Visual threats and visual efficacy: ideas of image reception in the arguments of Lucas Tudense about the changes in the Crucifixion (c.1230)

Citation: Carreño, Sara. 2022. Visual Threats and Visual Efficacy: Ideas of Image Reception in the Arguments of Lucas Tudense about the Changes in the Crucifixion (c.1230). Religions 13: 779. https://doi.org/10.3390/ rel13090779 Academic Editor: Salvador Ryan Received: 15 June 2022 Accepted: 18 August 2022 Published: 25 August 2022 Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Copyright: © 2022 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4.0/). religions Article Visual Threats and Visual Efficacy: Ideas of Image Reception in the Arguments of Lucas Tudense about the Changes in the Crucifixion (c.1230) Sara Carreño Dipartimento dei Beni Culturali, Universitàdegli Studi di Padova, 35139 Padova, Italy; [email protected] Abstract: In this paper, I examine the ideas regarding image reception that can be extracted from the De altera uita, a theological treatise written by the Iberian bishop Lucas de Tui in ca. 1230. In this book, he devotes one chapter to rejecting the changes that were taking place at the time in the image of the Crucifixion, especially concerning the variation in the number of nails and the shape of the cross. I will show that this text provides illuminating references regarding image reception, mainly through Lucas’s concerns about the visual misleading of the faithful and their devotional responses to artworks. By examining this work, which I will set against the theological and devotional background of its time, I will argue that this treatise reflects the importance of sight within the religious experience of late-medieval Europe. Keywords: lucas tudense; crucifixion; image theory; reception; sight 1. Introduction When studying art from the past, we come across certain phases of history that critics have been accustomed to calling “transitional”. These peculiar liminal contexts are mainly characterised by major changes in all the spheres of society that are accompanied by a series of variations in the artistic domain, resulting in the coexistence of old and new customs. One of these moments of transition will be the focus of this paper: the thirteenth century, a context in which old visual patterns were sharing spaces with new visual models that emerged from a changing social and spiritual reality. The object of study will be the central image of Christianity: Christ on the Cross, an image that in the thirteenth century was undergoing a series of variations that came to culminate in the following centuries with the generalisation of the suffering Christ, which emphasised his humanity and violent death on the cross. These renewed images were promoted by the Church itself in response to the new spiritual and devotional needs that arose in a context of increasing participation of laypeople within religious life and the rise of religious diversity. An important—and fascinating—part of these “transitional” histories, that is often hidden, are the debates between the promoters and detractors of the new visual trends, especially relevant when these debates are taking place within the Church itself. In a context such as late-medieval Europe, in which the display and visualisation of sacred iconographies had a crucial role in mediating between the faithful and the divine, as well as serving as a focus for meditation and the consequent internalisation of religious stories, introducing innovations and variations in images could be particularly controversial, and even for some people a dangerous threat.1 This paper aims to examine how visual innovations were received in the thirteenth century and to study the role given to sight and perception as a means to internalise passion imagery. The starting point of the investigation will be the thirteenth-century De altera uita fideique controuersiis aduersus Albigensium errores (henceforth DAV), an anti-heretical theological treatise written by the Iberian Bishop Lucas de Tui (d. 1249) in ca. 1230. 2 In this book, Lucas devotes a chapter to arguing against the innovations in the depiction of the Religions 2022,13, 779. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel13090779 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/religions Religions 2022,13, 779 2 of 21 crucified Christ, particularly against the change in the number of nails, from four to three: Contra illos qui dicunt, tres tantum clauos fuisse fixos in manibus et pedibus Saluatoris (Book II, Chapter XI). 3 Sources such as this one are rare, making this text an exceptional piece of evidence for our understanding of the resistances that visual innovations encounter within the Church. 4 In addition to showing his repudiation of certain visual novelties, Lucas also refers in this chapter—albeit in a perhaps more veiled way—to the new arguments that were being posited by other theologians regarding the functions of images, as well as to the crucial role of sight and visuality within the religious experience. 