Arbëresh songs on Scanderbeg as an Expression of Collective Memory, Longing, and Belonging
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Arbëresh songs on Scanderbeg as an Expression of Collective Memory, Longing, and Belonging Lumnije Kadriu — Leontina Gega-musa ABSTRACT Scanderbeg is the main constitutive figure in the collective memory of Arbereshs in particular and of Albanians in general. As such he also is the main figure in the history of Albanians that inspired many artistic and scholarly works in different disciplines including oral tradition, history, literature, ethnology, etc. The main aim of this paper, as indicated in the title, is to see how songs on Scanderbeg could be acertained as an expression of collective memory, longing, and belonging up to the present times. In order to comprehend better this process authors will give information on who was Scanderbeg, who were Arbëresh and how did they establish and maintained awareness on their distinctive cultural and ethnic identity. What was the role of Scanderbeg in this process? Beside this the role of folk songs and historical data on remembering Scanderbeg and in constructing Arbwresh/Albanian national identity will be juxstaposed. As atool will be used three folk songs collected by Arbëresh intellectual Jeronim De Rada, which are related to two main events of Scanderbeg’s life, namely marriage and death, and these will be compared with historical data as found for same events in the Harry Hodgkinson’s historical book about Scanderbeg. This juxtaposition will be analysed in the context of Anthony D.Smith’s concept on ethno-symbolism in order to enlighten the initiation of Arbëresh/ Albanian ethnic identity. The final attempt of this paper will be to theorize on how historical facts, transformed in both oral tradition and scholar interpretations, are used in shaping collective memory-(ies) that forge identity-ies of groups in different temporal and spatial levels, i.e. local, regional, ethnic and national, in which case construction process and selectivity are quite prominent. The method used here is comparison of different literature resources (historical, literature, ethnographies) and interpreting them in different theoretical frameworks such as ethnosymbolism, collective memory and constructivis national building. KEYWORDS Scanderbeg, Albania, collective memory, identity, belonging Gjergj Kastriot Skënderbeu (1405–1468) in Albanian historiography is acentral figure of national hero, of atalented military leader which in the fifteenth century, atime when Ottoman Empire penetrated Balkan territory and beyond, succeeded to unite several Arbëresh/Albanian tribes i.e. principalities in order to fight Ottomans. This unity has enabled consolidation of Albanian people, initially as ethnicity and later as amodern nation. In short, he was the fifth son of Gjon (John) Kastrioti, an Albanian nobleman based in Kruja (north central Albania), who according to the tradition of the Ottoman OPEN ACCESS
98 STUDIA ETHNOLOGICA PRAGENSIA 1/2023 Empire, was taken as ajanissar to serve the Sultan.1 During this service he was distinguished and praised for his skills and bravery so at one point he was honored with the name Skanderbeg. After many years of service and splendor in the Ottoman Empire, he leaves to return to his birthplace in Kruja, from where he resisted and fought back Empire forces. He achieves it quite successfully thanks to the alliance created with the other arbëresh tribes, but also due to the very stable alliance with King Alfonso of Aragon, and occasional assistance from Venice. Many Albanian and foreign authors wrote about Scanderbeg’s life. However, as abasic written book dedicated to the Scanderbeg’s history is known the one written by Marin Barleti (Barletius, 1504), the priest from Shkodër, at the end of the 15th century, shortly after Skanderbeg’s death. The first editions dedicated to Skanderbeg’s life used as the source various forms of oral tradition devoted to his figure, such as: ballads, songs, stories, legends, and so on. Ramadan Sokoli, in his paper ‘Figura eSkënderbeut në këngët popullore’ ‘Skanderbeg’s Figure in Folk Songs’ presents chronologically publications dedicated to Skanderbeg, written by both domestic and foreign authors, and among other things he highlights the importance the data of the oral tradition had in creating songs about his deeds after hero’s death. Sokoli points out that Barlet for his work also used as asource popular songs and stories of people 1 In Hodgkinson (2004), comes out that the practice of taking young Christian boys to serve as janissaries was introduced by Sulltan Murat II, at the time when Scanderbeg was near 16 year old. See p.53. OPEN ACCESS
