. The first stage took place before and during the beginning of the current Jordanian state. At this time, politically speaking, the Bedu had a unilateral system since their government and administration was carried out by the tribal sheikh and the alliances that each clan or tribe formed with other similar groups. This second phase11 started in the 1970s and lasted for many years. 11 It is worth mentioning that this stage began with a strong blow to the Bedouins, especially the Huwaitat tribe in southern Jordan, which is considered to be one of the tribes that contributed to the establishment of the current Jordanian state, mainly during the wars against the Ottoman Empire. The setback occurred when Army Commander, Mashhour Al-Huwaitat was relieved from his position during what is called “Black September” by Jordanians. The secondary effects that resulted from this incident almost impacted the entire country, when martial law was declared, and many Bedouin tents were raided to confiscate any weapons that members of the Bedouin tribes owned. Theoretically, no one can determine the exact time from which oral literature comes, except when it can be related to a historical incident (Salama, 1976: Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 96 It saw its end during the time known as the “Arab Spring”12 in 2013. The “Arab Spring” is a term given to the protests that swept the Arab world from 2011 to 2013. The protests started in Tunisia and spread throughout most Arab countries in protest against the authoritarian rule and oppression that has been rooted in these countries for decades. Jordan had a share of these protests, but at a lower rate than other countries such as Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, and Yemen. During these arguments, several concessions were made by the local government to find a democratic center that allowed for more personal liberties. At this time, some Bedu found more freedom and were able to have a certain amount of influence and weight in the political status of the country. During this stage, the three Bedouin electoral districts were the ones that participated the most in any election, as compared to the other electoral districts in other regions of Jordan. During the second stage the partial abandonment of more traditional Bedu ways of government was displayed when some did not take into consideration what the Bedouin ancestors had done, and, instead, left the power to make decisions to the authorities which may have had a negative effect. At the time of writing this dissertation, the third stage has begun. It is a time of a certain amount of distress, perhaps even chagrin, for the Bedouin in terms of their marginalization by the authorities. It may even seem that Bedu find themselves at their weakest moment, politically speaking, as compared to the first two stages. Even now, the authorities are trying to impose a certain amount of constitutional control with clear flexibility on the people and the Bedouins. However, it is also true that during some of the more considerable periods of dissent, the authorities have sought the assistance of tribal and clan elders as a way to contain these conflicts; thus, at the same time, seeking their assistance provides patent recognition of the active role that Bedu clans still enjoy in the current Jordanian state despite what seems to be their recent reduction in political power. Furthermore, the role of the Bedouin clans is still highly regarded locally by all citizens and among those belonging to the Bedu tribes in particular. 37). Consequently, we are able to propose that JRBR73 may have originated during this period in which the existing tension between the tribes and the ruling regime was high. 12 See Salam (2015). Chapter One: The Bedouin in Jordan & Bedouin Culture 97 However, over time, since a certain number of them have become somewhat distanced from tribal life, and also due to an increase in the power that the state authorities have, some have composed wise sayings about dealing with authority. JRBR 73 refers to this type of wisdom that is well-known among the Bedouins, at the same time that it reflects on the relationship between the Bedu and the local authorities when it says “May I ask you about the three difficulties which put a heavy burden on strong men? He, under their pressure, is not to blame if time passes; you surely keep your promise”. The word “difficulties” mentioned in the riddle signifies the stressed relationship between the two parties, since the Bedouin does not accept being ruled by a non- Bedouin. Like any nation in this universe, spiritual life has its place in people's lives in the Bedouin community. The Bedu in Jordan have been committed to following the Islamic religion for over 1,400 years and consider it to be a significant part of their intellectual and religious heritage. Due primarily to the lack of an educational institution, many believe that until the 1970s the Bedouins did not adhere as strictly to this belief system, unlike other civilized places in Jordan and in the neighboring countries. Nevertheless, in the case of the Bedouin, their faith has always been deeply rooted in their belief in God who can and does help them to survive the harshness of the material life that surrounds them. This belief system has benefitted the Bedu as they attempt to live a spiritually calm life based on common sense and a pure spirit. Al-Fawali indicates that the Bedu man respects the teachings of Islam and adheres to them in a way that may draw attention (1967: 158- 159). Hence, he avoids using the name of God to swear on many occasions, even if he is sincere. In other cases, he often gives up his right to the other party if the decision were to necessitate an oath. In fact, this situation may reach a certain extreme when a Bedouin may pay money to the disputing party in exchange for dropping the oath. For many decades, such behavior has been carried out because of the fear of the divine punishment that might result from a false oath. The Bedouins act on their faith since they take this into consideration because of their belief system and, thus, out of respect for the Creator. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 98 Another aspect that has surely impacted the Bedu belief system is the fact that the geographical conditions of life in the scorching desert may result in many types of natural disasters such as lack of rain, or even drought. The same climatic conditions have also meant that infants and beloved family members may die due to a shortage of medical supplies, ignorance in dealing with a disease, or even the time it would take to travel to another place to seek medical attention. In these cases, according to Abu-Rabia, the patients must take respite in their belief that their fate is decided by Allah (2015: 7-8). Thus, with these circumstances, the Bedu have come to believe in and accept their fate, which most likely helps them to cope with many things that in this way of life are completely out of their control. In this sense, a spirit of tranquility and calmness is established at the same time that the Bedouin, whether living in one place, or wandering from one place to another, commit to and frequently put into practice prayers and supplications. Many times, these prayers are about simple things since living in the desert and experiencing a lack of food and water has made the Bedouin a thankful people. The Bedu have realized that God is the one who harnessed camels, horses, and sheep, which are the only source of sustenance without which they would not have found a life in the distant desert and that He is the one who provides them with the water that they need to survive. Another interesting area of spiritual life has to do with dreams. Al- Tahir indicates that many Bedouins believe in dreams, and in being able to visit and see the dead in their dreams; thus, the Bedu often make food when they dream about a dead person that belongs to their family since they believe that this food will benefit the dead as a reward that they receive in their grave (1965:165). Seeing the dead, in favorable or unfavorable condition, has a great impact on bringing delight or sorrow into the life of the Arab and of the Bedu in particular, since the dream is considered to be a sign of the state of the dead person. The geographical conditions have also affected the Bedouin since this has caused a certain absence of official and unofficial religious institutions until the 1980s as well. Therefore, many Bedu have traditionally considered religion to be more a personal concern as well Chapter One: The Bedouin in Jordan & Bedouin Culture 99 as a diligence that was to be constantly and earnestly cared for according to their “tribal heritage” that was accomplished with their traditions and social relationships, than a matter that should be learned from the competent authorities such as official centers like schools, universities, or religious institutes. Accordingly, some contradictions between religion and tribal customs are apparent in Bedouin daily life. Some scholars, such as Sulieman, who, based on a more urban perspective of religion, posits a more daring and contrasting opinion regarding the Bedu by accusing them of a lack of religiosity and weak religious scruples (1988:298-302). Sulieman states that Bedouins believe in the existence of the holy spirits of righteous people who have passed and their ability to respond to supplications. In addition to this, Halim refers to some activities that incur a sacrifice, e.g., slaughtering a sheep for the souls of these holy spirits next to their graves on different occasions so that they will answer the supplications, for instance, when medical treatment is needed (2000: 196). However, Al-Masharqah seems to believe that the Bedouin are not better off than their ancestors as far as their religiosity is concerned, that is to say how well they know and understand religious matters involving worship, commands, prohibitions, and rituals. Indeed, Al- Masharqah affirms that the Bedouin are ignorant, in the sense of being uninformed or unaware, of all these more legal ideas. In lieu of this, the belief of the Bedu is limited to the mere oneness of Allah and the prophecy of His Messenger Muhammad. Thus, the Bedu do not feel the need to adhere exactly to certain more rigorous rules that other Muslims may feel the need to follow, especially as concerns certain times for prayer. The Bedouin pray according to their needs and desires and when their free time and long working hours allow them to do so. Another example is the strict observance of Ramadan, which, for many Bedouin, does not call for a change in their eating and drinking schedules, since, most likely due to the severe desert conditions, they continue to follow the same schedule as they do during the other months of the year (Al- Rawi, 1949:50-56). Finally, Al-Masharqah, refers to certain actions that might, to a certain extent, seem to counter the Islamic religious views, such as sanctifying certain stones and trees so that these objects would be able to convey good and repel evil. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 100 Based on these ideas then, it becomes patent that the traditional Bedu has inherited certain ideas from their ancestors who lived in the period before the spread of the knowledge about Islam, and whose religiosity was limited to spiritual matters since they did not come in close contact with the specific requirements of Islam. However, other members of this society who were able, at least to a certain extent, to benefit from the teachings on Islam, now make up the vast majority of the Bedouin who understand the Islamic religion in what is considered to be a more appropriate form, regardless of the extent of commitment to its instructions, as may happen particularly among the younger generation. In the examples of cultural folklore described above it is easy to see how the Bedu society has historically been influenced by its natural surroundings on many various and different levels. Making a living in the desert is a complex affair, yet, over the centuries the Bedouin have adapted to this harsh environment. Their historical dwelling places located near the caravan route of the famous, ancient Silk Road kept them in contact with other peoples at the same time as it allowed them to maintain their distance. This resulted in a way of life that seeks to avoid the complications and demands of contemporary life in the city and uses simplicity and only what they have immediately at hand to make a living. In this way, the Bedu live without tension; their biggest concern is finding pasture for their flocks and keeping track of the rainfall patterns as well as the location of different bodies of water that they can make use of in their wanderings. They have also adapted to the modern era by using automobiles instead of horses and camels, by resorting to modern methods of extracting groundwater, and, in some cases, by staying near their seasonal vegetable farms that serve as fodder for their livestock instead of traveling long distances; however, this may also be due to the fact that nowadays there are international borders that tend to limit the Bedouin’s freedom of movement, especially those enforced by Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Syria. Even so, the Bedu lifestyle still tends to contradict the more contemporary civilian way of life. By efficiently using all of its institutions, the state has been able to levy its control over citizens who live in cities and rural residential areas; however, this is not the case for Chapter Two: The Jordanian Bedouin Riddle 107 2.1 THE RIDDLE: CLASSIFICATION & FUNCTION Reaching a common definition for the riddle has proven to be a difficult task that has caused a fair amount of scholarly discussion. The presence of riddles appears to be a universal topic and there seem to exist riddles having similar forms across many nations, and even continents. One example of this is the Sphinx riddle which has been documented to exist in Mesopotamia, Ancient Egypt, Greece, and even in the Marshall Islands in the West. It is true that their conventional brevity offers a sort of opportunity for variation or discussion at the same time that it also presents a unique performance for debate. Despite their limited words, simple riddles are commonly a point of controversy for people of all ages. Another point in common across cultures is the fact that many scholars confirm that new riddles are regularly being formed just like any other type of literary work. It is generally known that riddling was used in traditional societies as a means of entertainment. One of the earliest sources cited by many scholars is Aristotle. Well known for his riddle or ainigma collection, which he used in his promotion of the effective use of language, Aristotle referred to the presence of the metaphor in riddles when he wrote, “from good riddling it is generally possible to derive appropriate metaphors; for metaphors are made like riddles; thus, clearly, [a metaphor from a good riddle] is an apt transference of words” (Book 3, Chapter 2)16. Obviously, Aristotle’s ideas are based on the concepts of rhetoric and the appropriate use of language when speaking; thus, his idea of using a metaphor has been seen as a sort of foundation for the definition of riddles. The study at hand deals with the more traditional oral riddle. Many scholars have already put forth their ideas about an academic definition of the riddle; this tendency has been bifold. On the one hand, some researchers have paid more attention to the structure, or formula, of the riddle, while others have concentrated on the cognitive aspects of the riddle, in other words, the sociological, psychological, and intellectual aspects of the riddle and the context in which it takes place. Several scholars tend to represent terminological restrictions so as to generate 16 As translated by George A. Kennedy (1991:201). Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 108 a personal definition of the riddle according to the context of the area studied, for instance, Taylor 1938 and 1943, Georges and Dundes 1963, Dienhart 2010, and Jolles 2017 (as referenced in Kaivola-Brengenhøj, 2018: 4-6). Nevertheless, all of their definitions share a common idea: riddles cannot be separated from the element and context to which they refer. Many scholars cite Petsch to be the initiator of the structural analysis of the riddle in terms of the fundamental units which conform it (George & Dundes, 1963), (Green & Pepicello, 1979), (Kaivola- Brengenhøj, 2018) among others. In his 1898 doctoral dissertation, the German literary scholar, Robert Petsch, proposed the idea that true “folk puzzles”, or true riddles, may include up to five basic elements: an introductory frame, a denominative kernel, a descriptive kernel, a block or distractor component, and a concluding framework (as cited in Green and Pepicello, 1979: 3-20). A second important voice in the definition of the riddle came from the United States: Archer Taylor. A modern folklorist, Taylor believed that the riddle had not been adequately defined and affirmed that, “the true riddle or the riddle in the strict sense, compares an object to another entirely different object” (1943:29). Taylor included the idea of negative and positive descriptive elements in his definition because he thought they “organize the essential structure of the riddle”. In his opinion, the negative element resembles Petsch’s idea of block. While the positive descriptive element is metaphorical in nature, the negative descriptive element is literal and can be understood as such. In other words, “a true riddle consists of two descriptions of an object, one figurative and one literal, and confuses the hearer who endeavors to identify an object described in conflicting ways” (1943:130). As Georges and Dundes have already pointed out, there exist many riddles which do not have one or both of these descriptive elements. In addition, there are also examples of riddles in which the positive element is not metaphorical, or in which the negative element is. Their solution, from a structural analysis point of view, is to base the definition of the riddle not on style, but on structure. When their theory was applied, only two of Petsch’s five elements were found to be structural: the descriptive kernel element and the block element. They Chapter Two: The Jordanian Bedouin Riddle 109 further broke this down by saying that the descriptive element consisted of both a topic and a comment. Once they did this, they were able to posit that “[a] minimum unit of analysis having been defined, it is now possible to present a tentative structural definition of the riddle: A riddle is a traditional verbal expression which contains one or more descriptive elements, a pair of which may be in opposition; the referent of the elements is to be guessed” (1963:113). Although some do not agree with their tentative definition, it is a good base for the study at hand. However, additional elements must also be included in the final definition used in the work at hand. For example, the second part of the riddle, or the referent, or answer to the first part, must also be included in the definition and, while Georges & Dundes do not specifically include it, others like Miranda (1972) and Pepicello & Green (1984) do. The latter put forth this more complete version: We see first that the riddle form is based on the question-and-answer format. Moreover, it is potentially solvable from the information included in the question if the riddlee is able to determine the witty devices for confusion employed to frame the riddle. In turn, we see that the information necessary to discern the witty devices is to be found entirely by virtue of participation in a cultural system (i.e., shared language, world view, and tropes). Finally, the riddle act must, like all folklore, have a conventional locus within a particular tradition and within a performance context (Pepicello & Green, 1984:88). As put forth above, the entire riddling performance and the socialcultural context in which it takes place are important in achieving a successful end to the riddle act: the correct guess by the audience. This means that the process, the conventions used in the performance, as well as when it happens and the presence of one riddlee or, more commonly, a larger audience, should all be considered when analyzing the oral performance of riddles. Continuing inside the scope laid out by the linguistic and folklore perspective, riddles have been included in the genre of verbal art alongside proverbs, especially because of the fact that both are at times Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 110 encoded in archaic or poetic style language, but, at others, presented in a clear and more succinct style. Nevertheless, riddles and proverbs are seen as inversive to each other, as Milner observed, “if a riddle is an overt question with a covert answer, a proverb is an overt answer to a covert question” (as cited by Kaivola-Bregenhøj, 2001:26)”.17 Other oral expressions which have been included in this group of verbal art include: enigmas, old-fashion tales, stories, jokes, and puns. Yet, despite the connections, riddles can easily be distinguished from these other oral expressions, since, as stated above, they take place in certain social situations, a special domain in which a person learns to participate from an early age. But the folklore perspective is only one of several different perspectives that have included the study of riddles in their area of expertise. From a linguistic point of view, many scholars have dealt with how different strategies using phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics are employed to create a certain amount of confusion, yet, at the same time, will still allow the riddlee and the rest of the audience to come up with the correct answer. In addition to the oral forms, the literary forms of the riddle have been studied in depth since they may also be constructed in the form of simple or compound sentences, texts, or even poetry. In any case, one can consider a common comprehensive definition that includes different aspects of the riddle. A riddle is a form of popular expression that constitutes an important oral or written aspect of popular creativity as proven by the fact that ancient riddles have been found to reflect degrees of civilization during different historical stages. As is the case for literary genres, the riddle is a widespread global phenomenon that does not have one specifically recognized format; in addition, it can deal with any aspect of life. After comparing the opinions of researchers and critics in terms of the best definition for a riddle, the work at hand posits that the structural definition is more significant than the cognitive definition or the definition based on content and style. The structural definition is a universal one that can accommodate all riddles from different regions and societies, and it is very rare, perhaps almost impossible, to find a 17 In reference to a quote by Köngäs Maranda 1976:129–130. Chapter Two: The Jordanian Bedouin Riddle 111 riddle that does not contain a topic and a reply. Another meaningful consideration is that the structural definition is flexible and can be adjusted to different riddle categories. The Arabic language, as we will discuss later, has riddles with no apparent topics. Still, at the same time, it makes use of what are known as implied pronouns, which can be employed instead of unstated topics, so we will not find any difficulties in applying this structural definition to the Jordanian Bedouin Riddle, henceforth, JBR. In this way, then, one can put forth this definition of the riddle. A riddle is an oral or written genre that has different functions. It usually consists of one or more oppositional or non-oppositional descriptive elements for one or more stated or unstated topics. It may appear in poetic or prose formulas, and the referent is meant to be deciphered. Regarding this topic, delineating the minimum unit of analysis is crucial to clarifying the structure of a riddle. It is, thus, suggested that the unit be called a descriptive element, as proposed by Petsch and Taylor, or in other words, a descriptive part recognized as a topic and a comment. The former is the supposed referent; that is, it is the thing or object which is supposedly described. The latter is an affirmation about the topic, usually involving the design, function, status, or performance of the topic. Many scholars deal with the two general classifications of true riddles that are derived from George and Dundes’ definition (Roger Abrahams 1968:143-158, Charles Scott 1969:129-142, and Michael Chyet 1988:267-292). The two types are distinguished by the absence or presence of descriptive elements in opposition. Riddles that contain descriptive elements which do not contradict each other are called nonoppositional riddles. Riddles with descriptive elements that appear to contradict or oppose each other are known as oppositional riddles. Non-oppositional riddles can be constructed in a literal or metaphorical way. Literal riddles are not complicated to guess, understand, and translate; hence their meanings can simply be inferred from the meaning of their elements. Since the meaning of the answer to this type of riddle shares a relationship to the literal meanings used to Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 112 create it, they do not require much processing effort. The vocabulary used in literal riddles are words that are regularly and commonly used. This means that linguistically speaking, they are easy to interpret and understand. In literal non-oppositional riddles, the correspondence between the riddle referent and the topic(s) of the descriptive element(s) is obvious. As in example JRBR 4 “What walks on feet that were not created by egg nor womb? Adam”. The referent and the topic are both “Adam”. However, in metaphorical non-oppositional riddles the correspondence between the referent and the topic of the descriptive element(s) is not identical, as in “Two rows of white horses on a red hill. Teeth”. In addition, sometimes one can find variation in the descriptive detail, as in the riddle, “What goes up white and comes down yellow? An egg”; still, no contradiction is included. On the contrary, in oppositional riddles, the first descriptive element appears to contradict the second descriptive element in order to create an integral whole or unit. The two separate elements can be accurately and logically associated only when the solution is provided. In oppositional riddles, the riddle will always contradict the primary function of a familiar object, for example, “Three brothers, the first eats and never gets full. The second goes and never comes back. The third one sleeps and never gets up. Fire, smoke, and ash”. In this riddle, the contradiction among the three phrases with descriptive elements is clearly manifested. In the first part, the descriptive element “eating” contradicts the descriptive element “never gets full”. In the second one, “going” enters into opposition with the descriptive element “coming back”. And in the third, “sleeping” is contradictory to the descriptive element “getting up”. Oppositional riddles have at least three different varieties of oppositions in the English oral tradition: (1) antithetical contradictory, (2) provisional contradictory, and (3) causal contradictive. (Georges, Robert A., & Dundes, Alan, 1963: 111-118). In antithetical contradictive opposition, just one of the two descriptive elements in opposition can be correct. Usually, the second of the contradictory descriptive elements works to negate the meaning of the first element. As in the riddle “A stone and not a stone, eats grass and not a goat or Chapter Two: The Jordanian Bedouin Riddle 113 sheep? A turtle”. Such a riddle is formed of three descriptive elements, the first and the second ones appear to be in antithetical contradictive opposition. While the privational contradictive opposition results when the second part of a pair of descriptive elements contradict the rational or physical characteristic of the first descriptive element. Generally, it is the essential function of an object that is denied. This is the case in this riddle: “He pinches you without hands? The hunger”. Or in this other one: “She cries without eyes and walks without feet? The cloud”. The third kind of opposition is called causal contradictive. In this kind of opposition, the initial descriptive element consists of an action carried out by an object or upon an object. In some causal contradictive oppositional riddles, the second descriptive element explicitly denies the hypothetical or logical result of the action involved in the first descriptive element. Examples of this type of riddle include: “She revolves but never gets tired. She eats but never drinks. A hand-mill”. Finally, with respect to the instances in which the topic of a riddle is stated or not, we can present these examples. For a stated topic, “What is a well that has two different substances? An egg.” In this riddle, the topic is a well. An example for an unstated topic is, “She cries a lot with only one eye. A spring of water”. In this section, a definite for the riddle has been provided as well as the terminology that will be used to describe and classify the JBR. Next, an appropriate comprehensive perspective about how riddles have been classified is provided so as to allow for a more detailed analysis of the subject at hand. One of the first classifications of the traditional oral expression known as riddles to cause much attention was provided by Taylor, when he presented the idea of the “true riddle” as being a riddle that “compares an object to another entirely different object” (1943:129) and then later expanded that idea to include, “in terms intended to suggest something entirely different” (1951:2)18. While Pepicello & Green did not agree with this differentiation since, in their opinion, the literary term “true riddles” should cause suspicion (1984:85), others have continued to use the notion of the “true riddle” as a set of riddles not to be confused with other riddles that are more like puzzles, or with 18 As referenced in: Pepicello & Green (1984:85). Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 114 the questions used in a jocular manner in modern oral rituals carried out by young people. In this sense, the most noticeable distinction separating the true riddle and this type of question is that the image in metaphorical riddles interrupts the expectations of the audience and that it is the latter who must provide the answer. In contrast, humorous questions interfere with the discussion or other discourse and, in most cases, the person who poses the joke will provide the solution. Another classification of riddles has to do with the fact that while they may be constructed orally, they may also be produced in the form of sketches, drawings, pictures, signals, and even Whatsapp images. In other words, then, riddles are not mere fixed written texts; they can be presented in different methods, like the visual riddle, which is performed by means of gestures, drawings, and so on. The riddler normally introduces his visual riddle by an opening ritual in question form, “Do you know what this means?” or “Have you seen this one?” These questions provide the framework for the performance that follows.19 Some have classified the riddle by the age group that uses it. Brian Sutton-Smith conducted a study in a small town in Ohio, USA. He was able to demonstrate that eighty percent of the four-year-old children who participated in the study could reproduce simple questions and answers. Given their nature, he proposed they should be called “preriddles”. For example, "Why did the man chop down the chimney? He needed the bricks”. He was also able to observe that by the time they were of school age, the use of this type of riddle had decreased by around seven percent, and that teenagers did not use this pre-riddle structure. The study also showed that schoolchildren also consciously produce complex riddles, such as the ones based on a homonym, which he later calls “homonymic riddles” (1973:114-115), for example, “Why did the dog go out into the sun? He wanted to be a hot dog.” The relationship between the image and answer might seem to be a bit frustrating for the audience who expects something else instead of mere word-switching. 