2. Contra Illos Qui Dicunt . . . In order to provide a comprehensive understanding of the context and reasons that led Lucas Tudense to write a whole chapter of his book about the changes in the crucifixion iconography, it is necessary to sketch an overview of what was happening at the time with regard to the image of the crucified Christ. In Western Europe, from the second half of the twelfth century, the iconography of Christ on the cross experienced a range of significant changes which defined a new type of representation that can be understood as divergent from its precedents. The embodiment of the higher attention given at the time to Christ’s humanity over his divinity led to a move from the triumphant depictions that characterised the previous centuries towards more suffering representations, which define the late-medieval period (Thoby 1959;Schiller [1966] 1972;Derbes 1996;Viladesau 2006). Amongst these changes was the turn to the depiction of the dead Christ, an emphasis on suffering, the introduction of a series of new motifs such as the crown of thorns, and the shift from four to three nails. 5 Consequently, this new type presents a dead and bloody Christ hanging from the cross with his legs and feet crossed and nailed with a single nail (Figure 1). In many cases, images even go so far as to carve or exaggerate the wounds to make them more visible, representing large pools of blood or individualising each drop. In addition to these visual changes that focus the attention on the human and suffering Christ, other strategies aimed at bringing the spiritual reality closer to the viewers started to be employed, including the use of paintings or sculptures within liturgical dramatizations, some of them even with devices to simulate the bleeding of the side wound. The late-medieval centuries also saw the development of devotions specifically centred on fragmentary elements from the Passion of Christ, such as the devotion to the wounds or the Arma Christi, which found their corresponding artistic evolution with the isolation of these elements in the visual realm (Figure 2).6 Thus, during the last two centuries of the Middle Ages, these innovative typologies of crucifixes tended to emphasise Christ’s suffering and death, finding the new religious sentiment its corresponding visual manifestation in the popularisation of images that showed a more accessible incarnated God. An excellent example of this reality is the fourteenth-century crucifix known as crucifixus dolorosus (de Francovich 1938;Franco Mata 2002;Kalina 2003), a type of image that triggered, through its visual features, an empathetic response in the faithful. In this sense, the beholders’ engagement with the representations of their dead God would be, during the late Middle Ages, quite different from the responses that the majestic and triumphal depictions might have provoked during the previous centuries (Figures 3–5). This visual reality has its counterpart in the devotional literature of the period, which also focused on the humanity of Christ, in line with the theological trends of the time. 7 Admittedly, the development of this accessible God and its visual and textual materialisation has been related to the creation and growth of the Mendicant orders, which monopolised most of the devotional trends of the time (Derbes 1996). The new devotional literature produced in the thirteenth century shows the use of a significant emotional vocabulary that emphasises aspects such as suffering, pain, tears, wounds, or blood (Bestul 1996, pp. 43–56; Mazzon 2018). These texts usually provide highly detailed descriptions of the violence endured by Christ during his Passion, exhorting the beholders to imagine themselves within the scenes and to accompany Christ in his suffering, thus finding the promotion Religions 2022,13, 779 3 of 21 of a highly visual kind of meditation achieved through mental images experienced with the internal, or spiritual, senses even within the textual production. Such emotionally charged allusions to the Passion can be found in thirteenth-century texts such as St Francis’ Office of the Passion, St Bonaventure’s Officium de Passion Domini or De perfectione vitae ad sorores, Pseudo-Beda’s De meditatione passionis Christi per septem diei horas libellus, or a little later in the well-known Meditationes Vitae Nostri Domini Jesu Christi attributed to Johannes de Caulibus (mid-fourteenth century) (Newman 2005;Karnes 2007;Flora 2009; McNamer 2009). The new crucifix model became widespread from the middle of the thirteenth century onwards, replacing the previous type, with a period in which both models coexisted and were indifferently adopted. 8 Regarding the nails—which is the central focus of Lucas de Tui’s refutation—, the variation in their number is primarily the consequence of the total lack of references to them in the Bible, being theorised later by the Church Fathers (Pickering 1980, p. 12). 