LUmNIJE KADRIU — LEONTINA GEGA-mUSA 99 who had known him, or/and fought with him (Sokoli, 1982, pp.260–276). Same opinion was expressed by Fan S.Noli in his work ‘George Castriot Skanderbeg”, published in New York in 1947, and by Harry Hodgkinson in his book ‘Scanderbeg’ published in 1999 (p.53). This was also evidenced by Barleti himself when he pointed out that Skanderbeg and his mightiness has had everyone’s admiration, and according to him, ‘this is firmly testified by the fact that among other many the brightest braveries of the elders and the glories of the forefathers usually sung by our people at feasts, as required by an ancient custom, the young generation has introduced not without gratitude especially this event (Scanderbeg’s)’ (Ibid, pp.260–76). T hroughout Barlet’s work are mentioned the songs that were sang by Skanderbeg fighters after different victories over the Ottomans, and this, according to Sokoli, is also the proof that heroic epic among Albanians is quite ancient. Anumber of scholars who dealt with oral creations devoted to Skanderbeg have noted their importance both in terms of art and history of this period. The importance of folk songs, as arecourse/support to the story of Skanderbeg’s life, was also stated by the researcher Qemal Haxhihasani in the volume ‘Tregime dhe këngë popullore për Skënderbeun’/ ‘Stories and folk songs about Skanderbeg’. It is avolume that has assembled and arranged almost all the creations/compositions of various oral forms for Skanderbeg, and in which is highlighted that ‘… at the time of the hero, as well as after his death, are created songs and stories, which depending on the war dimesions and popularity, were widely spread’ (Haxhihasani, 1967, p.6). These songs were also associated and part of the certain rites. Barlet’s assertion that ‘Albanians celebrated every victory with songs and dances’ was also supported by the travelers who visited these places many years after Skanderbeg’s death, such as, Sabeliko and Pouqueville, but of particular importance is the testimony of Frang Bardhi, who in his report in 1637 states that: ‘people of Dukagjini region2, according to their old custom, during their parties and celebrations, as well as on the street and at work, sing loudly about the braveries of their great men and especially those of the invincible Gjergj Kastrioti, called Skanderbeg’ (Haxhihasani, 1967, p.6). Gjergj Kastrioti Skanderbeg is not only anational hero of Albanians, but also ahistorical and political figure of European dimensions, who became important in certain periods of Southeast European histories such as that of Hungary and Italy, and beyond. In aseries of medieval works by foreign authors, Skanderbeg’s figure appears as the hero of the wars against Ottoman armies, and therefore as the warrior and savior of Christian culture (Buda, 1969, pp.33; Senkeviç, 1969, pp.35). In addition to the historiographic writings on Skanderbeg, sometimes with greater and sometimes smaller intensity were also written works of other genres, of entirely fictitious character.3 All of these data together, i.e. folklore, historical and literary data, represent the memory about acertain personality, at acertain time, in acertain cultural, social, and 2 Dukagjini is aregion in Northern Albania and western Kosovo, which contains the North Albanian Alps, an extension of the Dinaric Alps range. The highest point is Maja Jezerce (2693 m). https://enacademic.com/dic.nsf/enwiki/5021505 [accessed 14 june2022]. 3 For example, entirely fictive is Benjamin Disraeli (1833). OPEN ACCESS