19 For contributions about visual riddles see: Virtanen, Leea. (1988), Lipponen, Ulla (1992) as cited in (Kaivola-Bregenhøj, Annikki.2001:62-68). Chapter Two: The Jordanian Bedouin Riddle 115 Parody riddles are another type of riddle that schoolchildren commonly make use of and are usually performed during riddle gatherings where some samples such as rituals, metaphors, formula, or content are repeated as a way of imitating their elders. The target differs for the various riddle participants. The riddler tries not to forget his/her riddle collection; meanwhile, the riddlee's perspective is that solving the riddle is the only factor that will prevent him/her from falling victim to the mockery of the audience. For everyone who is taking part, such riddles include a pattern of providing random solutions that stray from rational analysis to become a sort of expectation. It seems that the psychological factor plays a significant role in such riddles where the majority of schoolchildren try to gain inspiration from the surprise element rendered by the parody. For example: “Although I am not alive, I have five fingers. What am I? A glove”. Another sub-genre of the riddle is the group of the studies that classify riddles by geographical region. Laurits Bodker published “The Nordic Riddle” in the 1960s. This study included the terminology Bodker developed to classify the different riddle concepts in various Nordic languages. Unfortunately, this terminology does not seem to match other areas, even those having a similar origin as is the case with the North Germanic languages. In addition, the Chinese (or “Sinitic”)20 languages’ peculiar nature makes them a particularly fruitful field for almost any kind of linguistic riddle. Rudolph Richard attempts to present some general information about the nature of the Chinese riddle and has referenced his most significant findings about Chinese riddles as follows. 1) There exist a large number of homophones which easily lend themselves to riddle making by punning on sound. 2) The meanings of Chinese characters are often many and varied. And 3) the shape and forms of Chinese characters must be taken into consideration since a specific group of riddles that have to do with the description of a character or of its component parts has been detected (1942: 68). The nature of a language, its calligraphy, the extent of its geographical 20 The Chinese (or “Sinitic”) languages are typically classified into seven major language groups. They vary as much from each other morphologically and phonetically as does English. In addition, there are approximately 300 minority languages spoken by the remaining 8% of China's population (Dwyer, 2005: 56-62.) Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 116 spread, and the number of speakers entail a wide classification for its literary types within the general framework for said language, as mentioned here. Such a classification may be quite demanding and even baffle those who are not familiar with a particular language. Studies on the English language have also produced a certain terminology for the classification of riddles. Apart from the “true riddle”, Archer Taylor has also recorded (1) the “neck riddle”, i.e., when a person narrates an event known only to the person who poses the riddle so as to prevent anyone from being able to answer and, thus save his life, (2) the “clever question”, i.e. the person who asks supposes that the audience is aware of special knowledge that will allow them to supply the correct answer, (3) the arithmetic puzzle, and (4) the “conundrum”, i.e., when the person posing the witty question does so with an ingenious combination of heterogeneous or conflicting ideas and or puns (1951:1). Mark Bryant, in Riddles, Ancient and Modern and his Dictionary of Riddles, apart from the true riddle, identifies (1) the “charade”, as a riddle in which the word or phrase to figure out is divided into several parts that can each be guessed from a verbal sign, (2) “conundrum”, as a riddle in which the answer depends on figuring out the pun or play on words, (3) “logogriph”, as a riddle in which a particular word is formed from by observing the letters in other words, and (4) “literary rebus” and “pictorial riddle”, as using pictures, samples, symbols, or letters instead of words and phrases to present a certain message (1983:14–16) and (1990:6-8)21. This variety might be due to the fact that in different societies the comprehensive terminology must differ to account for a certain fluctuation in cultural references. Another classification of riddles is the “wisdom riddle”. Unlike the riddles mentioned above, wisdom riddles are the ones which most closely resemble ordinary questions. In order to answer them, a person must be aware of facts pertaining to a specific area (i.e., the Bible, astrology, the NBA, etc.); in this case a person’s general knowledge or cultural background might not be enough to be able to distinguish the answer. This type of riddle is most likely linked to an older age-group who share common knowledge of a certain cultural aspect, religion, or 21 As referenced in Kaivola Bregenhøj, 2001:55. Chapter Two: The Jordanian Bedouin Riddle 123 something that is only meant to be enjoyed in terms of how well a riddler uses his or her imagination, or as fleeting entertainment, but riddles should be recognized for what they are: signs of deeper meaning in a given society, that represent not only its history, but also how that culture is passed on to the next generations. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 124 2.2 SOME STUDIES ON ARABIC RIDDLES Many investigations into the theoretical nature of Arabic riddles have been carried out. However, when conducting a literature review, it is not always easy to find research that has been translated into the English language, although there do exist a few exceptions26. One of the pioneers in studying the Arabic riddle is Antoine Giacobetti, who published a corpus of 619 Arabic folk riddles from Algeria in 1916. His study includes the riddles in Arabic text with Latin transcriptions and French translations. In the introduction, Giacobetti presents valuable bibliographical sources related to written Arabic riddles. In addition, he briefly examines certain usage cases, for example, the use of riddles in Algerian rural life and the natural topics represented in them27. In 1938, the Algerian professor, Abdelhamid Hamidou presented a collection of Algerian folk riddles. The riddles in this collection had already been translated and were only recorded in French. The collection included a short review, similar to that of Giacobetti's, as well as certain riddling expressions related to Algerian farmers and a few more written Arabic riddles. Since, as mentioned above, the riddles in this work were only presented in their translated French version, little or nothing can be said about their structure and form. Another investigation that seems to have been carried out with Giacobetti’s study in mind, is that published by Jean Quemeneur (1944). He introduces his book, Enigmes Tunisiennes, with an essay that provides important data on the kinds and varieties of riddles in Tunisia, emic names for the riddles, and even some short, comparative observations with riddles from Algeria. Like Giacobetti's collection, Quemeneur provided the Arabic texts with Latin transcriptions and French translations. 26 Despite the presence of some studies published in Arabic on riddles, the volume of these studies is quite small, particularly if the large size of the Arab world and the cultural and intellectual diversity among the Arab peoples is considered. The author still suffers from the scarcity of these resources and published work. It seems that the intellectual passion about riddles in the Arab world is not the same as it is for the Western world for reasons that might make for a long discussion. 27 Giacobetti’s work was reviewed by Rene Basset in Revue des Traditions Populaires vol. 32 (1916-17: 186-190). Chapter Two: The Jordanian Bedouin Riddle 125 Several years later, in 1965, Charles T. Scott published Persian and Arabic Riddles. This book might be one of the earliest investigations in English, from a language-centered approach, to attempt to reach a definition for the riddles provided. Scott tried to set apart, describe and linguistically analyze the stylistic devices employed in the riddles he included in his corpus. In 1975, in an unpublished thesis entitled, It's about Our Beancolored Hen: A Preliminary Look at Tunisian Riddles, Sabra J. Webber carried out a field study in which she collected fifty riddles. In addition, she put forth her in-depth analysis of the Tunisian cultural context as well as a brief look at Arab/Muslim riddle content, riddle form, riddling tools, and functions of riddles.28 The situation with modern Arab scholars is very similar; not much has been written on the subject. One of the more distinct, yet comprehensive, investigations that has been encountered is a book about Algerian folk riddles by Algerian philosopher, Abdul-Malik al- Murtad (2007).29 In his book, Professor al-Murtad attempts to conduct a detailed investigation of folk riddles in Algeria and provides an index of 176 Algerian riddles. In a rather valuable as well as useful investigation, Michael L. Chyet examines sets of folk riddles from various Arab countries including Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Morocco, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, and Tunisia. He looks at the collections to find out if Arabic riddles are related and even similar throughout the Arab World, or if they vary too much to be regarded together as a single group. He aims to clarify that for his investigation, the absence of any riddle from the corpus of a particular country is not evidence that a given riddle is not known there. However, Chyet regards the presence of any riddle in a certain corpus to justify that it forms part of the regional repertory. Furthermore, Chyet presents an extensive collection of Arabic riddles and also attempts to understand the structure of these riddles. To do this, he makes use of some of the more well-known structuralist theories which have been applied to European and other 28 As recorded in Chyet, 1988: 268). 29 This book entitled, "al-Algdz al-Sacbaya al-Gaza'irzya. Dirasa fi algdz al-Garb al-Gaza'irz" Algerian Folk Riddles: A Study in the Riddles of the Algerian West was published in 1982. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 126 riddle collections, to determine if Arab riddles can be explained in this way (1988:270-290). The theories that he addresses are those of (Georges & Dundes, 1963), (Scott, 1965), (Maranda, 1971), and (Kaivola-Bregenhoj, 1974) Since it might be one of the rare studies in English on Arabic riddles, Chyet’s 1988 study is truly beneficial for our research, and can be a sort of a starting point. It seems that the Arabic language, its comprehensiveness, and its linguistic ability to present any meaning in more than one linguistic form, within the great diversity of Arabic dialects, has motivated him to investigate riddles in various Arab countries. In this way, Cheyt concludes that there exist multi-structures when certain riddles have the same meaning but are presented with different expressions and forms in different countries. Another significant finding which can be applied to the study at hand is that Cheyt posits that two of the four theories mentioned above, (Scott, 1965) and (Maranda, 1971) do not afford satisfactory results when applied to Arabic riddles. According to Chyet, the main problems with Scott’s strategy are that: 1) it brings together riddles that relate to separate levels, while 2) conversely, it separates riddles with identical structures when one of the riddles has an extra-introductory frame element, or a “stylistic” element which the other lacks. Chyet also attempts to implement Miranda’s structuralist theory or “five-part diagram” (1971)30 on Arabic riddle structure. However, such an approach fails to be applicable to all categories of riddles. Finally, Cheyt is able to make use of certain elements for formula analysis that were previously determined. With Kaivola-Bregenhoi’s notion of formula criteria, and the descriptive analysis pattern laid out by Georges & Dundes, Chyet analyzes the most available and common riddle patterns. He is able to posit new riddle patterns related to non- 30 In Elli Kongas Maranda's article “The Logic of Riddles” (1971), she outlines a five-part diagram to analyze the structure of Finnish riddles" The five elements of the riddle are: I. The given term (signans) a metaphor which is the core of the riddle image. II. The constant premiss which holds true for both the given term and the hidden term. III. The hidden (unstated) variable, or what would logically be expected as the second part of the riddle question. IV. The given variable-clue to the answer, which informs us that something is amiss in the logic of the riddle. V. The hidden term (signatum) or the riddle answer / solution. Maranda considers the riddle answer to be an integral part of the riddle structure. Chapter Two: The Jordanian Bedouin Riddle 127 oppositional riddle categories according to the structural theories presented by Georges & Dundes, and Kaivola-Bregenhoj. As far as recent master theses and doctoral dissertations, whether published or not, are concerned, most of the ones that are accessible seem to originate in one country: Algeria. This type of study in Algeria normally uses the work mentioned above by Al-Murtad as a starting point and then seeks to describe what occurs in different regions of the same country. In this way, it is obvious that pioneering studies of this nature are necessary for any given topic in a particular society and will be the basis to be referenced for any and all following work that is carried out by researchers in the future. According to this research the most significant studies that help to describe and explain the riddle genre in Algeria have been included in Table 1. Table 1. Recent Research on the Riddle in Algeria Name of researcher Arabic Title English title Year of publication Rutibeh Hammayod alalghaz alshabyea fi madinat Qsntint dirasih tahlilih Popular Riddles in the City of Qusantina: an analytical study 2006 Halima Awaj alalghaz alshabyea fi alawras wadi altaqa Popular riddles in Auras and the Valley of Energy 2007 Salwa Tubrukan alalghaz alshabyea w alqabalyea bi mantiqatay Wadiyeh wa Azazafah Popular and Tribal Riddles in the Areas of Wadiyeh and Azazafah 2012 Banoor Yousef al-surah al-fanyea fi al-alghaz fi mantiqat al-wadi The Artistic Riddle Image in the Valley Area 2016 It is remarkable that all of the Algerian research listed above is very similar in the formation and tracing of the content of the riddle, its Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 128 