9 The introduction of the three nails in the Crucifixion did not cause any broader discussion at first, since this issue had little importance before the thirteenth century (Binski 2004, pp. 221–23). Until then, representations of the crucified Christ showed several methods employed to fasten the body of Christ to the cross. In some crucifixes the hands are nailed, but the feet are not, either because they appear to be completely free or because they are tied rather than nailed (Figure 6); 10 other cases can be found with the feet displayed parallel but nailed with a single nail with a merely functional purpose; and, finally, there are cases in which the feet were not even nailed at all (Munns 2016, p. 172). 11 However, innovations in sacred art are complex, especially when it comes to the central dogma of the Christian faith, so it does not come as a surprise that this issue later became problematic. Therefore, in the thirteenth century, the number of nails, along with other innovations, became a central point of debate, becoming notably important after Pope Innocent III refuted the belief in the three nails (Munns 2016, p. 173), which likely led Lucas Tudense to compose his work (Binski 2004, pp. 221–23).12 The fact that Lucas devoted a whole chapter of his treatise to discussing the new variations in the Crucifixion is evidence of the importance this issue had, not just to him but almost certainly reflecting a broader concern. In fact, he starts the chapter by claiming that “since there is discussion among many about the number of nails that were sunk into the Lord’s body”, referencing a wider debate that was taking place in this context of “transition”. 13 In this chapter, Lucas defends the idea that Christ was crucified with four nails and attacks those who claim there were only three and those who depict the Crucifixion according to this belief. 14 In addition, Lucas also refers to another change that was taking place: the use of different shapes for the cross, going specifically “against those who say that the Lord’s cross had only three arms”. 15 This issue is also addressed in Chapter XI when referring to the Volto Santo of Lucca—believed to be an authentic depiction of Christ on the cross carved by Nicodemus—as proof of the number of nails and the actual shape of the cross. Besides, Lucas also devotes Chapter X (Book II) to arguing about De forma crucis Christi, theorising that the cross had four arms and referring to the several parts that compose it: stipes,patibulum,suppedaneum and titulus.16 Scholars have widely highlighted the clear interest that Lucas had in the use and reception of art, with three aspects regarding his understanding of images that have been studied so far in the scholarly literature: (1) the type of veneration that can be rendered to religious artworks (Gilbert 1985;Boto Varela 2009); (2) his censorship of certain iconographic solutions (Gilbert 1985;Moralejo Álvarez 1994;Binski 2003;Carreño López 2019;Henriet 2020); and (3) his argument about the functions of sacred images (Gilbert 1985;Moralejo Álvarez 1994;Henriet 2020). These two last issues will be the centre of my argument since they constitute crucial evidence to approach the role of sight and visual perception in the rationale of this Iberian bishop. Religions 2022,13, 779 4 of 21 Religions 2022, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 21 Figure 1. Crucified Christ, Album de dessins et croquis, Villard de Honnecourt, thirteenth century (Français 19093, fol. 2v). Bibliothèque Nationale de France. Département des Manuscrits (Paris). (Source: gallica.bnf.fr/BnF: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b10509412z/f6.item.zoom) (accessed on 5 May 2022). Figure 1. Crucified Christ, Album de dessins et croquis, Villard de Honnecourt, thirteenth century (Français 19093, fol. 2v). Bibliothèque Nationale de France. Département des Manuscrits (Paris). (Source: gallica.bnf.fr/BnF: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b10509412z/f6.item. zoom) (accessed on 5 May 2022). Religions 2022,13, 779 5 of 21 Religions 2022, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW 5 of 21 Figure 2. Devotional Booklet, c. 1330–1340. Victoria and Albert Museum (London). (Source: V&A Web, https://collections.vam.ac.uk/) (accessed on 18 July 2022). Figure 2. Devotional Booklet, c. 1330–1340. Victoria and Albert Museum (London). (Source: V&A Web, https://collections.vam.ac.uk/) (accessed on 18 July 2022). Religions 2022,13, 779 6 of 21 Religions 2022, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 21 Figure 3. Majestad de Travesseres, 1200–1250. Museu Nacional d’Art de Calalunya (Barcelona). (Source: Web del Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya de Barcelona, https://www.museunacional.cat) (accessed on 5 May 2022). Figure 3. Majestad de Travesseres, 1200–1250. Museu Nacional d’Art de Calalunya (Barcelona). (Source: Web del Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya de Barcelona, https://www.museunacional.cat) (accessed on 5 May 2022). Religions 2022,13, 779 7 of 21 Religions 2022, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 21 Figure 4. Crucifix, 1250–1300, Museo Nacional de Escultura (Valladolid). (© Museo Nacional de Escultura, Valladolid (Spain); Photograph: Javier Muñoz y Paz Pastor). Figure 4. Crucifix, 1250–1300, Museo Nacional de Escultura (Valladolid). ( © Museo Nacional de Escultura, Valladolid (Spain); Photograph: Javier Muñoz y Paz Pastor). Religions 2022,13, 779 8 of 21 Religions 2022, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 21 Figure 5. Crucifix, 1300–1330, Museo Nacional de Escultura (Valladolid). (© Museo Nacional de Escultura, Valladolid (Spain); Photograph: Javier Muñoz y Paz Pastor). Figure 5. Crucifix, 1300–1330, Museo Nacional de Escultura (Valladolid). ( © Museo Nacional de Escultura, Valladolid (Spain); Photograph: Javier Muñoz y Paz Pastor). Religions 2022,13, 779 9 of 21 Religions 2022, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW 9 of 21 Figure 6. Crucifixion, Muiredach Cross at Monasterboice (tenth century, Co. Louth, Ireland). (Photograph: the author). Scholars have widely highlighted the clear interest that Lucas had in the use and reception of art, with three aspects regarding his understanding of images that have been studied so far in the scholarly literature: (1) the type of veneration that can be rendered to religious artworks (Gilbert 1985; Boto Varela 2009); (2) his censorship of certain iconographic solutions (Gilbert 1985; Moralejo Álvarez 1994; Binski 2003; Carreño López 2019; Henriet 2020); and (3) his argument about the functions of sacred images (Gilbert 1985; Moralejo Álvarez 1994; Henriet 2020). These two last issues will be the centre of my argument since they constitute crucial evidence to approach the role of sight and visual perception in the rationale of this Iberian bishop. 3. Visual Threats Lucas composed DAV as a statement rejecting heresy, showing his concerns about the alleged existence of Cathars in León, from where he would have written this book. 17 In his treatise, the Tudense associates the origin of the abovementioned innovations in the Crucifixion with this spiritual divergency. 18 Previous literature on this subject has underlined how Lucas shows in his works a great concern about how the heretics and the painters can create blasphemous images (Gilbert 1985). 19 Throughout Lucas’s works, the author reflects on his fear of the visual misleading of the faithful and how they can be confused by looking at representations that deviate from the norm. This last idea is evident in Lucas’s explanation of how the Albigensians used artworks to shake the authority of the Church, asserting that they would recur to images to try to mislead the faithful, fundamentally by introducing new features in the depictions and hence leading to the veneration of false symbols (Gilbert 1985, p. 128): “Another means used by heretics to deceive the people are paintings… They paint most distorted pictures of the saints. As a mockery and insult to the Cross they represent the crucified Christ with one foot above the other and pierced by one nail” (Camille 1989, p. 211). 20 However, the Albigensians would not have been the creators of the three-nailed crucifix; in fact, there are earlier references to the three nails tradition, demonstrating that it was Figure 6. Crucifixion, Muiredach Cross at Monasterboice (tenth century, Co. Louth, Ireland). (Photograph: the author). 3. Visual Threats Lucas composed DAV as a statement rejecting heresy, showing his concerns about the alleged existence of Cathars in León, from where he would have written this book. 17 In his treatise, the Tudense associates the origin of the abovementioned innovations in the Crucifixion with this spiritual divergency. 18 Previous literature on this subject has underlined how Lucas shows in his works a great concern about how the heretics and the painters can create blasphemous images (Gilbert 1985). 19 Throughout Lucas’s works, the author reflects on his fear of the visual misleading of the faithful and how they can be confused by looking at representations that deviate from the norm. This last idea is evident in Lucas’s explanation of how the Albigensians used artworks to shake the authority of the Church, asserting that they would recur to images to try to mislead the faithful, fundamentally by introducing new features in the depictions and hence leading to the veneration of false symbols (Gilbert 1985, p. 128): “Another means used by heretics to deceive the people are paintings . . . They paint most distorted pictures of the saints. As a mockery and insult to the Cross they represent the crucified Christ with one foot above the other and pierced by one nail” (Camille 1989, p. 211).20 However, the Albigensians would not have been the creators of the three-nailed crucifix; in fact, there are earlier references to the three nails