100 STUDIA ETHNOLOGICA PRAGENSIA 1/2023 political context. If, according to collective memory researcher Pascal Boyer, ‘memories sustain adistinctive identity, as something that social groups need, maintain, and transmit to further generations’ (Boyer, 2009, pp.9), then we may ascertain that due to this memory (the topic of memory today is experiencing rejuvenation and an interest from historians, anthropologists, and general public, in building common collective past) it is not surprising that Skanderbeg’s figure after his death, primarily by his contemporaries, but later also by other generations throughout the centuries, became asource of inspiration for aseries of publications about him and his glorious era. ARBËRESHS AND ALBANIAN IDENTITY If traditions of people and fates of civilizations are preserved and recovered through memories, then these memories of the past, transmitted through the time, can be read in the realm of the future through anthropological lenses, forms and concepts, as anational and/or broader identity (e.g. Christian) (Bruni, 2016). Arbëresh is the name Albanians used for themselves during medieval times. Later, Albanians started to call themselves Shqiptar, while the name Arbëresh was preserved to the present among people who migrated in different places during that period, such as in Italy and Croatia. Albanians remaining in the territories of Greece are called Arvanits. Arbëreshs of Italy, known as Albanian historical diaspora, that started their migrations since the medieval times, overcame the assimilation by preserving identity for centuries, thanks to collective memory transmitted intergenerationally. Based on various archive documents it is acknowledged that there were seven waves of Arbëresh migrations towards the shores of the Apennine peninsula. Of these, the first three waves are directly linked to Skanderbeg. The first occurred in 1416–1446 and consisted of soldiers who were sent by Gjergj Kastrioti Scanderbeg, to help King Alfonso of Aragon, with whom he had continuous and very good relations. The second wave occurred again as aresult of the collaboration between Skanderbeg and Alfonso during 1459–1461, when other Albanian soldiers were sent to protect the Aragonese families. At that time alarge number of residents arose against Ferdinand I, the descendant of Alfonso. The third wave occurred during the years 1468–1506 and is associated with the death of Skanderbeg (1468), when the Turks occupied almost the entire territory of Albania and in the meantime took quite repressive measures for their surrender.4 The survival of Arbëresh diaspora and the preservation of their identity for centuries up to the present time were strongly supported in the first place by the collective memory maintained firstly because of the reasons that affected their migration to the southern Italian coasts, mainly Sicily and Calabria, and secondly due to the isolated environments where they established their new settlements.5 4 For migration waves see more in Ibrahimi (2008, pp.13–14). For repressive measures after the death of Scanderbeg see Hodgkinson (2004, p.217). 5 More on the migration waves and settlement of Arbëreshs in Italy see Bartl (2017, pp.69–74) (original title Albanien: vom Mittelalter bis zur Gegenwart. Regensburg: Pustet 1995); Ibrahimi (2008, pp.13–14). OPEN ACCESS
LUmNIJE KADRIU — LEONTINA GEGA-mUSA 101 Certainly, the identity was preserved thanks to the Arbëresh language, which continued to be active within Arbëresh families and villages, but the key factor in the preservation and cultivation of the Arbëresh language was the permition Vatican gave them to use it since the 18th century as aliturgic language in the Arbëresh parishes. The need to prepare and educate young people for both religious and cultural purposes was accomplished with the opening of two Arbëresh colleges: Kolegji Korsini (1732) in Calabria and Seminari Arbëresh iPalermos in Sicily by Pope Clement XII (1730–1740). However, the permission of the Second Vatican Council to establish two Eparchies, that of the Arberesh Unger and Hora in the twentieth century, opened aperspective for institutional strengthening of language knowledge and its role within religious and cultural life (Ibrahimi 2008, p.157); (Altimari 1980, pp.53–79). It should be noted that during the Middle Ages, for the displaced Arbëreshes, as well as the entire populations under the Bizantine Empire, the main identification was based on religion. Therefore, when they moved to Italy they were identified simply as Christians without any other cultural or ethnic emphhasis. At that