objectives, and its relationship with the society as folk art that preserves and highlights the cultural values and customs in particular regions. In addition, each scholar confines his/her research topic to a specific geographical area that has a similar ethnic character. Nevertheless, they do not make any attempt to develop a theoretical framework for Arabic folk riddles, or any attempt to criticize the universal theories about the riddle as the study at hand seeks to do. One other study, entitled Al-alghaz Alnahwiah, Dirasat Tahlilia, or Grammatical Riddles: An Analytical Study, by Zainab Jum'a (2013) from Iraq is worth mentioning. In this study, the author poses her research about the nature of language conductivity as a clarification feature and compares it with certain features of the riddle such as confusion. Jum'a describes the difference between riddles by presenting some examples from the book Alaintikhab Likashf Al'abyat Almushkilah fi Al'iierab by Ibn Adlan al-Mawsili31 in an attempt to discover how riddles are grammatically made, how they are solved, and their relation to the classical Arabic language. At the local level, in one of the rare studies that has dealt with the topic of riddle and its use is the one by Juma Salim Al-Najadat, in which he deals with riddles and proverbs as humorous means of enhancing education (2015: 118-119). Al-Najadat explores the results of introducing and using a variety of English humorous texts in a reading translation course for mixed-ability Arabic-speaking English majors at Mu’tah University in Jordan. He concludes that the study has shown that humorous texts in English can provide very helpful language input, and can, therefore, support the language learner and the language instructor in a variety of ways. Unfortunately, the main focus of the paper is on jokes, while the riddles are mostly referenced in the 31 Adlan or Afif al-Din 'Ali was born in Mosul city (c. 1187 CE). He received schooling in Baghdad, including lessons on syntax, by one of the most distinguished scholars at that time, the Grammarian, Abu al-Baqa al-Ukbari. Later, he moved to Damascus and Cairo to work as an Arabic language teacher until he died in 1267 CE. Besides his writing, linguistics treatises, and cryptanalysis, he was considered to be an authority on literature and also wrote poetry. Adlan was famous for his multiple nicknames: al-Mawsili (of Mosul), al-Mutarjim (the Cryptoanalyst), and al-Nahwi (the grammarian). Chapter Two: The Jordanian Bedouin Riddle 129 Appendix, and, moreover, appear as direct questions with direct answers. In conclusion, while it is true that the study of the riddle has been attractive for Arab and non-Arab researchers, it is also evident that there are differences in how they deal with riddles. On the one hand, and in contrast to Arabic scholars, Cheyt tried to apply some universal theories to riddles in the Arab world. In contrast, most Arab researchers, especially the studies carried out in Algeria, aimed to imitate the style in riddle collection and research that was being carried out there. Thus, it appears that a certain feeling of language universality is still not present in the dictionary of many Arab scholars and critics, and this is, to a large extent, what distinguishes this study from these other Arabic studies mentioned above. That is to say, the study at hand aims to highlight the most important previous studies and work on riddles in order to provide an analysis, a classification, and certain definitions. For this reason, next, this dissertation will focus more specifically on literature that deals specifically with Jordanian riddles and puns. Perhaps it is rare to find a specialized study that specifically deals with the form, linguistic composition or grammatical terms of the Jordanian riddle as has previously been mentioned. However, it is worth noting that research on this area in Jordan does include similar studies that address the riddle indirectly and focus on humor, joking questions, wordplay, and puns. In this context, we can refer to many scholars as Kaivola-Bregenhøj (2001:57-75), Taylor (1951:1), and others who regard joking questions as a sub-branch of riddles, and also refer to other sub-genres such as wordplay and puns in which the riddle must face the challenge. As mentioned above, polysemy, puns, and wordplays can be employed as techniques to intentionally prepare riddles before a certain situation unfolds so as to use them during this situation and drive the attention sarcastically away from the direct talk occurring. In these cases, the resulting humorous situation is the goal of the riddler. Riddles have been used in this way to help promote the Reformation and the Renaissance, as Charles Francis Potter affirms when he says that they were successfully used to protest against social inequality (1950:943). Riddles afford a conventional channel for expressing an impression that Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 130 a person has as indirect criticism, which may sometimes be obscured by the resulting humor; such techniques are used in political situations, especially in newspapers and the social media. After the “Arab spring” ended in 2013, the use of sarcasm, irony and puns became more common in the press; this was also partly due to the increase of freedom given to the media after these social movements in the Arab World. Yousef Bader has examined the use of puns and wordplay in satirical columns in local Jordanian newspapers. (2015: 53-67). Additionally, Bader lists many classifications of the pun, which appear to be quite similar to what was mentioned above when we referred to the classification of riddles and how they are inter-related genres. Bader shows the role of the riddle as an indirect, but literal political question, when he considers the following example written by Ahmad Hasan AL-Zoubi, a well-known journalist who uses sarcasm: “shloon il-'arab ilyoom?, ahmal min 'arab imbaariH?” How is/are the Arabs t/Today? It is/Are they are worse than the Arabs of yesterday (the past)? The journalist plays on the words “al-'arab al-yawm” by switching to local Jordanian dialect or articulation of the standard Arabic phrase (il-'arab il-yoom) without any variation in the written style. The phrase conveys two purposes: the first level is unintentional and asks about the state of the newspaper, “How is the Arabs Today (newspaper)?”; the second level has one of deeper meaning and, thus, intentionally asks about the state of the Arabs themselves as a community “How are the Arabs today?”. Notice that the verb to be “is / are” are not required in Arabic, and the small “t” before the beginning of the word “Today” in the English version displays the two meanings of the pun. The study titled, “Some Aspects of Paronomasia in Arabic Humor”, was carried out by Abumahfouz and Al-Shboul; in this article they develop the idea of how puns are used as an intrinsic source of Arabic humor (2018: 18-25). Abumahfouz and Al-Shboul indicate that the ambiguity classification, as set forth by Pepicello and Green (1984), can be employed as a tool that the speaker can use to form a joking question or pun. They also address some features of the riddle, such as “ambiguity and incongruity” that they observe taking place at the Chapter Two: The Jordanian Bedouin Riddle 131 phonological and morphological levels, to function as basic factors in puns together with the semantic aspect. However, Abumahfouz and Al- Shboul do not refer to the syntactic level of humor in their paper. Abumahfouz and Al-Shboul do present their concept of “interlingual punning”, where two languages share one pronunciation for different terms. Such a strategy may be used as a tool to give a wrong, yet funny answer to the riddler as in: Riddler: Where did “Sidney” 2000 (take place)? Riddlee: What on earth did I take from you?! The term “Sidney” has a local meaning with the same pronunciation. It means “payback the money”; moreover, both terms have the same Arabic homographs. Abumahfouz and Al-Shboul indicate that in order to have a successful, funny situation, both participants in the speech act, the riddler and the riddlee must have a good knowledge of the two languages. A reflection that might also be added here is our own when we point out that this use might be a new way of dealing with riddles which can be called the “reflexive riddle”, or the “counterattack” riddle. In these cases, the riddler is forced into the role of riddlee when he / she is also put to the test, instead of being gratified with the reply. Such a strategy might force riddle posers to revise their riddle, or question, and to make themselves clearer by explaining their ambiguous words. In another study related to humor, Murad Al-Kayed identifies a certain infringement of rules that occurs at times in Jordanian jokes to produce laughter and to deliver different meanings as well as to mitigate criticism or parody (2019:13-20). This happens because of what Green and Pepicello (1978, 1979) and Pepicello (1980) describe when there is an underlying multi-structure ambiguity in certain terms or expressions, at the same time that there is a similar surface structure, due to the processes taking place at the phonological, morphological, or syntactic grammar levels. Al Kayed has provided the following Jordanian joke as an example: An Arab asks an American, “what is your name? The American replies, “Sam Harry”. The Arab says, “Sam-harry infected you. Why such an insult?!” Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 132 This joke is based on the homophonic relationship and thus, “interlingual punning” between “Sam Harry” /samhari/ (the English name) and the Arabic term “ ﻢﺳ يرﺎھ ” (poison) /samha:ri/. This word is utilized in Arabic as an offensive statement with which the speaker wishes the other death by poison. The misinterpretation between the speaker and hearer initiates the humorous exchange and becomes a starting point for emergence of a new sort of riddle in the last part of the joke. Any writer or riddler can use wordplay, or language play as a way to bring about the willful manipulation of the peculiarities of a certain linguistic system so as to draw attention to these peculiarities themselves, and thereby cause a communicative and cognitive effect that goes beyond the conveyance of propositional meaning. Among the various phenomena answering to this description one can include the different kinds of riddles that generally depend on more strictly formbased manipulations, such as, personification, alliteration, and other types of figurative speech. Before concluding this part, one must turn to one of the most significant scholars and authors in Jordanian folk literature, Dr. Hani Al-Amad, who is one of the most prominent contemporary writers in Jordan and has published a great deal of research that addresses folklore from different angles. This includes over 15 works concerned specifically with the Arab and the Jordanian cultures that has, in turn, lead him to be considered one of the most important local and Arab references for social and intellectual studies in Jordanian and Arab society. As such, his research is well-known for its distinguished degree of objectivity and reliability among modern writers. His 2006 article titled “Features of a Popular Joke in Jordan: a dynamic and active popular culture”32 is a good source for those in interested in local cultural affairs. Al-Amad strives to carry out his study with a social and cultural perspective that reflects the character that represents Jordanian society by collecting a number of study samples (jokes and others) from different Jordanian regions. The samples presented by Al-Amad contain many examples (joke questions) but without linking them to any universal theory previously 32 This is the author’s own translation of the original title: “ ﺔﻓﺎﻘﺛ ،ندرﻷا ﻲﻓ ﺔﯿﺒﻌﺸﻟا ﺔﺘﻜﻨﻟا ﺢﻣﻼﻣ ﺔﻛﺮﺤﺘﻣ و ﺔﻠﻋﺎﻓ ﺔﯿﺒﻌﺷ”. Chapter Two: The Jordanian Bedouin Riddle 139 As previously mentioned, one of the main objectives of this study is to preserve to the greatest extent possible the largest amount of cultural heritage possible in the form of the JRBR. While conducting this research several reasons that have allowed for the preservation of these riddles until now have been found. The first is perhaps the most transparent; the simple lifestyle of the Jordanian Badia Bedouin community has surely contributed to their retaining such a significant part of their culture due mainly to material and moral reasons. Materially speaking this community is well-known and respected for their creativity and artistic skills seen in their historical industries and traditional handicrafts. This is also reflected in their customs and traditions that involve dancing and popular games, cuisine and cooking methods and even certain traditional medicines. It is also patent that one of the reasons these cultural practices and traditions have survived for so long is because of a certain lack of change and development over time (Mursi, 1995: 33). Bedu women in the desert still do what their ancestors did before them and engage in many activities, i.e., cooking, spinning, and weaving manually instead of trying to use more modern means to do so. The distance from the center of civilization and the lack of electricity may be another factor in the lack of development of such activities and certainly has a mitigating effect on how fast modern change affects the Bedouin lifestyle. Furthermore, according to Aljawhari, there also exists an intangible aspect, that of intellectual culture that is equally important as popular literature (1996: 25). This intellectual culture extends to creations and the oral arts, whether written or not, such as folk tales, popular poetry and singing, proverbs, riddles, and so on. Aljawhari, indicates that the folk genre is the most prominent form of expression in the culture of the Bedu folk society, and affirms that this has much to do with the nature of their conservative folk society that prevents women and children from watching most television programs apart from news and religious programs, and even tends to restrict this use with smart devices. s (1996:25). Thus, the Bedouins refuse to replace their, often long, folk narrations that are inspired by a realism that performs multiple functions. For them, tales, fables, storytelling, riddles, and proverbs Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 140 among others act as a sort of protectors that preserve their ancestral heritage, especially the oral one, from disappearing since engaging in these oral activities helps to solidify these cultural aspects among the members of the family, and, in turn, helps to maintain and guard their collective identity as well. In addition, there are roles for both the fathers and mothers to play in this area. The simple, traditional way of living that prevails in Bedouin families today encourages community members to adhere to popular genres in general and riddles in particular. This is also true because the real Bedu lifestyle is simply not similar to what is displayed on TV, rather TV shows are far away from the perceptions, beliefs, and habits of the Bedouin (Rashwan, 1993:74). Consequently, Rashwan clarifies that while it is understood that the Bedu do not like to watch television frequently, this is not because they have an environment that is closed off from the outside world, but because they prefer to hear something more traditional in nature that coincides with their perceptions than to watch a more contemporary show that does not represent their reality and ideology. This may explain the spread of folk narrations in the Badia and other villages that are not as close to the cities (1993: 72-81). Accordingly, the more popular folk genres are a type of recreation as observed in Bedouin tents and houses. Children