tradition, demonstrating that it was known across Europe before the twelfth century and the rise of Catharism (Cames 1966, p. 189; Munns 2016, p. 175). Most likely, Lucas blaming them was his way of condemning the innovations in this iconography by connecting the new crucifix with a heterodox movement that was a threat and a grave concern to the Church. Thus, Lucas uses this connection as a strategy to increase the sense of danger associated with these depictions. Schapiro already stated, when dealing with this rejection of the three nails as Albigensian, that it was “much like those who criticise Expressionist painting as Kulturbolschewismus [Cultural Bolshevism]” (Schapiro 1939, p. 331), a term used in Nazi Germany to attack modern artistic manifestations, which were considered to be revolutionary divergences that went against traditional authority. Religions 2022,13, 779 16 of 21 10 See the Crucifixion of the Muiredach Cross of Monasterboice (tenth century, Co. Louth, Ireland) (Figure 6) or that of the Lorsch Sacramentary (tenth century, Musée Condéof Chantilly). 11 Good examples are the altar cross of abbess Mathilde in Essen (973–982, Münsterschatzmus, Germany), the crucifix of Hermann and Ida in Cologne (ca. 1050, Kolumba Museum), and the Monmouth Processional Cross (twelfth century, National Museum of Wales). 12 For the papal refutation see Innocent III, Sermon IV, (‘Common of One Martyr’, Patrologia Latina 217: 612). Lucas alludes to the words of Innocent III in his text: “There were four nails in the Passion of the Lord with which the hands and feet were pierced (...) Two feet and two hands, so four nails must be used by the Christian” (“Fuerunt (...) in passione Domini quatuor claui, quibus manus affixae sunt et pedes affixi (. . . ) Duos pedes et duas manus, quatuor clauis debet configere Christianus”). DAV, CC CM 74A, II, 11, 14–17. Hereafter I will use this abbreviation to quote DAV from the Corpus Christianorum edition of Falque Rey (2009a). 13 “Quoniam de clauorum numero, qui fixi fuerunt in corpore Dominico, contentio uertitur inter plures” (DAV, CC CM 74A, II, 11, 4–5). DAV is the only text with references to this issue. Precisely because of its exceptional nature, it is difficult (or impossible) to draw a more widely or generally applicable conclusion. In any case—and being aware of the speculative nature of this hypothesis—, it is plausible that the variation in the image of the crucified Christ aroused some debate since for the medieval visual system, characterised by highly encoded images, this would be a significant change which entails a high level of renewal on this iconography. Besides, it was being applied to the representation of one of the central dogmas of the Christian faith: the sacrifice of Christ on the cross to save mankind and offer them the possibility of eternal salvation. 14 It is common to find references to image theory or arguments about representation in discourses against heretical movements. Several changes in the depiction of religious episodes have been understood as responses to tenets advocated by these spiritual dissenters. A well-known case is the Canon 82 of the Quinisext Council of Constantinople (691–692), in which was established that “in the future, the figure of the Lamb of God, the Saviour . . . should be replaced in pictures by the image of Christ in His humanity; for Grace and Truth are to be preferred to figures and shadows, typology and symbolism”. This canon was understood as a reaction against heretical movements of the time that rejected Christ’s humanity (Ladner 1953, p. 19). 15 “Haec contra illos qui dicunt crucem Dominicam tria brachia solummodo habuisse” (DAV, CC CM 74A, II, 10, 109–110). The Castilian ecclesiastic Diego García de Campos also debated in his work Planeta (1218) on the shape of the cross, showing another example of the reactions generated by the changes in images (Palacios Martín 1982, p. 227). 16 An excellent example of a polemic regarding innovations on the shape of the cross is the Conyhope Cross case (Heslop 1987; Binski 2003). These events took place at a parish church in London, where, following the Annales Londinenses, in the year 1305, “a certain terrifying cross [Crux horribilis] was taken to the chapel of Conyhope, and on the following day called Good Friday was adored by many [adorabatur a multis]” (Heslop 1987, p. 26; Binski 2003, p. 343). The crucifix was referred to as “incorrectly made” since it did not represent the “true shape” of the cross as it did not have a patibulum, being interpreted as an arbitrary invention but not the proper shape of the cross. Berliner (1945, pp. 263–88) deduced that it would have been a crucifix following the German typology of the Gabelkreuz, already familiar in Germany and Italy but not in other territories. In fact, the Conyhope cross was made by a German sculptor called Thydemann (Camille 1989, p. 212). 