time, with the name Romanoi, were called Orthodox Christians (regardless of ethnicity) in the inner world of ‘Greeks/Greece”, while the same who lived outside, i.e. in the ‘Latin’ foreign world, if they followed the Eastern Orthodox Church (with aliturgy in the Greek language), they were called Greek, and if they attended the Western Catholic church, they were called Latinoi (Altimari, 1980, pp.53). But, according to Altimari, with the raised awareness and activation of the Italian national movement (Risorgimento) as well as that of the Greek one, the need of Arbëreshs practicing Byzantine rite, ‘to be liberated once and for all from identification with the Greeks’ has been accentuated. Thus, in the second half of the eighteenth century, this situation ‘encouraged the strong interest of Arbëresh intellectuals and clerics, initially of Sicily and then Calabria, to highlight the cultural and linguistic features of their ethnicity, being called ‘italo-albanesi”, while the Greeks of Italy began to be called by the church “italo-greci” (Altimari, 1980, pp.58–9). Since Arbëreshs, in order to raise identity awareness among them, used the same national construction trajectory as other nations did (i.e. ancient origin of the culture and language), the search for roots of origin (initially Pellazgian and later Illyrian) as well as the common culture and language were pillars of this construction. Meanwhile, traditional Arbëresh culture continued to be passed over from generation to generation, both with the canonical and moral norms, such as the concepts of: the neighbour (gjitoni), friend (miku), hospitality, besa/oath, as traditional and identifying elements for the Arbëresh and the Albanians in general, and with traditional women’s dress present and functional until later as Arbëresh’s distinctive clothing. As aresult, Arbëresh literature represented by works of authors, such as Variboba, Keta, De Rada, Serembe, Santori, Dara, Skiro, etc., was elevated artistically based on that rich spiritual culture, becoming steadily an identification literature for Arbëreshs (Ibrahimi, 2008, p.187). OPEN ACCESS
102 STUDIA ETHNOLOGICA PRAGENSIA 1/2023 DE RADA AND SONGS FOR SKANDERBEG The work of Jeronim De Rada (1814–1903), as one of the greatest figures of the Albanian Renaissance in general and of the second Arbëresh Renaissance in particular (Altimari, 1980, p.60), well known and highly regarded by the writers of European culture of the time, is of special importance for Albanian culture, language, and literature. In addition to his literary works, as well as those of theoretical-aesthetic and philosophical thought, he is also known in Albanian folkloristics as acollector of the Arbëresh oral works, published in ‘Rapsodie d’un poema albanese / Rhapsody of an Albanian poem’ in 1866, gathered in the colonies of the district of Naples. This publication is the most comprehensive and most important edition of Albanian oral literature. De Rada, directly inspired by Françesco Avati, the first Arbëresh folklorist, began collecting folkloric material, however when that material took the form of the fixed written text in special editions, it often prompted discussions about their authenticity. In this collection are also 8 rhapsodies which are related to the most prominent events in Skanderbeg’s life.6 Gustav Meyer, August Dozon, Dhimitër Shuteriqi, Ramadan Sokoli and Francis Altimari have discussed the issue of authenticity of De Rada’s rhapsodies. While the former doubt their folk origins (their genuinity), Sokoli debates on the issue of anonymity of popular rhapsodists and highlights the possibility that even the ‘rilindësit”7 themselves have acted as rhapsods. Altimari argues that despite the fact that in De Rada’s rhapsodies (and of the others) are obvious, some historical elements (characters, events, etc.) that undeniably prove that the biographies of Skanderbeg and especially the works of Barlet, Biemm, […] were taken into consideration by the collectors of these songs […] we can not but emphasize that, besides these external elements, which show us aliterary influence, the content of ‘rhapsodies,’ the various motifs that are reflected there, the language style, also show asimple popular/folk poetry model that has deep roots in the cultural traditions of the Arbëresh of Italy (Altimari, 1980, p.74). De Rada regarding these songs has stated: ‘From the songs that have been collected so far, it turns out that the basic idea of their entirety is so close to the historical reality that it seems that the fabrication is scarce and does not prevail’ (de Rada, 1983, p.20). He also ads that ‘These songs brought by our forefathers here in Italy, have agreat educational force especially for those families who live off the positive impact of cities. Moreover, these songs are for everyone most ancient monument of our language and ahigh model of simple, pure, powerful style’ (Kastrati, 2003, p.177). 