still insistently ask, each night, for the adults to tell them a story before bed. The adults seldom falter since they consider these stories to be cultural heritage that was passed down from the previous generation and that, therefore, must be preserved. As referenced in Salih, the so-called favorite atmosphere for listening to the folk tale in the Badia remains the winter nights when it is pitch dark and freezing cold. This atmosphere may seem to increase the poetic nature of the rain and the whistling of the wind. The family gathers around the wood-burning stove or under the woolen mattresses. Cutting power outages and running out of candle or lamp fuel call all family members to turn around to listen to each other, then they enjoy these sessions where family members tell stories and respond to them as through the stories, they experience a sort of dream world overflowing with hope for the future and nostalgia for the beautiful past (1971:14). This passion for folk stories is similar outside the home and during gatherings. The simple environment as well as the distance from more Chapter Two: The Jordanian Bedouin Riddle 141 accelerated lifestyles and from the complexities of the times are among the most important reasons for the survival of the luster of traditional stories among the Bedu community members. Folk genres are circulated and exchanged at feasts, circumcision events and weddings in the desert (Abdualhakim, 1992: 13). At these events it is common to exchange stories and riddles. When a narrator, or riddler, begins to tell a story / riddle about something that was heard in a certain area, others will soon speak up as well and provide other examples of stories and riddles that they have heard in that area or in a different one. Sometimes, different versions of these stories or riddles are shared as well as manifested in the JRBR corpus in this study where a certain number of riddles having the same solution have been found. The simple lifestyle and environment of the JRBR and how they actively participate in this type of cultural exchanges also has an impact on the three factors that affect how riddles are shared in this community: the occasions for sharing them and the role that the riddler and the riddlees play in this exchange, as well as the characteristics and nature of the JRBRs themselves which will be discussed next. As previously mentioned, the choice of place and time is significant for the folk narrations and also for the riddle and help to ensure its continuity. Formal occasions are an important time for these exchanges. Whether it be weddings, annual religious worship services or even at the market, riddles are told by skilled riddlers. Consider this example. JRBR 68 كﺪﺸﻧأ ﻦﻋ ﺖﻨﺑ ﺎﮭﻟ ﺔﻠﻤﺟ لﺎﯿﻋ ﺎﻣ ﻢﮭﯿﻓ ﻲﻠﻟا ق ﻮ ﻓ ﻦﺳ ﻦﯿﺛﻼﺜﻟا ﻢﮭﺑ ﺔﻌﺑرأ ﺎﻣ اﻮﺑﺮﺟ بﺮﺣ لﺎﺘﻗو ﻢﮭﯿﻓ ٍﻢﯾﺮﻛ ﻞﻔﺘﺤﺗ ﮫﺑ ﻦﯿﯾﻼﻣ . .نﺎﻀﻣر ﺮﮭﺷ و ,مﺮﺤﻟا ﺮﮭﺷﻷا ,ﺔﯾﺮﺠﮭﻟا ﺮﮭﺷﻷا ,ﺔﯾﺮﺠﮭﻟا ﺔﻨﺴﻟا May I ask you about a woman who has many boys? None of her boys is above thirty years. Four of them do not witness the time of war. One of them is generous when millions celebrate in. The lady is the year. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 142 The boys are the months of Hijri-year. The four boys are the ‘Al-Hurm’ months and the generous one is Ramadan month. JRBR 68 makes explicit reference to certain religious occasions of celebration in which riddling occurs, like the month of fasting and the pilgrimage. There are also semi-formal occasions when non-professional riddlers may relate riddles that they heard before, or that they have memorized, for family members, some guests, or for the neighborhood. However, it has been the experience of the author that on these occasions the amateur riddler must be aware of telling trustworthy and agreeable versions34 so as to avoid skeptical remarks from his/her audience. On these semi-formal occasions, then, it is our belief that the riddles that are more efficient are those that include several aspects and that are, to a certain extent, direct, so that they are easy enough to solve that it does not take too long so as not to be seen as being inappropriate for this social situation. Lastly, there are informal occasions in which riddles are narrated by non-professional riddlers, even ordinary people, who do not usually tell riddles. This might happen when they are casually engaged in conversation and unintentionally fold the riddle into their oral discourse as if it were a sparkling phrase uttered by the speaker to help support his/ her opinion. or to confirm what he /she is saying is true. Here is an example. JRBR 73 كﺪﺸﻨﺑا شو ثﻼﺜﻟا تﺎﺒﯿﺼﻌﻟا ﻲﻠﻟا نﺪﺤﯾ لﺎﺟﺮﻟا ة ﺪ ﯾ ﺪ ﺸ ﻟ ا .هﺪﯿﻛا ﺪﻋﻮﻟا ﺪﻋو ﻰﻠﻋ ﮫﺘﻧاو تﺎﻗوا ﺖﻓﺎط ﻮﻟ روﺬﻌﻣ ﻦﮭﺑ ﻲﻠﻟاو 34 The riddler should choose a riddle of great value, that is well formulated. It should also be worthy of praise once the solution is revealed; in other words, riddlers tend to shy away from any riddle that might make them appear foolish, either due to how easy it is to come up with the solution, or because there are multiple solutions. This is especially true if any guests present are strangers and even when they are relatives. Chapter Two: The Jordanian Bedouin Riddle 143 .تﻮﻤﻟا و ,ﻞﯿﺴﻟا ,ﺔﻣﻮﻜﺤﻟا May I ask you about the three difficulties which put a heavy burden on strong men? He who is under their pressure is not to blame if time passes; you surely keep your promise. The government, the flood, and the death. A person might use this to make reference to the three difficulties. If one of the other participants in the talk exchange is unfamiliar with it, the person who asks the riddle can use it to remind them about the story of the Bedu, the ruling regimes, and modern states so that they understand the meaning. Another example might be this riddle. JRBR 57 روﺪﯾ ﻻو ،ﺐﻌﺘﯾ ﻞﻛﺄﯾو ﺎﻣو .بﺮﺸﯾ .ﻰﺣﺮﻟا She revolves and never gets tired. She eats, yet never drinks. The hand mill. This might happen when an older woman wished to praise her hardworking daughter-in-law. The woman would tell this riddle and the daughter-in-law would surely understand the meaning in context and recognize it as praise for work well done. These examples also demonstrate the importance of the role that the riddler plays in these exchanges. According to Quraysh, the oral folk genre is a spontaneous one that unconsciously transmits cultural aspects from person to person and from one generation to another; thus, it is easy to see how riddlers, with their skill and their continued reference to past cultural aspects, have helped to save much popular oral material that would otherwise have disappeared or been forgotten (1980: 79). Furthermore, the fieldwork carried out on this type of narrators has demonstrated that narration requires a talent that no one possesses, but Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 144 everyone is able to narrate, but, that narrators do vary in their ability to narrate as well in their capabilities to draw listeners into their narrations, or, in this case, riddles. Some individuals have a remarkable readiness to manipulate how they narrate and control their tone of the voice, and how well they are able to engage their listeners in the ridding process with their expertise in portraying places and their boldness of speech and self-confidence (Quraysh,1980: 79). They must also be able to stay mentally alert to the oral exchange as it unfolds before them so that they can maintain their audience’s attention. While telling a particular riddle, many riddlers tend to point with their hands, change their facial expressions and gestures and adapt their language according to age, gender, and intellectual level of the listeners. How well a riddler narrates can affect how the characters are presented and help the audience focus on the most important details of the events by drawing their attention to them and even helping them to remember this in the future. In this regard, Alsabaagh states that “[t]he narrators are not the ones who create the most beautiful stories, but master how narrations are delivered to the listeners” (1999: 4)35. Another important feature of narrators, and riddlers, is that they have a good memory. This might surprise those who depend on reading and writing for memorization; but ever since the field of rhetoric began, memory is known to be an important ability that must be worked on and trained. Having a good memory enables the riddler to memorize many different types and versions and also to participate for long periods of time. (Quraysh,1980: 79). Perhaps no less important than memory is a certain inherent feature that is the narrators’, or riddlers’, honesty. Many scholars see integrity as a noble privilege that narrators must adhere to so as to preserve the truthfulness of the presentation of these texts that have been inherited from their ancestors. It is true that some have said that being honest is not so much a sign of superiority or excellence, but of a certain creative weakness when narrators who merely perform the same versions over and over show. El-Shamy refers to these weak narrators as “bearers” of 35 Translation by the author of the original text: “ نﻮﻔﻟﺆﯾ ﻦﻣ ﻢھ لﺎﺤﻟا ﺔﻌﯿﺒﻄﺑ اﻮﺴﯿﻟ ةاوﺮﻟا ﺴﻤﻟا ﺪﻨﻋ دﺮﺴﻟا ﻲﻓ ًﻻﺎﻤﺟ ﻒﯿﻀﯾ يﺬﻟا ﻮھ ﻞﻘﻨﻟا ﻲﻓ ﻢﮭﺑﻮﻠﺳا ﻦﻜﻟ ,تﺎﯾاوؤﺮﻟاﻦﯿﻌﻤﺘ ” . Chapter Two: The Jordanian Bedouin Riddle 145 heritage (1967: 88). In this case, honesty turns from being an advantage to being a defect since they are considered to not be creatively original in their presentations. (Hassan, 1998: 49). Consequently, the narrators and riddles have no right to change the narrated texts by adding to, or deleting from, them. In this way then, it is obvious that honesty in creativity is necessary for the survival of the folk text, as also for the riddling process. Considering that honesty should not change the content and the essence of the folk riddle, creativity should revolve around the performance and the way of presentation. Therefore, if there is a change in the content, it should not be a result of the weakness of the narrator’s memory, but even if it happened, it must be unintentional, in any case a sort of spontaneous response to community changes. This means that a good narrator and riddle is the one who preserves the essence of the story / riddle, has a talent that distinguishes him/her from others by employing a poetic language that attracts and maintains the audience’s attention, and realizes that there are sentences that have a special effectiveness should be said in a certain way so that they are more appealing to the audience. Good narrators and riddlers will employ all of their linguistic and artistic skills and strategies to attract and entertain their audience. (Alsabaagh, 1999: 4). Lastly the riddling event would not be successful if it were not for the most important participants: the audience or the riddlees. Riddlees in the Jordanian Badia region can be considered to be participants that play and active and positive role in this process. They do not seem to be satisfied by merely listening to or receiving the riddle; instead, their active participation seems to be quite effective in motivating the narrator to continue. Through the author’s experience in various gatherings, he noticed the extent of the riddlees’ passion for hearing the riddles. In most cases, these gatherings are more informal in nature since most members of the audience are relatives or friends; therefore, the riddlers may display a variety of riddles, from easier to more difficult, as per their own knowledge. Sometimes, the riddling event has a more formal nature, especially when the riddler is a guest or an older member of the clan. In these cases, the audience show their Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 146 respect by being quieter during the performance and by providing more serious and expected answers. Common experience has demonstrated that riddlees often rush to sit in front of riddlers to listen carefully and to be able to notice all of their gestures and facial expressions. They also seem to monitor the riddlers’ discourse to make sure that they do not make any mistakes regarding the interpretation of certain terms, dates or places that occur in the event. At times, the riddlees may even ask for certain prizes for the one who solves the riddle. Riddlers must be very careful since what is suitable for adults may not be suitable for children and vice versa. Men may also prefer a kind of riddles that is different from what women prefer.36 However, a lack of confirmation of the participation of women in the riddling process does not mean that the Bedouin woman cannot engage in any riddle process. The controller depends on the extent of the kinship or relationship that binds the man to the woman. One example are the myths and folk tales, especially the ones that are popular on Jordanian television, in which before a woman freely chooses her husband, he must have been able to solve a particular riddle (Al-Shaqran, 2017: 81). The riddlees’ response to the narrators is evidenced when they make the riddler raise his/ her voice, when they silence the children, or when they ask him/her to repeat a part of the riddle that they consider key to providing the solution to the riddle. The riddlees also respond to the questions that riddlers ask. Riddlers ask their audience questions about the present moment at times; they most likely do this to interact with their audience and focus or refocus their attention. The result is that the riddlees must try to answer that question correctly to demonstrate that they are still vigilant and actively participating in order for the riddler to continue the riddling process. Finally, the riddlees’ response to the narrators is also clearly patent when they show sympathy or hate to a certain character that appears in the narrative discourse. This occurs due to the characteristics of the recipient 36 Al-Mararayeh and Alenazy refer to some of the contents of the folk tale and the extent of the Bedu’s keenness, not to mention some events (especially those that link men and women) to the audience; this matter is demanded more if some of the works are presented to children or women (2022:20-24). Chapter Two: The Jordanian Bedouin Riddle 147 community in the area of this research, as described above, and how they are completely integrated into this world of folk tales to the point where they forget the present and start to interact with the events being related. Their facial expressions of empathy or dislike provide visual evidence of the riddler’s success. Another factor that allows for the riddling process to be successful is that certain JRBRs are specialized in narrating events and stories as they help to generate different connotations. Thus, they can be seen as a representation of life and of the art of literature; indeed, at times JRBRs contain long narrations of events that focus on the relationship between human beings and the world. Many riddles have new visions, awareness, and structures that illuminate reality since they have been able to receive, in a relatively short amount of time, a distinguished position among critics and writers in the literary arena. Riddles are generally one of the most significant genres of fiction in terms of attractiveness, as it has become more widespread in our current era due to their importance and remarkable role in addressing many social issues. Some of the JRBR models are suitable to be studied so as to reveal what occurs when their narrative structures are deconstructed. The narrative structure has always represented an interesting topic for literary studies, given that the deconstruction of the structure of a literary work reveals the most important pillars that the writer relies on to assemble his/her work. Moreover, linking incidents by analyzing characters, places and times, and other elements such as plot, language, and so