17 The scholarly community has widely discussed the existence of Cathars in León, with some authors arguing that Lucas was calling Cathars what would have been lay “rioters and troublemakers” (Fernández Conde 2005, p. 411). Concerning the geo-cultural focus of DAV,Martínez Casado (1983) and Falque Rey have already pointed out how this treatise does not show a local perspective, including just a few references to León, for example, mentioning the arrival to this city of a French heretic named Arnaldo, who forged opuscules of the Holy Fathers (Falque Rey 2009a, p. xviii). However, these local-based stories are narrated along with other cases from beyond the Pyrenees. It is worth noting the broad knowledge that Lucas has of the reality of his time, resulting from his several travels through Europe, which allowed him to get in contact with some of the most important centres and thinkers of his time, for example, his visits to Rome and Paris—especially to Saint-Denis–, and his contact with the Franciscan Elias of Cortona, who from 1221 was Vicar General of the Order of Friars Minor. His sources for DAV also show his great acquaintance with Western European theology, finding references to authors such as Gregory the Great, Augustine of Hippo, Saint Jerome, Isidore of Seville, Pope Innocent III, and Thomas of Celano. This makes Lucas Tudense a figure whose thinking can be set against the broad framework of Western Christianity, as previously highlighted by Henriet (2020, p. 67). Nevertheless, even if Lucas’s ideas can be studied from a global perspective—that of Western Christianity—his thinking would have had a local-based impact on artistic production. In this regard, Moralejo Álvarez (1994, p. 341) already emphasised how in León, there are no anthropomorphic Trinities and how the funerary series of León Cathedral has avoided the use of the three-nails Crucifixion, even when this was already the generalised model. 18 For an overview of the previous studies that have dealt with the heretical link, (see Henriet 2020, pp. 68–71). The Albigensians were dualists, so they condemned the material world, considering it evil. In this sense, they rejected the sacraments, the resurrection of the flesh, and the humanity of Christ. A revealing reference in this regard appears in the Historia Albigensium (ca. 1215–1218), where there is a reflection on their rejection of the host and the Eucharist, asserting that the host does not differ from lay bread and that Christ’s body would not be big enough so that it would have been already consumed by those eating it (Rubin 1991, p. 321). For them, the human body of Christ was never crucified, he never suffered in the flesh, hence they also rejected the veneration of the cross and the crucifix. In Lucas’s defence of the ecclesiastical institution against this dissident Religions 2022,13, 779 17 of 21 movement, he refers to the “divine” authorities and the Roman Church, praising Pope Innocent III whom he refers to as the “persecutor of heretics”. This Pope fiercely opposed the Albigensians, not just in a dialectic way, but promoting the military campaign known as the Albigensian Crusade (1209–1229) to eradicate Catharism (Pegg 2008). For an approach to the Cathars, (see Sennis 2016;Shulevitz 2018). 19 In his Chronicon Mundi (c. 1238), when speaking of the Trinity Lucas claims: “(.. . ) haereticus seu pictor desinet per imaginem blasphemiae fabricare” (“The heretic and the painter will cease to fabricate an image of blasphemy”). (Gilbert 1985, p. 151). 20 There are, in fact, accounts of how the Cathars invented miraculous images so that they could later expose them as frauds. Following the Chronicle of Laon (1154–1219), in Braine, in 1204, “Nicolas, the most famous painter in all France”, was burned by order of the Bishop of Rheims after being accused of being a Cathar heretic (Berliner 1945, p. 282; Heslop 1987, pp. 26–33; Camille 1989, p. 212). 21 Similar concerns can be found in other authors, especially regarding the Trinity, which would be the most controversial figuration. Saint Antonino, in fifteenth-century Florence, showed his concerns regarding this image: “Reprehensibiles etiam sunt, quum faciunt Trinitatis imaginem unam personam cum tribus capitibus, quod monstrum est in rerum natura”, along with other iconographies: “vel in Annuntiatione Virginis parvulum puerum formatum, scilicet Jesum, mitti in uterum Virginis, quasi non esset de substantia Virginis eius corpus assumtum; vel parvulum Jesum cum tabula litterarum, quum non didicerit ab homine”. (Gilbert 1959, pp. 80–83; Baradel 2018, p. 187). 22 There are also several studies examining how visual programmes were used to transmit messages against Catharism. (See: Cahn 1987;Goss 1990;Segal 2010). 23 The field of Neurosciences demonstrates how empathy directs visual attention to emotionally salient stimuli, since they elicit immediate neural responses on the brain (Wilkinson et al. 2021). In this sense, it could be understood that depictions of suffering—such as those developed during the thirteenth century—would more successfully call the attention of viewers. 24 “Certain images are painted or carved in the church of Christ for the defence of the faithful, for doctrine, for imitation, and adornment. Some are doctrine, imitation and likewise for adornment, and some are for adornment only. Some are indeed for doctrine, so that in them men may learn to fear to behave sinfully”, translation by Gilbert (1985, p. 136). “Depinguntur uel sculpuntur imagines in ecclesia Christi quaedam ad fidelium defensionem, doctrinam, imitationem et decorem. Quaedam similiter ad doctrinam, imitationem et decorem, et quaedam ad decorem tantum, quaedam etiam ad doctrinam, ut in eis timere praue agere discat homo” (DAV, CC CM 74A, II, 20, 7–11). Regarding “decorem”, Moralejo Álvarez refutes Gilbert, for whom it would just imply mere decoration, while Moralejo Álvarez understands it as a synonym for “honour and decorous” (Moralejo Álvarez 1994, p. 345). 25 Falque Rey already stressed the importance of Gregory the Great for the work of Lucas, finding several references to this Pope throughout the book (Falque Rey 2009a, pp. xxii–xxvii). 26 Several scholars have studied these letters. (See Jones 1977;Peterson 1984;Kessler 1985;Schmitt 2002;Duggan 2005). Medieval image theory and the justifications given for the existence of religious images is a more complex subject widely studied by other scholars. For a broader analysis see e.g.,: (Ladner 1953;Kitzinger 1954;Camille 1989;Duggan 2005;Freedberg 1989; Belting [1990] 2009;Schmitt 2002). 27 This Pope asserted in these letters: “Pictures are used in churches so that those who are ignorant of letters may at least read by seeing on the walls what they cannot read in books” (“Idcirco enim pictura in ecclesiis adhibetur, ut hi qui litteras nesciunt saltem in parietibus uidendo legant, quae legere in codicibus non ualent”); and “What writing does for the literate, a picture does for the illiterate looking at it, because the ignorant see in it what they ought to do; those who do not know letters read in it. Thus, especially for the nations, a picture takes the place of reading . . . Therefore, you ought not to have broken that which was place in the church in order not to be adored but solely in order to instruct the minds of the ignorant” (“Nam quod legentibus scriptura, hoc idiotis praestat pictura cernentibus, quia in ipsa ignorantes uident quod debeant, in ipsa legunt qui litteraas nesciunt; unde praecipua gentibus pro lectione pictura est . . . Frangi ergo non debuit quod non ad adorandum in ecclesiis sed ad instruendas solummodo mentes fuit nescientium collacatum”). Translations by Duggan (2005, p. 63). 28 “In fact, the images were introduced for a threefold reason, namely, for the ignorance of humble people, so that those who cannot read the Scriptures may read the sacraments of our faith in sculptures and paintings, as one would do more manifestly in writings. They are introduced also by the lulling of the feelings, that is, so that those who are not stimulated to devotion by the things Christ did for us when they hear of them, may be excited when they notice the same things in statues and pictures, as if they were made present to the eyes of the body. Our feeling is more excited by the things we see than by the things we hear (.. . ) because of the unreliability of memory, for things that are only heard fade away more easily than those that are seen (... ) Therefore it has been established by the grace of God that images appear especially in churches, so that, on seeing them, we will be reminded of the benefits that have been granted to us and of the worthy works of the saints”, translation by Hamburger (2006, p. 15). “Dicendum, quod imaginum introductio in Ecclesia non fuit absque rationabili causa. Introductae enim fuerunt propter triplicem causam, videlicet propter simplicium ruditatem, propter affectuum tarditatem et propter memoriae labilitatem.—Propter simplicium ruditatem inventae sunt, ut simplices, qui non possunt scripturas legere, in huiusmodi sculpturis et picturis tanquam in scripturis apertius possint sacramenta nostrae fidei legere.—Propter affectus tarditatem similiter introductae sunt, videlicet ut homines, qui non excitantur ad devotionem in his quae pro nobis Christus Religions 2022,13, 779 18 of 21 gessit, dum illa aure percipiunt, saltem exitentur, dum eadem in figuris et picturis tanquam praesentia oculis corporeis cernunt. Plus enim excitatur affectus noster per ea quae videt, quam per ea quae audit. Unde Horatios: ‘Segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem, quam quae sunt oculis subiecta fidelibus, et quae Ipse sibi tradit spectator”.—Propter memoriae libilitatem, quia ea quae audiuntur solum, facilius traduntur oblivioni, quam ae quae videntur. Frequenter enim verificatur in multis illud quod consuevit dici: verbum intrat per unam aurem et exit per aliam. Praeterea, non semper est praesto qui beneficia nobis praestita ad memoriam reducat per verba. Ideo dispensatone Dei factum est, ut imagines fierent praecipue in ecclesiis, ut videntes eas recordemur de beneficiis nobis impensis et Sanctourm operibus virtuosis” (Bonaventura, III, IX, 1.2, p. 203). 