on, allows critics to better understand a given literary work. According to Abdu-alrahman, the linguistic connotation of the term narration means sequence, coherence, and consistency (1945: 11- 18). Abd Alaziz states that narration is a part of a comprehensive general concept (1970: 55-63); while contemporary modern criticism has defined it with different definitions that have mostly to do with conveying a realistic image to a linguistic one. Some believe that narration is the fabric with which a text can be interwoven, since efficient narration helps to piece together the important parts of an event so that a more representation of that event can be transmitted. Some add that narration is simply the narrator’s way of presenting the Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 148 speech. Narration is a transient term for literary and non-literary genres. History depends on narrating events, and, in a similar way, the human sciences also depend on analyzing human phenomena. At the same time, other written sciences use narration as a means of codification and self-affirmation. Using this definition, thus, shows how the discourse production process that takes place during riddling can also be called narration, and the discourse itself becomes the commodity traded between the narrator and the audience. As regards the study at hand, another universal quality that appears in this case study deals with how the riddles are used to narrate. Indeed, narration is commonly related to a spoken exchange which presupposes that there exists the presence of one who tells and performs, and, at least another, or, depending on the circumstances, various others who participate as active hearers in the interaction. Therefore, in the case of JRBRs, there is communication between a first party called the “narrator/ riddler” and a second party called the “recipient/ riddlee”, or the participant, or participants, who try to figure out the riddle, and who, at least to a certain extent, become engaged in the role-play that participating in a riddling session implies. As far as the basic components of narration are concerned, scholars agree that narration is composed of six parts: the event, the characters, the place, and the setting/space, in addition to the narrator and the recipient. According to Abd Alaziz, the event in any literary work is a group of interrelated, organized sequences. It is an artistic structure that reshapes life again so that a writer presents us with an ideological message based on actions that produce intellectual visions or specific discourse. The event is not a secondary element in the narration. Instead, it constitutes the basic building block of the spoken material and thus is the pillar of the narrative exchange since the event is considered to be the most important element in an exchange in which situations develop and characters move. It is the subject around which the story revolves. Therefore, a narrator must clarify how it happens, the place, the time, and the reason it arose. It also requires the narrator to pay great attention to the subject and the verb because the event is purely these two items (1970: 55-63). Conclusions 251 reading knowledge and appropriate dictionaries when it comes to understanding Bedu poetry. Even so, it is still possible that they may become more at home and accepted in the field when collecting pure prose material. In addition, it seems that the authorities and certain universities may not be entirely on board about promoting investigation into these literary works, especially poetry. This is because (1) the dialectic features may make them hard to understand, and (2) because, at times, certain censorship rules and regulations prohibit the publication of controversial works. Another point that may distract the focus and attention of scholars’ interest is that the chronology of the Bedu tribes and their histories have traditionally been collected orally; thus, they are not easily accessed. Furthermore, there is a fair amount of sensitivity when negative situations have occurred because Bedouins are so sentient about their history that these undesirable events tend to be perceived as insults and it is not socially acceptable or polite to discuss them. Furthermore, the tradition of riddling and participating in riddling sessions may be at risk itself. In today’s society in Jordan, the two main sources that might endanger the survival of the Bedouin literary genres are sedentarization, as has developed due to urbanization, and education. The former has an obvious physical and psychological influence on the Bedu people. When they are not physically close to the desert and begin to live indoors, it often means that people from a certain tribe start to have less contact with each other than they would in traditional circumstances. In second place, education can also take its toll. One of the most impacting results of the educational system is when children are taught the classical genres at school by teachers who come from an urban background. In these cases, the children may not receive enough help if they seek to compose more popular literature on their own, or they may even be subject to humiliation for what a teacher might understand to be a lack of culture. It is obvious that these negative situations do not work in favor of the continuation of certain Bedouin literary traditions. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 252 Along other lines, another rather observable difference in the southern Badia region71 is that the use of dialects is more complex than one might find in Amman, for instance. In the BR there exists a variety of dialects; moreover, the use of specific lexicon seems to be associated with certain local groups and may even help to differentiate between “the urban farmer” and the “Bedu”; although one might find it hard to determine if this expression of identity manifests itself in a conscious or unconscious way. Be that as it may, in written form, the Jordanian prose riddle tends to appear in MSA; this means that the main distinguishable feature of the Bedouin prose riddle is that the most common form of expression is first oral. In addition, when a Bedouin poetic riddle appears in written form, it still makes use of colloquial lexicon, and even entire phrases, (i.e., initiation structures), that mark it as being different from the accepted MSA poetic style. One more important technicality that might have hindered the final results afforded in the study at hand that, according to the literature review, this study may be considered as the first of its kind regarding riddles as a literary genre at the local level. This is because no published or unpublished work related to the riddle as a genre by itself was found, except what was recorded above. This may be due to the fact that most researchers in Jordan, who are also university professors, favor the use of quantitatively based research. Finally, as is common knowledge, when the Corona pandemic erupted in 2020, it disrupted most human activity, crippled human mobility, and forced people to stay indoors for weeks, even months. The ensuing lockdowns were a major limiting factor for any movement during this time and also affected a person’s possibilities of communication to a great extent. The fear of contracting the disease, and even more so of transmitting it, was a considerable factor in the research carried out. Moreover, it patently affected the direct communication with the nomad groups, and even more so when they were residing deep in the desert, in places where mobile phone coverage was non-existent. However, significant conclusions have been reached in this dissertation. As per the results when the linguistic structural analysis 71 The author’s homeland. Conclusions 253 put forth by Georges and Dundes (1963) was applied to JRBRs it was found that Jordanian Bedouin riddles typically matched their use of this theory. Moreover, JRBRS also match the related extensions set out by Chyet (1988). This was especially true for prose JRBRs which had a better fit than poetic JRBRs. On the other hand, samples of poetic JRBRS were found to represent the casual contradictive, inverse privational contradictive, and multiple descriptive elements. Thus, after applying both Georges and Dundes and Chyet’s methods, and supplying a base from which to work, this study was successful since both of these methods had a good fit and because several new formulas, related specifically to JRBRs were posited in this study as listed below. 1. The Contrastive Oppositional Formula of the JRBR as represented by formula 4: “Unstated” topic + “Core” comment A + “Core” comment B + “Core” comment C 2. The General Poetic Riddle Formula of the JRBR as represented by formula 5: “Core” topic + Multiple descriptive elements 3. The Riddle Inside a Riddle Formula as represented by formula 6: “General comment core” + “Topic 1” core + Comment 1 + “Topic 2” core +Comment 2 + “Topic 3 core” + Comment 3 4. The Multiple Topic Formula as represented by formula 7: “Multiple topic” core + “Overlapping” descriptive elements of topic Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 254 The corpus of riddles presented here also allowed for the introduction of a new type of classification of the JRBR based on the number of core topics in each riddle. In this way, this dissertation substantiated the following types of JRBRs: the unstated-topic or “nulltopic” riddle, the mono-topic riddle, the double-topic riddle, the tripletopic riddle, and the quadruple-topic riddle. Apart for different structures and number of topics in the JRBRs it has also been revealed that, contrary to what Green & Pepicello assert (1984), the origin of the surface orientation is not always directly connected to the production of a grammatical riddle question. Green and Pepicello believe that the grammatical riddle is formed from surface orientation based on speech error and ambiguity. However, the argument presented in this dissertation is that any riddle must have a well-organized form and be socially acceptable within a particular speech community. Scholars take for granted that humans regularly make mistakes when they talk and even produce illogical utterances; nevertheless, many times they are understood because of the context of the interaction. Hence, it is unreasonable to rely on speech errors as a source of origin for riddles. Ambiguity is a process used by the riddler as a way to try to mislead his/her audience, and, as such, requires a certain amount of mental preparation before presenting the riddle. A riddler should evoke both solutions, i.e., the closest linguistic “correct” answer as well as the one that is farthest away. The latter is intended to trick the riddlees who compete to answer first. Finally, it should be pointed out that Green and Pepicello based their conceptualization on both the question and the answer of the riddle, unlike what was evidenced in the study at hand, which is based only on the question part of the riddle sequence. The findings of this dissertation also imply that there exist areas on which to continue this research in the future. As mentioned earlier, be it a conscious action that is undertaken, or merely an accident, literary genres are produced by blending the lines between given genres, such as riddles with jokes or riddles with erotic expressions. In any case, keeping an eye on how the traditional riddle evolves means that whoever is interested should remain actively aware of what is happening in the future. The riddle genre is a field that can be measured Conclusions 255 and, thus, renewed either by how it is classified, or even by a closer investigation of its subgenres. Perhaps the primary task is still the complete definition of the riddle. Although there seems to be almost nothing new when compared to the established definition, some scholars tend to create new interpretations that suit their cultural environment. In any case, certain questions arise, for example, to what extent is there a need for universal scientific definition as a satisfactory base for the demands of research? Another question that might be posed is, are the differences in riddle definitions related to ethnic differences? If such a definition, or base is reached, it may need to take into account various levels, such as structural, pragmatic, semantic, content, stylistic, and social features. But before that happens, many multiple research hypotheses should be applied by the further examination of riddles in the field because there are still many societies in which the practice of true riddles, and participating in riddling events in ways that reflect their folklore, form part of their existing oral literary traditions. Apart from a certain number of subgenres examined by scholars in the past few decades, remarkable large and exciting projects still remain to be investigated. Establishing universal terminologies comprising all the subgenres of the riddle and their indexes is a further recommended step. Why do true riddles and other subgenres appear more widely spread than others? Why have different people at different times and in different societies become accustomed to using them? And what is the image and the position of the riddle and the riddling act in rural societies where herding and farming still take place versus more modern, manufacturing ones? Therefore, the need for better cooperation between riddle scholars is required. This is true as well for studies to identify the form, content, subgenres, performance, origin, function, and distribution of the different types of riddles, and would require the active participation of many local and perhaps international scholars. Returning to the work at hand, until this time, and as per the review of literature presented above, in Jordan, no exhaustive studies have been made regarding riddles except the ones that were previously mentioned in this text. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 256 The riddle in different countries in the Arab world may stem from the same source, although there seem to be variations in how they are structured, and the lexicon that is employed to create them. These differences are most likely due to the various Arabic dialects that characterize each country as well as their own regional dialects. The preliminary investigative study by Chyet (1988) has proven that the Arabic language is distinct, and that it contains valuable linguistic phenomenon that deserve to be investigated. It seems that the need for an in-depth study regarding Arab countries is an inevitable necessity in reaching important goals such as how riddles are similar, how they have developed, and how different cultures deal with them. In Jordan, a first step might be to find the link between the Bedouin riddle and the riddle in rural and urban areas, so as to continue the comparison of various riddle aspects. Furthermore, on a more general level, the necessity to study the similarity between riddles, i.e., universally, becomes more patent due to the presence of certain similar riddles that originated in different societies around the world. At times, they seem to match in topic and, at others, in the formulas observed here. Tracing the origin of riddles is an interesting topic that might well be conducted in several studies to reveal the main origin of a given riddle and how the topics of the riddles were transmitted between different cultures. As described in section 2.3, JRBR 19, the hookah riddle, is a good example of this. The riddle has the ability to develop and transform. In light of the acceleration of technological progress in contemporary times, types of traditional riddles have started to be presented in the form of texts, pictures, and even games on smartphones and social networks. The use of smartphones and social media to form folklore genres has been observed very closely by folklorists. They have recorded examples to show how traditional narrative structures of particular types, such as jokes and riddles, have shared an exciting transformation in displaying text and context. Some riddles have developed with the progression of advanced technology; nowadays it is mainly those generated on the Internet. Without a doubt, the primary purpose is the entertainment that results from the challenge being made. Research on how this Conclusions 257 transformation is taking place between past and present would also be welcome. In addition, there is the specific community of the Bedouin to consider in further research carried out on linguistic aspects of this group, not just on a dialectical or phonological level, but also as regards poetic devices, colloquial expressions, musical choices, and such. Finally, yet another direction of investigation might be the language of Bedouin youth. Today young people make up the distinguished majority in most Jordanian Bedouin areas, yet we hardly have any specifics as per youth language usage in Bedu areas. In any case, riddles must be regarded as genuine folklore since they are created, circulated and accessible within societies that have a common cultural component that qualifies them as a folk group. On a national level, great attention is needed from different institutions, both governmental and private, to take care of a nation’s folklore, which presents and preserves its local identity. One should remember that those who do not boast about their folklore will not boast about their present or future. As made patent by this dissertation, the Arabic language is an elegant one that can comprehend any linguistic phenomena observed in other languages, and at the same time add new linguistic phenomena that may not be found in other languages. When reference is made to the Arabic language, it means that around twenty Arab countries extending from Morocco in the west to Iraq in the east are being considered. There exist hundreds of local dialects within the countries contained in this large geographical extension. There is no doubt that each region has its unique dialect, vocalizations, and terminology that distinguishes it from others, and thus the great literary and artistic diversity in the oral literary and folklore traditions of each country, race, and area. This research has presented an initial and straightforward idea of the capabilities and contributions that the Arabic language and its dialects can make to any global theory related to language and its characteristics at the same time that it has preserved the corpus of riddles included as significant elements of oral literature that can be used in other research projects in the future, especially due to the Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 258 inclusion of their English translation. This dissertation has introduced the JRBR system based on a structural linguistics theory as applied to a corpus of local riddles and has proven that JRBRs are systematic and rule-governed to the extent that they show universal correlations as well as specific patterns that can be explained with international theories. Furthermore, it has been successfully proven that JRBR features can account for new categories of the riddle as an extension to the universality of the riddle occurring in every literate or illiterate nation. In addition, this study has shown satisfactory results since new types of structural riddle formula have been developed as well as additional new classifications based on the number of topics present in JRBRs as well as the variation that exists between prose and poetic riddles. This, in turn, may serve as a referent for future analyses on the function, form, and content of riddles in other geographical areas. Finally, the ideas included in the study at hand may help to form a transitional view of riddle aspects that could lead to new comprehensive research projects investigating the Arabic of various sub-ethnicities in Jordan and the surrounding nations, which might lead to the remapping of riddle groups with particular interests in colloquial Bedouin poetry. The Bedu have their own methods when it comes to expressing themselves. They depend on older community members’ knowledge to determine how the riddle will be created and who will participate in the riddle exchange. Despite the drastic life changes the Bedu have undergone lately, and more often than not, without the same technology that others have grown accustomed to in today’s world, their traditional way of doing things is still of great interest to many scholars. Since there do not seem to be enough studies published on the local, social knowledge of the Bedu people from the South-east Badia region, it can be confirmed that the logical continuation of the study at hand is to research this subject. Furthermore, future investigations carried out would do well to focus on the local-literary genres, as well as certain factors related to the Bedouins’ recognition of the variability of language. BIBLIOGRAPHY ALMARAYEH, Abdulateef, & Mamdouh Ayed ALENAZY. 2022. “Fatherly Advice, A Fairytale from the Badia of Jordan: An analysis Using Propp’s Model”. Advances in Language and Literary Studies. 13(2), 20-24. journals.aiac.org.au/index.php/alls/article/view/7460 ABRAHAMS, Roger D. 1968. “Introductory Remarks to a Rhetorical Theory of Folklore”. The Journal of American Folklore. Vol. 81. Iss. 320. 143-158. doi.org/10.2307/537664. -----. 1972. “The Literary Study of the Riddle”. Texas studies in literature and language. Vol. 14. No. 1. 177- 197. www.jstor.org/stable/40754199 . -----. 1983. African Folktales: Traditional Stories of the Black World. New York: Pantheon. archive.org/details/africanfolktales0000abra/page/n9/mode/2 up ABU ATHERA, Said Salman. 1995. Tribal poetry of the Tarabin and Ḥuwayṭāt tribes and its relationship to that of neighbouring tribes. PhD Thesis. University of Glasgow. theses.gla.ac.uk/3057/ [03/11/2019] Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 260 ABU JABER, Kamel S., and Fawzi A. GARAIBEH. 1980. “Bedouin settlement: organizational, legal and administrative structure in Jordan”. Future of pastoral peoples: research priorities for the 1980s; proceedings of a conference held in Nairobi, Kenya, 4-8 Aug. 1980. IDRC, Ottawa, Canada. 294-301. idl-bnc- idrc.dspacedirect.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/a3ec4f84- 328f-4106-9fac-f38fbbb78cf3/content. [28/04/2020] ABU-LUGHOD, Lila. 1993. “Islam and the gendered discourses of death”. International Journal of Middle East Studies. 25(2).187-205. doi:10.1017/S0020743800058487 -----. 1986. Veiled Sentiments, Honour and Poetry in a Bedouin Society. Berkeley: University of California Press. archive.org/details/veiledsentiments00lila. [17/06/2020] ABUMAHFOUZ, Adnan & Yasser AL-SHBOUL. 2018. Some Aspects of Paronomasia in Arabic Humor. Journal of Literature, Languages and Linguistics. Vol. 44. 18-25. ABU-RABIA, Aref. 2015. Indigenous medicine among the Bedouin in the Middle East. New York: Berghahn Books. AL-DAJANI, Rula Lutfi. 2001. Bedouin livelihoods: the role of women in the Jordanian Badia. Master’s Thesis. Durham University. etheses.dur.ac.uk/4317/. [25/02/2020] AKAN, Md Faruquzzaman, Karim Md REZAUL, and Abdullah Mohammad KABIR CHOWDHURY. 2019. “An analysis of Arabic-English Translation: Problems and Prospects” Advances in Language and Literary Studies,10 (1).Autralian International Academic Centre. 58-65. dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.10n.1p.58 Bibliography 267 HARING, Lee. 1985. “Malagasy riddling”. The Journal of American Folklore, 98(388). 163-190. doi.org/10.2307/540438. HARRIES, Lyndon. 1971. “The riddle in Africa”. The Journal of American Folklore, 84(334). 377-393. doi.org/10.2307/539632. ------. 1976. “On the deep structure of riddles”. African Studies, 35(1). 39-43. doi.org/10.1080/00020187608707465. HASAR, Rahman Veisi, and Ebrahim Badakhshan. 2018. “Metaphorical Integrations in Kurdish Riddles”. Folklore- Electronic Journal of Folklore (73), 161-188. doi.org/10.7592/FEJF2018.73.kurdish. HAYNES, Stephen R. 2000. “Race, national destiny, and the sons of Noah in the thought of Benjamin M. Palmer”. The Journal of Presbyterian History (1997-), 78(2). 125-143. www.jstor.org/stable/23335423. HERSKOVITS, Melville, J. & Frances S. 1958. Dahomean Narrative, A Cross-Cultural Analysis. Evanston: Northwestern University Press. HOGGART, Richard. 1998. (1957). The Uses of Literacy. New York: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781351302043. HOLES, Clive, & Sa'id Salman ABU ATHERA. 2007. “Animal imagery in modern Bedouin poetry”. Quaderni di Studi Arabi, 41-52. www.jstor.org/stable/25803017. IGAAB, Zainab Kadim, and Intisar Raham TARRAD. 2019. “Pronouns in English and Arabic: a contrastive study”. English language and literature studies,9. (1), 53-69. doi:10.5539/ells.v9n1p53. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 268 INGHAM, Bruce. 1993. “The ‘Sālfah’ as a Narrative Genre”. Asian folklore studies. 5-8. doi.org/10.2307/1178449. IRWIN, Robert. 2010. Camel. London: Reaktion Books Ltd. JABBŪR, Jibrāʼīl Sulaymān, and Lawrence I. CONRAD. 1995. The Bedouins and the desert: aspects of nomadic life in the Arab East. New York: State University of New York Press. JENNINGS-BRAMLEY, W. E. 1907. “The Bedouin of the Sinaitic Peninsula”. Palestine Exploration Quarterly, 39 (1). 11. https://biblicalstudies.org.uk/ [15/03/2019] KAIVOLA-BREGENHØJ, Annikki. 1974. “Formula Analysis as a Method of Classifying Riddles”. Studia Fennica, 17. 178-197. ------ . 2001. Riddles: Perspectives on the use, function, and change in a folklore genre. Finnish Literature Society/SKS. 10.21435/sff.10. [28/02/2019] ------ . 2018. “The Riddle: Form and Performance”. Humanities, 7 (2). 49-55. doi.org/10.3390/h7020049. KAPP, Dieter B. 1984. “Ālu Kuṟumba riddles”. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. 47(2). 306-307. doi.org/10.1017/S0041977X00037320. KENNEDY, George. A. 1991. Aristotle, on Rhetoric. A Theory of Civic Discourse. (A translation of Aristotle’s Rhetoric). New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. vii–xiii. KÖNGÄS-MARANDA, Elli-Kaija, and Pierre MARANDA. 1971. “Structural models in folklore and transformational essays”. In Sebeok, Thomas A, Alain Rey and Roland Posner, eds. Approaches to Semiotics. vol: 10. De Gruyter Mouton. doi.org/10.1515/9783110900552. Bibliography 269 LANGE, Christoph. 2016. “Purity, Nobility, Beauty and Performance: Past and present construction of meaning for the Arabian horse”. The Meaning of Horses. London and New York: Routledge. 39-53. dx.doi.org/10.17613/M6HK92. LEACH, Maria., & Jerome FRIED, Eds. 1950. Funk & Wagnalls standard dictionary of folklore, mythology and legend. New York: Funk & Wagnells. LEACH Maria, Ed. 1950. Standard Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology and Legend I; II. New York. 939. LEE, Lloyd L. Ed. 2014. Diné Perspectives: Revitalizaing and Reclaiming Navajo Thought. University of Arizona Press. www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt183pbjm. LIEBER, Michael D. 1976. “Riddles, Cultural Categories, and World View”. The Journal of American Folklore 89, 352. 255-265. doi.org/10.2307/539692. LIND, Carol A. 2007. Riddling in the voices of others: The Old English Exeter Book riddles and a pedagogy of the anonymous. Normal: Illinois State University. LIVINGSTONE, Ian. 1985. Pastoralism: an overview of practice, process and policy. Rome: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. MARANDA, Elli Köngäs. 1971. “A tree grows: transformations of a riddle metaphor”. In Pierre Maranda & Elli Köngäs Maranda, Ed. Structural models in folklore and transformational essays. The Hague, Mouton. 116-139. ------- . 1971. “Theory and practice of riddle analysis”. The Journal of American Folklore, 84(331). 51-61. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 270 ------ . 1976. “Riddles and riddling: an introduction”. The Journal of American Folklore, 89 (352). 127-137. doi.org/10.2307/539686. -----. 1978. “Folklore and culture change: Lau riddles of modernization”. Folklore in the Modern World. 215. doi.org/10.1515/9783110803099.207. MARANDA, Pierre, and Elli Köngäs. MARANDA, Eds. 1971. Structural analysis of oral tradition (Vol. 3). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. MCDOWELL, John Holmes. 1979. Children's riddling. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. MESSENGER, John. C. 1960. “Anang proverb-riddles”. The Journal of American Folklore, 73(289). 225-235. doi.org/10.2307/537975. MUKHLIS, Faiq Amin. 1964. Studies and comparison of the cycles of the Banu-Hilal romance. University of London, School of Oriental and African Studies (United Kingdom). 22-322. MUNYAMBU, Mercy K. 2019. An Analysis of Kikamba Riddles and How They Relate to Metaphor: a Relevance Theoretical Approach. MA Thesis. University of Nairobi. NA'AMNEH, Mahmoud, Mohammed SHUNNAQ, and Aysegul TASBASI. 2008. “The modern sociocultural significance of the Jordanian Bedouin tent”. Nomadic Peoples 12 (1). 149- 157. www.jstor.org/stable/43123817. NORTON, Frederick John. 1942. “Prisoner who saved his neck with a riddle”. Folklore, 53(1), 27-57. www.jstor.org/stable/1257709 Bibliography 271 OFFENHEIM ARCH-BRUNELICH, Max Freiherr von. 2012. The Bedouin. Dar Alwaraq. Beruit, Lebanon. ONG, Walter J. 2012. (1982). Orality and literacy: the technologizing of the word. London & New York: Routledge. archive.org/details/oralityliteracyt0000ongw [19/03/2019] PAZ, James. 2017. Nonhuman voices in Anglo-Saxon literature and material culture. Manchester University Press. 17-26. doi:10.26530/OAPEN_631090. PEPICELLO, William J. 1980. “Linguistic strategies in riddling”. Western folklore, 39 (1). 1-16. doi.org/10.2307/1499760. PEPICELLO, William J., and Robert W. WEISBERG. 1983. “Linguistics and humor”. In Handbook of humor research. Springer, New York, NY. 29-83. doi.org/10.1007/978-1- 4612-5572-7_4. PEPICELLO, William J., and Thomas A. GREEN. 1984. Language of riddles: new perspectives. The Ohio State University Press. PILANE, AK & N. MITCHISON. 1974. “Riddles of the Bakgatla”. Botswana Notes & Records, 6. (1). 32. www.jstor.org/stable/40959207. PERKINS, Archie Ebenezer. 1922. “Riddles from Negro School- Children in New Orleans, LA”. The Journal of American Folklore, 35(136). 110. doi.org/10.2307/535013. QUEMENEUR, Jean. 1944. “Le jeu de la kharbga”. Institut des Belles Lettres Arabes, 7. 463-471. RUDOLPH, Richard C. 1942. “Notes on the Riddle in China”. California Folklore Quarterly 1/1. 65-82. doi.org/10.2307/1495728. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 272 RYAN, Curtis R. 2004. “Jordan first: Jordan's inter-Arab relations and foreign policy under King Abdullah II”. Arab Studies Quarterly. 43-62. [16/04/2019] libres.uncg.edu/ir/asu/f/Ryan_C_2004_Jordan_First.pdf . SALAM, Elfatih A. Abdel. 2015. “The Arab spring: Its origins, evolution and consequences… four years on”. Intellectual Discourse 23.1. 6-30. journals.iium.edu.my/intdiscourse/index.php/id/article/view/ 660. [18/06/2019] SAKARNA, Ahmad Khala. 1999. Phonological aspects of 9abady Arabic: A Bedouin Jordanian dialect. The University of Wisconsin-Madison. SCHOEPPE, S., Duncan, M. J., Badland, H., Oliver, M., & Curtis, C. 2013. “Associations of Children’s Independent Mobility and Active Travel with Physical Activity, Sedentary Behaviour and Weight Status: a systematic review”. Journal of science and medicine in sport. 16 (4). 50-53. SCOTT, Charles T. 1969. “On defining the riddle: the problem of a structural unit”. Genre, 2(2). 129-142. ------ . 1965. Persian and Arabic riddles: A language-centered approach to genre definition. Indiana University. 37-39. SEBO, Erin. 2018. In Enigmate: The History of a Riddle from 400- 1500. Dublin: Four Courts. SIMON, Gwladys Hughes.1977. “A Collection of Yapese Riddles”. Asian Folklore Studies. 