29 “There were three reasons for the institution of images in the churches. First, for the instruction of the simple people, because they are instructed by them as by books. Secondly, the mystery of the Incarnation and the examples of the saints might be more active in our memory by being daily represented to our eyes. Thirdly, to excite the sentiments of devotion, which are more effectively aroused by things seen than by things heard” (“Fuit autem triplex ratio institutionis imaginum in Ecclesia. Primo ad instructionem rudium, qui eis quasi quibusdam libris docentur. Secundo ut incarnationis mysterium et sanctorum exempla magis in memoria essent, dum quotidie oculis reprœsentatur. Tertio ad excitandum devotionis affectum qui ex visis efficacius incitatur quam ex auditis”). (Thomas Aquinas, III Sententiarum, lib. III dist. 9, q. 1, art. 2, q. 2).. 30 On medieval memory, (see Carruthers 1990). 31 “Adorare igitur debemus sicut diuinam Scripturam imagines sacras, quae aspicientibus sanctam deuotionem excitant et doctrinam edocent salutarem credentes” (DAV, CC CM 74A, II, 21, 189–191). 32 “Hae imagines subtili debent fieri congruitate, ut pulchritudinem honestatis aspicientibus repraesentent et deuotionem excitent pietatis” (DAV, CC CM 74A, II, 20, 27–29). 33 “But someone may say: ‘In this respect, we affirm that the Lord was crucified with a single nail with one foot on the other, and we want the customs of the church to be changed so that the devotion of the people be aroused before the greater bitterness of the Passion of Christ, and, after the renewal of the customs, boredom may be avoided. For these things do not concern the substance of the sacraments or the articles of faith, and they may vary from day to day according to the taste of each one. It is sufficient for salvation to believe that Christ was crucified, and it is indifferent to consider that he was hung on a four-armed or three-armed cross, that he was nailed with four or three nails and that his right or left side was pierced with a lance’” (“Sed dicit aliquis: ‘Ad hoc uno pede super alio uno clauo Dominum dicimus crucifixum et consuetudines Ecclesiae uolumus immutari, ut maiori acerbitate passionis Christi populi deuotio excitetur et, nouitate in consuetudinibus succedente, fastidium releuetur. Non enim sunt ista de sacramentorum substantia uel articulorum fidei et possunt quotidie ad libitum uariari. Sufficit ad salutem Christum credere crucifixum et pro indifferenti habere in cruce illum quatuor uel trium brachiorum fuisse positum, quatuor uel tribus clauis confixum et dextrum uel sinistrum latus eius lancea uulneratum. Etiam aliqua fingenda sunt pro loco et tempore, quamuis uera non sint, ut Christi nominis gloria diletatur’”) (DAV, CC CM 74A, II, 11, 147–157). For the translation of this passage, I relied both on the Latin edition and the Spanish translation of Falque Rey (2011). 34 These theories postulated by medieval authors can be studied nowadays with new tools developed in other disciplines that approach the functioning of the human brain, such as Neuroscience or Psychology. Regarding corporal sensations triggered through visual perception, it has been established that both emotional and cognitive responses can lead to feeling visceral responses, since they are represented in the somatosensory cortex (Zaidel 2005, p. 172). In this sense, empathetic responses can be understood as both haptic and optic since visual stimuli are experienced with the eyes, but also with other body parts, especially common in the case of skin reactions and muscle sensations. 35 “Affective piety” is a form of spirituality that from the twelfth century onwards gave a greater emphasis to the inner emotions and the devotion to the humanity of Christ. (Bartlett and Bestul 1999;Megna 2020). 36 “Debet namque domus Dei cultu uario resplendere, ut ipsa eius exterior pulcritudo homines ad se ducat et taedium non inferat assistentibus, mentem subleuet ad coelestia expetanda pulcritudine sua decorem coelestis patriae repraesentans”. (DAV, CC CM 74A, II, 20, 29–32). 37 “Domus Dei exterior pulcritudo dum oculos de foris mulcet, nonnunquam interiorem ad Dominum trahit” (DAV, CC CM 74A, II, 20, 33–34). 38 On medieval theories of cognition, and of how cognitive processes were thought to operate, (see Karnes 2011). References Primary Sources Bonaventure. Doctoris seraphici S. Bonaventurae opera omnia, III: Commentaria in quatuor libros sententiarum Magistri Petri Lombardi. Rome: Quarrachi. 1887 edition. Available online: https://archive.org/details/doctorisseraphic03bona/page/204/mode/2up?view= theater (accessed on 21 March 2022). Thomas Aquinas, III Sententiarum. Centre Traditio Litterarum Occidentalium, CETEDOC, and Brepols (Firm). 2000. 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