97-116. doi.org/10.2307/1177661. SOBH, Rana et al. 2012. “Home and Commercial Hospitality Rituals in Arab Gulf countries." ACR North American Advances. 3. api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:153131305. [15/04/2019] Bibliography 273 SONBOL, Amira El-Azhary. 2003. Women of Jordan: Islam, Labor, and the Law. (Gender, Culture, and Politics in the Middle East Series). Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. SOWAYAN, Saad Abdullah. 1985. Nabati poetry: The oral poetry of Arabia. Berkeley: University of California Press. STANNARD, David.E. 1993. (1992). American holocaust: the conquest of the New World. New York: Oxford University Press. archive.org/details/americanholocaus00stan [04/02/2020] STEWART, Ann Harleman. 1983. “Double entendre in the Old English riddles”. Lore and Language, 3/8. 39-52. SUTTON-SMITH, Brain. 1973. “5. A Developmental Structural Account of Riddles”. Speech Play: Research and Resources for the Study of Linguistic Creativity, edited by Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 111-120. doi.org/10.9783/9781512803150-007. SWEET, Louise E. 1965. “Camel raiding of North Arabian Bedouin: a mechanism of ecological adaptation”. American anthropologist 67.5: 1132-1150. doi.org/10.1525/aa.1965.67.5.02a00030. TAMPLIN, William. 2018. Poet of Jordan: The Political Poetry of Muhammad Fanatil Al-Hajaya. Brill. TAYLOR, Archer. 1938. “Riddles Dealing with Family Relationships”. The Journal of American Folklore. 51(199). 26-27. doi.org/10.2307/535941. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 274 -----. 1943. “The Riddle”. California Folklore Quarterly. II. 129-131. doi.org/10.2307/1495557. -----. 1944. “American Indian Riddles”. The Journal of American Folklore, 57(223). 5. doi.org/10.2307/535750. -----. 1948. “Problems in the Study of Riddles”. Southern Folklore Quarterly. II. 3-5. -----. 1951. English Riddles from Oral Tradition. Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California. TAYLOR, Archer, and Wolfram EBERHARD. 1958. “Turkish Riddles from the Taurus Mountains”. Western Folklore 17(4). 249-256. doi.org/10.2307/1496188. THWALA, J. J. 2017. The Classification and Structural Analysis of Siswati Riddles. Journal of Social Sciences, 52 (1-3). 199-206. doi.org/10.1080/09718923.2017.1359890. VANSINA, Jan. 1965. Oral Tradition. A Study in Historical Metholodogy. Translated by H. M. Wright from De la tradition orale: essai de méthode historique. (Tervueren, Belgium, 1961). London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. archive.org/details/oraltraditionstu0000janv_b3r6 [13/01/2019] WEBER, David J. 2005. Bárbaros: Spaniards and their savages in the Age of Enlightenment. New Haven: Yale University Press. www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1npds7 WEBBER, Sabra Jean. 1975. “It's about Our Bean-colored Hen”: A Preliminary Look at Tunisian Riddles. MA Thesis. University of California, Berkeley. Bibliography 275 WILLIAMS, Thomas Rhys. 963. “The form and function of Tambunan Dusun riddles”. The Journal of American Folklore, 76 (300). 95-110. doi.org/10.2307/538609. WILLIAMSON, Craig, Ed. 2011. The Old English Riddles of the 'Exeter Book’. Chapel Hill. The University of North Carolina Press. YAMANI, Mai. 2020. A Day in the Life of a Bedouin. Saudi Arabia: Modern. YRTTIAHO, Kaarlo.1988. “Texts from Arabia Petraea in the Dialect of the Seminomadic an-Nʿēmāt Tribe of the Shara Mountains (Jordan)”. Studia Orientalia Electronica 64. 145-168. journal.fi/store/article/view/49740. ZHAN, Xiangjiang, et al. 2015. “Exonic versus intronic SNPs: contrasting roles in revealing the population genetic differentiation of a widespread bird species”. Heredity. 114.1. 1-9. www.nature.com/articles/hdy201459. [18/02/2019] List Of Graphs & Tables Used 283 LIST OF GRAPHS & TABLES USED Table 1. Recent Research on the Riddle in Algeria 127 Table 2. Classification of Spaces & Elements Encountered in JRBRs 159 Graph 1. Types of Space Described in JRBRs 167 Graph 2. Types of Space Directly & Indirectly Described in JRBRs 168 Graph 3. Common Elements Referenced in JRBRs 169 APPENDIX: CORPUS OF JORDANIAN RIDDLES FROM THE BADIA REGION Each example appears in the original Arabic and is followed by a literal English translation. JRBR 1 ﺔﻗرو قﻮﻓ ،ﺔﻗرو ﻮﺷ ھ؟ﻲ فﻮﻔﻠﻤﻟا وا ﻞﺼﺒﻟا . Leaf upon leaf, what is she? Cabbage or onion. JRBR 2 ﺎﻣ ﻮھ يﺬﻟا ﺮﯿﻄﯾ ﻲﻓ ؟ءﺎﻤﺴﻟا رﻮﻔﺼﻌﻟا . What is a thing that flies in the sky? A bird. JRBR 3 ﮫﻓﻮﺸﺗ وﺎﻣ ،ﮫﺴﺒﻠﺗ ﮫﺴﺒﻠﺗو ﻻو ﺗﮫﻓﻮﺸ. .ﻦﻔﻜﻟا You see it and never wear it, you wear it and never see. The coffin. JRBR 4 ﻲﺸﻤﯾ ﻰﻠﻋ ماﺪﻗﻻا ﺎﻣ ﮫﺘﺑﺎﺟ ﮫﻀﯿﺑ ﻻو .مﺎﺣرا مدآ ﮫﯿﻠﻋ .مﻼﺴﻟا Walks on feet never generated from eggs nor wombs. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 286 Adam. JRBR 5 ﻮﻟ ﻢھﻻ ﺎﻣ .ﻚﺘﻔﺷ نﻮﯿﻌﻟا If not for them, I wouldn't see you. Eyes. JRBR 6 ﻢﻛ ﺎﺟوز ﻦﻣ تﺎﻧاﻮﯿﺤﻟا ﺎﮭﻠﻤﺣ ﺎﻧﺪﯿﺳ ﻰﺳﻮﻣ ﮫﯿﻠﻋ مﻼﺴﻟا ﻲﻓ ﺔﻨﯿﻔﺴﻟا ﻞﺒﻗ ؟نﺎﻓﻮﻄﻟا ﻻ جاوزأ نﻷ حﻮﻧ ﮫﯿﻠﻋ مﻼﺴﻟا ﻮھ يﺬﻟا ﻢﮭﻠﻤﺣ . How many pairs of animals did our master Moses, peace be upon him, carry onto the ship (ark) before the flood? There are no pairs because Noah, peace be upon him, was the one who carried them. JRBR 7 .ﺲﻤﺸﻟا ﻆﻘﯿﺘﺴﯾ ﻲﻓ رﺎﮭﻨﻟا مﺎﻨﯾو ﻲﻓ ؟ﻞﯿﻠﻟا She sleeps at night and wakes up during the day? The sun. JRBR 8 شو ﻼﺟر ﮫﻓﺮﻌﺗ تﺮﻈﻨﻟ ﻰﻟا ﮫﺗﺮﺟ ﻮﻟو ﻢﺘﻛ ﻚﻟ ﮫﺘﺟﺮھ ﻻإ ﻦﯿﺒﺗ .ﺎﮭﻠﻛ .(ﻢﻠﻘﻟا) What would you say about a man whom you recognize from his footsteps? Although he is silent, you understand all of what he says. The pen / pencil. JRBR 9 ﻰﺸﻌﺘﺗ كﺎﺸﻋ ﺪﻗﺮﺗو .كاﺬﺤﺑ . ﺪ ﯿ ﻟ ا Eats your dinner and sleeps beside you. Appendix Corpus of Jordanian riddles from the Badia region 287 The hand. JRBR 10 ﮫﻟ ﺮﻌﺷ د ﻮ ﺳ ا ﮫﻨﻄﺑو ﺐھذ ﮫﻠﺟرو ﺐﻄﺣ. ﻘﻟا.ﺢﻤ He has black hair, a golden abdomen, and a wooden foot. The wheat stalk. JRBR 11 ﺔﻋﺎﻤﺟ ﻲﻓ تﻮﻧﺎﺣ ﻲﻠﻟا ﻊﻠﻄﯾ ﻢﮭﻨﻣ .تﻮﻤﯾ داﻮﻋا .بﺎﻘﺜﻟا A group inside a store, he who steps out will die. Matches. JRBR 12 ﻞﻛﺄﯾ ﻦﻣ ﺮﯿﻏ ؟ﻢﻓ رﺎﻨﻟا . Eats without a mouth? The fire. JRBR 13 ءﻲﺷ ﺾﻛﺮﯾ ﺎﻣو ﮫﻟ .ماﺪﻗا .ﺮﮭﻨﻟا A thing that runs but can't walk. The river. JRBR 14 ﺎﻤﻠﻛ كﺮﺤﺗ ,ةﻮﻄﺧ ﺪ ﻘ ﻓ ءﺰﺟ ﻦﻣ .ﮫﻠﯾذ ةﺮﺑا ﺔطﺎﯿﺨﻟا Whenever it moves a step, it loses some of its tail? A sewing needle. JRBR 15 ﺎﻣ يﺬﻟا ﻞﻤﺤﯾ ﮫﻣﺎﻌط قﻮﻓ ؟ﮫﺳار ﻢﻠﻘﻟا . A thing that carries its food on its head? Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 288 The pen. JRBR 16 لﻮطا ﻦﻣ ﺮﯿﻌﺑ ﺮﻐﺻأ ﻦﻣ .مﺪﻗ ﻔﺼﻌﻟا.رﻮ Higher than a camel and lower than a foot. The sparrow. JRBR 17 ﻦﯾو ﺮﺤﺒﻟا ﻲﻠﻟا ﺎﻣ ﮫﺑ ءﺎﻣ ؟ ﺮ ﺤ ﺑ .ﺔﻄﯾﺮﺨﻟا Where is the sea where there is no water? The sea on the map. JRBR 18 ةﺮﺠﺣ ﺎﻣو ﻲھ ةﺮﺠﺣ ﻞﻛﺄﺗ ﺶﯿﺸﺤﻟا ﺎﻣو ﻲھ ﺑﺰﻋﺎﻤ ﻻو .ﻢﻨﻏ ةﺎﻔﺤﻠﺴﻟا. A stone and not a stone, eats grass, and not a goat nor a sheep. The turtle. JRBR 19 ﮫﯿﻨﺑ ةﺮﯿﻐﺻ ﻞﻤﺤﺗو رﺎﻨﻟا قﻮﻓ .ﺎﮭﺳأر .ﺔﺸﯿﺸﻟا A little girl that holds fire on her head. The hookah. JRBR 20 رﺎﻄﻗ ﻼﺑ ﺐﯿﻟاود ﻦﻜﻟو ﮫﻟ .ﻞﺟرا "شﺮﺤﻟا ما ﺔﻌﺑرا ﻦﯿﻌﺑراو A train without wheels but that has legs? The centipede. JRBR 21 كﺪﺸﻧا ﻦﻋ ىرﺬﻋ ﻲﻜﺒﺗ ﻼﺑ ؟عﻮﻣد .ﺔﻌﻤﺸﻟا May I ask you about a virgin who cries without tears? Appendix Corpus of Jordanian riddles from the Badia region 289 The candle. JRBR 22 ﺾﺒﻨﯾ ﻼﺑ .ﺐﻠﻗ ﺔﻋﺎﺴﻟا . She beats heartless. The watch. JRBR 23 ﻚﺻﺮﻘﯾ ﻻو ؟هاﺮﺗ .عﻮﺠﻟا He pinches you without hands? The hunger. JRBR 24 فﻮﺸﺗ ﻞﻛ ءﻲﺷ ﺎﻣو ﺎﮭﻟ .نﻮﯿﻋ .ةآﺮﻤﻟا She sees everything but has no eyes. The mirror. JRBR 25 ءﻲﺷ ﻲﻜﺒﯾ ﻦﻣ ﺮﯿﻏ نﻮﯿﻋ ﻲﺸﻤﯾو ﻦﻣ ﺮﯿﻏ .ماﺪﻗا .ﺔﻤﯿﻐﻟا She cries without eyes and walks without feet. The cloud. JRBR 26 ﺐﯿﺠﺗ لﺎﯿﻋ ﻻو ﻞﻤﺤﺗ .اﺪﺑا ن ذ ﻻ ا ﻊﻤﺷو نذﻻا . She delivers babies, but she is never pregnant. The ear and earwax. JRBR 27 كﺪﺸﻧا ﻦﻋ ﻞ ﺟ ر ﻲﻠﺼﯾ ﻻو مﻮﺼﯾ ﻮﻟو ﺎ ﻣ ﻰﺿﻮﺗ ﺎﻣ ﺔﯿﻠﻋ ماﺰﺘﻟإ اذاو ﺪ ﺠ ﺳ ﻲﻓ ﺾﻌﺑ تﺎﻗوﻻا ﺎﻣ مﻮﻘﯾ ﺎﻣ ﻊﯿﻄﺘﺴﯾ ﻦﻣ دﻮﺠﺴﻟا مﺎﯿﻘﻟا ﻞﺟر ﮫﻟ ﺮﯾﺪﻘﺘﻟا ﻊﻣ ﺔﻓﺎﻛ مﻮﻘﻟا و ﻰﻈﺤﯾ ﻊﻣ ﺮﯾﺪﻘﺘﻟا .ماﺮﺘﺣﻻا .لﺎﻘﻌﻟا Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 290 May I ask you about a man, who prays but does not fast? He has no obligation if he does not do the ablution. He sometimes kneels, he cannot stand up again. He has no ability to recover standing-up after he has kneeled. He is a man who enjoys high esteem among all his people. In addition to the high esteem he enjoys, he is respected. The headband. JRBR 28 كﺪﺸﻧا ﻦﻋ ﻞﻔط ﻦﻣ ﻦﻄﺑ ﮫﻣا هوﺬﺧﺎﯾ تﻮﻄﺴﺑ تﻻﻵا هﻮﻛﺮﺘﯾو ﻦﻀﺤﺑ ﺖﻨﺑ هﻤﻀﺗ ﻮﻟ ﮫﻜﺤﺗ ﺮﮭﻈﺑ ﮫﻣا .تاﻣ د ﻮ ﻋ .ﺖﯾﺮﺒﻜﻟا May I ask you about a baby, taken out of his mother’s womb by machine force? The baby is then left in the lap of a girl to hug him, he dies when rubbed against his mother’s back. Matches. The mother is the matchbox, and the girl is the human hand. JRBR 29 كﺪﺸﻧا ﻦﻋ ﻞﺟر ﻦﻜﺳ ﮫﻠﺧاد ﺖﻨﺑ ﺖﻨﺒﻟا ىرﺬﻋ و ﻰﻣﺎﺸﻨﻟا ﮫﻧﻮﺒﯾ ﻞﺟﺮﻟا فﺎﺷ لﺬﻟا ﻦﻣ ﺖﻨﻜﺳ ﺖﻨﺒﻟا ﺖﻨﺒﻟاو ﺖﻓﺎﺷ ﺰﻋ ﺐﻘﻋ .ﮫﻧﻮﮭﻤﻟا دوﺮﻤﻨﻟا .ﺔﺑﺎﺑﺬﻟاو May I ask you about a man who is resided by a girl inside his hollow? The girl is virgin and the men like the man’s position. The man experienced insult due to the girl’s residency. The girl experienced honor after the lowness. The Nimrod King of Babel, and the mosquito. JRBR 30 ﺎﻧﺎﺟ ﻒﯿﺿ، هﺎﻨﻔﯿﺿ هﺎﻨﻔﺘﻛو. ﻞﻔﻄﻟا .دﻮﻟﻮﻤﻟا A guest came to us; we tied him up after serving him. Appendix Corpus of Jordanian riddles from the Badia region 291 The newborn baby. JRBR 31 ﻲﻜﺒﺗ مود ﻦﯿﻌﺑ .ةﺪﺣاو ﻦﯿﻋ) .(ءﺎﻤﻟا She cries a lot with one eye. The water spring. JRBR 32 ﮫﻤﺠﺣ ﻢﺠﺣ ﮫﻧﻮﻤﯿﻠﻟا ﻸﻤﯾو ﺖﯿﺒﻟا .ﮫﻧﻮﯿﻋو Its size is the size of a lemon, and it fills up a room. The light bulb. JRBR 33 كﺪﺸﻨﺑ ﻦﻋ ىرﺬﻋ ﻲﺠﺗ ﻞﯿﺟﺎﺟﺮﻠﻟ ﺎﮭﺒﯿﺠﯾ ﺔﺴﻤﺧ ﻲـھو ﻢـﮭﺘﺼﻋﺎﻣ ﺎـﮭﻟﺎﯿﻋ ﺎـﮭﻣاﺪﻗ ﺎـﯾ ﻞـﯿﻛﺎﺸﻤﻟا ﺎـﮭﻟﺎﯿﻋ ﺎـﮭـﻨﻛﻻ .ﻢـﮭـﺘﻠﻤﺣﺎﻣ ﺔﻟﺪﻟا .ﻦﯿﺟﺎﻨﻔﻟاو May I ask you about a virgin girl who goes to men? Never disobeyed is brought by five. She is preceded by her babies, though she has never been pregnant. The coffee pot and the cups. JRBR 34 ﻲﺸﻤﯾ ﻰﻠﻋ ضرﻷا ﮫﺳأرو ق ﻮ ﻓ .مﻮﺠﻨﻟا .ﻂﺑﺎﻀﻟا He walks on earth, and his head is above stars. The officer. JRBR 35 هﺪﺸﻨﯾ ،سﺎﻨﻟا اذﺈﻓ ءﺎﺟ .اوﺄﺒﺘﺧا .ﺮﻄﻤﻟا People request his presence, but if he comes, they hide. The rain. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 292 JRBR 36 ءﻲﺷ ﻮﺴﻜﯾ سﺎﻨﻟا ﻮھو نوﺪﺑ .ﺲﺑﻼﻣ .ةﺮﺑﻹا A thing that clothes people, while he is naked. The needle. JRBR 37 ﻞﺧﺪﯾ لﻮﻠﺒﻣ جﺮﺨﯾو .ﻒﺷﺎﻧ .ﺰﺒﺨﻟا He goes in wet and comes out dried. The bread. JRBR 38 ﺔﺛﻼﺛ ةﻮﺧإ ﺪﺣاو ﻞﻛﺄﯾ ﺎﻣ ﻊﺒﺸﯾ ﺪﺣاوو ﺐھﺬﯾ ﺎﻣ ﻊﺟﺮﯾ ﺮﺧﻷاو ﺪ ﻗ ﺮ ﯾ ﺎﻣ .مﻮﻘﯾ ،رﺎﻨﻟا ،نﺎﺧﺪﻟا .دﺎﻣﺮﻟاو Three brothers, the first eats and never gets full. The second goes and never comes back. The third one sleeps and never gets up. The fire, the smoke, and the ash. JRBR 39 ﺮﻀﺧا ﻦﻣ جرﺎﺨﻟا ﺮﻤﺣا ﻦﻣ .ﻞﺧاﺪﻟا .ﺦﯿﻄﺒﻟا He looks green outside, red inside. The watermelon. JRBR 40 ءﻲﺷ ﮫﻠﻤﺤﺗ .ﻚﻠﻤﺤﯾو ءاﺬﺤﻟا . Appendix Corpus of Jordanian riddles from the Badia region 299 كﺪﺸﻧأ ﻦﻋ ﺖﻨﺑ ﺎﮭﻟ ﺔﻠﻤﺟ لﺎﯿﻋ ﺎﻣ ﻢﮭﯿﻓ ﻲﻠﻟا قﻮﻓ ﻦﺳ ﻦﯿﺛﻼﺜﻟا ﻢﮭﺑ ﺔﻌﺑرأ ﺎﻣ اﻮﺑﺮﺟ بﺮﺣ لﺎﺘﻗو ﻢﮭﯿﻓ ٍﻢﯾﺮﻛ ﻞﻔﺘﺤﺗ ﮫﺑ ﻦﯿﯾﻼﻣ. ﺔﻨﺴﻟا ,ﺔﯾﺮﺠﮭﻟا ﺮﮭﺷﻷا ,ﺔﯾﺮﺠﮭﻟا ﺮﮭﺷﻷا ,مﺮﺤﻟا و ﺮﮭﺷ .نﺎﻀﻣر May I ask you about a woman who has many boys? None of her boys is above thirty years. Four of them do not witness the time of war. One of them is generous when millions celebrate in. The lady is the year. The boys are the months of Hijri-year. The four boys are the ‘Al-Hurm’ months and the generous one is Ramadan month. JRBR 69 كﺪﺸﻧأ ﻦﻋ لﺎﺟر ﻲﻓ فﻮﺟ لﺎﺟر ﮫﻧﺎﻜﻣ ﺮﯿـــــــــﺧﻷا ﻦﯿﺑ ةﻮﺧأ ﮫ ﻟ ﻊﺒﺳ ﻦﯿﺛﻼﺛو ﮫﺗﺎﻨﺑ ﻼﺑ لاﺪــــــﺟ ﮫﻤــــﺳاو اﺪﺣ تﺎﻨﺒﻟا ﺎﯾ ﻦطﺎﻓ .ﮫﻟ ءﺰﺟ ﻢﻋ ﻲﻓ .ناﺮﻘﻟا May I ask you about a man who lives in a man's hollow? He comes last among his brothers. Thirty-seven daughters, he has. His name tires the girls, oh clever. The first man mentioned is the last chapter of Al-Quran, Amma's part. The second man mentioned is Al-Quran. The brothers are chapters of Al-Quran. Thirty-seven daughters are the number of “Surahs” in Amma’s part. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 300 JRBR 70 ةﺮﺠﺷ ﺲﻤﺨﻟا ﺎﮭﻧﺎﺼﻏأ ﺔﻤﯿﻘﺘﺴﻣ ﺔﺛﻼﺛ ﻲﻓ ﻞﻈﻟا ﻦﯿﻨﺛاو ﻲﻓ ﺲﻤﺸﻟا .ﺎﻤﯾد تاﻮﻠﺼﻟا ﺲﻤﺨﻟا . A tree with five straight branches, three of them are in the shadows and the other two are in the light. The tree is the Muslims’ prayer. The branches in the shadows are the Maghrib, Isha, and Alfajer prayers. The branches in the light are the Alduher and Asr prayers. JRBR 71 ﺖﯿﻣ قوﺮﺤﻣ ،فﻮﻔﻠﻣو هﻮﻠﻤﺤﯾ ﻦﯿﻨﺛا ﺔﺛﻼﺛو .دﻮﮭﺷ ،ةرﺎﺠﯿﺴﻟا ﺔﺑﺎﺒﺴﻟا ،ﻰﻄﺳﻮﻟاو ﻲﻗﺎﺑو ﻊﺑﺎﺻأ . ﺪ ﯿ ﻟ ا A rolled, burnt, and dead one is held by two and seen by three witnesses. The rolled, burnt, dead one is the cigarette. The two are the index and the middle fingers. The three are the other fingers. JRBR 72 ﻚﻟﺄﺳا ﻦﻋ ﺪﺣاو ﻮﺑا تﺎﻨﺑ ﻮھ ﻦھﻮﺑا ﺲ ﺑ ﻦھ ﮫﻨﻧﻮﻛ ﻻ ﻒﻗو ﺔﻔﻗو ﻒﺻﻮﺗ تﺎﺒﺛ ﻻو كﺮﺤﺗ ﻢﯾاﻮﻘﻟا ﮫﻧرﻮھد ﺖﯿﺒﻟا يﺮﻌﺸﻟا و ﻲﻓاﻮﻘﻟا. May I ask you about a girl’s father? Despite his fatherhood, the girls create him. He has a steady organization, but if the ends move, he will be corrupted. The poetic verse. Appendix Corpus of Jordanian riddles from the Badia region 301 JRBR 73 كﺪﺸﻨﺑا شو ثﻼﺜﻟا تﺎﺒﯿﺼﻌﻟا ﻲﻠﻟا نﺪﺤﯾ لﺎﺟﺮﻟا ة ﺪ ﯾ ﺪ ﺸ ﻟ ا ﻲﻠﻟاو ﻦﮭﺑ روﺬﻌﻣ ﻮﻟ ﺖﻓﺎط تﺎﻗوا ﮫﺘﻧاو ﻰﻠﻋ ﺪ ﻋ و ﺪ ﻋ ﻮ ﻟ ا .هﺪﯿﻛا ,ﺔﻣﻮﻜﺤﻟا ,ﻞﯿﺴﻟا و .تﻮﻤﻟا May I ask you about the three difficulties which put a heavy burden on strong men? He who is under their pressure is not to blame if time passes; you surely keep your promise. The government, the flood, and the death. JRBR 74 ﺪ ﺒ ﻋ ﺮﺣو ﻢﮭﺘﻌﻤﺟ ﺮﯾدﺎﻘﺘﻟا ﻖﯿﻓرو ﺚﻟﺎﺛ ﻖﻓار ﺒﻌﻟا ﺪ ﺮﺤﻟاو ﻢﺛ هﻮﺑﺬﻋ ﺐﯾﺬﻌﺗ ﻒﺨﺼﯾ ﺮﯿﻄﻟا ﻲﻓ ﻂﺳو لاﺰﻟز ﮫﺑ رﺎﻨﻟا ﺮﻌﺴﺗ ﺪﻌﺑو باﺬﻌﻟا كﻮﺠﯾ ﻲﺸﻣ ﺮﯿﯾﺎﺴﻣ نﻮﻠﺑ ﺪ ﺣ ا و ﺎﻣ ﺖﯿﻘھ ﺮﯿﻐﺘﯾ ,ءﺎﻤﻟا ,ﻮﻟﺪﻟا .ﻞﺒﺤﻟاو About a slave and a free man, thrown together by fate, and a third man who accompanied the slave and the free man. They were tortured, so that even the birds pitied them, in the midst of an earthquake with fire and flames. After the torture, they will be brought to you on foot; they will be of one color; I don't think it will vary. The slave is the bucket, the free man is the water, and the man who accompanied them is the rope. Abdulateef Suleiman Salameh Almarayeh 302 JRBR 75 57 ﻰﻠﺣأ ﻦﻣ ﺮﻜﺴﻟا ﻞﻘﺛأو ﻦﻣ رﺎﻄﻨﻘﻟا ﻻ عﺎﺒﯾ ﻲﻓ قﻮﺴﻟا ﻻو هﻮﺒﯿﺠﯾ .رﺎﺠﺘﻟا .مﻮﻨﻟا Sweeter than sugar, heavier than Qintar, never sold in the market nor brought by merchants. The sleep. JRBR 76 لﻮﺳﺮﻣ ﻦﻣ بﺮﻟا ﻻ هﺪﻨﻋ مأ ﻻو بأ ﻚﻔﯾ حﻼﻔﻟا ﻟاوﺮاﻲﻋ ﻦﻣ .ﺐﻠﻐﻟا .ﺮﻄﻤﻟا A messenger from Allah has no mother nor father, releases the farmer and the shepherd from drought. The rain. JRBR 77 ﺪ ﺸ ﻧ ا ﻦﻋ ﻞﺟر ﺎﯿﻟ لﺎط ﻚﺑ تﺮﺳ ﺎﯿﻟو ﺮﺼﻗ ﺖﻗﺎﺿ ﻚﯿﻠﻋ ﺔﻌﯿﺳﻮﻟا ﻮھأ ﻞﺟر ﻦﻜﻟ ﻦﻜﺳ ﻲﻓ ﻦﻀﺣ ﺖﻨﺑ ﻻ ردﺎﻗ ﮫﯾﺮﺸﺗ ﻻو .ﮫﻌﯿﺒﺗ ،ﺮﻈﻨﻟا ﺮﺠﺤﻣو .ﻦﯿﻌﻟا May I ask you about a man? If he is healthy, you walk. If he is weak, your life becomes cramped. He is a man who lives inside a girl’s lap. You cannot buy or sell him. The man is sight. The girl’s lap is the eye. Appendix Corpus of Jordanian riddles from the Badia region 303 JRBR 78 ﮫﻟ قرو ﺲﯿﻟو ,تﺎﺒﻧ ﮫﻟ ﺪ ﻠ ﺟ ﺲﯿﻟو ,ناﻮﯿﺣ ﮫﻟ ﻢﻠﻋ ﺲﯿﻟو .نﺎﺴﻧا بﺎﺘﻜﻟا . Has leaves but is not a plant, has skin but is not an animal, has knowledge but is not a human being: The book. JRBR 79 ﻻ ,ﻢﻠﻜﺘﯾ اذا ﻞﻛا لﺎﻗ ,ﺔﻘﯿﻘﺤﻟا ا ذ ا و عﺎﺟ .بﺬﻛ ﺔﻋﺎﺴﻟا . She does not speak; if she eats, she tells the truth, and if she is hungry, she lies. The watch. JRBR 80 ﻚﻠﻤﯾ ﺮﻌﺷ د ﻮ ﺳ ا ﻦﻄﺑو ﺐھذ و ﻞﺟر .ﺐﺸﺧ ﺢﻤﻘﻟا . She has black hair, a golden abdomen, and a wooden foot? The wheat stalk. JRBR 81 ﺎﺑا ﺪ ﺸ ﻧ ا ﺎﻨﺑﺎﺤﺻا شو ﺖﻨﺑ ،ةدﻮﺟﻮﻣ ﺎﮭﻟﺎﺟرو ﺎﮭﻗﻮﻓ ﻆـﻔﺤﺗ ،ﺎـﮭﻧزاﻮﺗ نﺎﺤﺒﺳ قﻼﺧ ﻞﻛ ﺎﮭﻟﺎﺟرا .ﺎﮭﻨﻣ ضرﻷا .لﺎﺒﺠﻟاو May I ask our friends about a girl who exists? She has men over her to keep her balance. Glory to Allah, who creates the men from their mother. The girl is the land. The men are the mountains. This research project analyzes Jordanian Bedouin riddles from the Ras Alnaqb area of the Badia region. First a corpus of Nabati Jordanian riddles were collected and considered from a linguistic, cultural studies, and post-colonial studies perspective. The resulting qualitative study is composed of two parts.The first discusses certain historical, social, and cultural aspects to be considered. The second section outlines earlier studies on Arabic riddles from other areas as well as previous work done on Jordanian riddles. Next it presents the corpus collected, discusses the cultural and structural findings and puts forth new formulae to use in the classification of Jordanian Bedouin riddles.