6 such as: ‘Trimi dhe vasha/Braveman and the girl”, ‘Motra eSkënderbeut/Scanderbeg’s sister”, ‘Skënderbeu dhe Miloshini Skënderbeg and Miloshini”, ‘Martesa eSkënderbeut/ Scanderbegs marriage”, ‘Skënderbeu dhe Ballabani Scanderbeg and Ballabani”, ‘Vjehra ekeqe/Bed mother-in-law”, ‘Skënderbeu dhe Vdekja/Scanderbeg and Death’ and ‘Scanderbegs death.’ 7 Members of Albanian National Renaissance. OPEN ACCESS
LUmNIJE KADRIU — LEONTINA GEGA-mUSA 103 In these statements an antagonism can be clearly noticed. While recent scholars doubt the authenticity of popular songs due to the presence of accurate historical data on them, De Rada appreciates the historical presence and accuracy on them, on the one hand, and the lack of too many thrills in them (whose presence is however implicit), on the other. We will elaborate later in the text the distinction between historical and collective memory and their relevance in construction of ethnic and national identity in the context of Anthony D.Smith’s concept on ethnosymbolism. Therefore it is important to highlight that as another important element in the deradian identity construction, is the fact that De Rada, the 25 year period of Skanderbeg’s power in the Albanian lands calls Moti imadh/ The Great Time/Age, implying aperiod of happiness and freedom as called by Arbëreshs, which is identified by the figure of Skanderbeg as asymbol of freedom, resistance and existence as an ethnicity. From the above data we see how Skanderbeg’s figure as ahistorical reality comes as asustainable fact used in constructing ethnic and national identity and also we see clearly the role of De Rada as aconstructor in the process of building this identity consciousness. This is clearly and quite explicitly seen in the foreword of Rhapsody … written by Nikola Jeno de Coronel who when speaking of the content and the structure of this collection states: ‘why did he choose exactly these three moments: the victories, the marriage and the death of Skanderbeg? In order to not deviate from that concept that is the main point of his goal, namely the Nation. And indeed the victories show the time when liberty was held and was won by the blood of the citizens; the marriage shows the pertinent desire to continue that resistance, gathered around acommon aim, with the descendants of Skanderbeg; death, shows the lost hope, freedom turned off, and so, by speaking in such away about the individual, the poet finds the opportunity to express/explain the national development” ( de Rada, 1983, p.181). Based on all of the above, it seems interesting and challenging the analysis, but also the illustration, of this Deradian selection and construction in the context of collective memory studies. We will try to do this by taking on the popular songs Marriage of Scanderbeg, Scanderbeg and Death, as well as Scanderbeg’s Death from De Rada’s Rhapsody of an Albanian poem as two important moments of the hero’s and the community life, and juxtaposing them to the same moments as historical facts, as described in Harry Hodgkinson’s historical book ‘Scanderbeg’, which was published in 1999 (Hodgkinson, 2004). SCANDERBEG’S MARRIAGE AND DEATH IN FOLK SONGS, HISTORIOGRAPHY AND COLLECTIVE MEMORY CONTEXTS As is written in many historical books, Skanderbeg had returned from Ottoman Empire to Kruja in November 1443, when he had deserted the Turk combat against Hunyadi in the Battle of Nish (Hodgkinson, 2004, pp.65–68). In March 1444 he summoned the Lezha8 Assembly and created an alliance with 9 princely arbëresh families. In this assembly he was nominated as the General Captain, or as amilitary leader/com8 Lezha is atown in Northwest Albania. OPEN ACCESS
104 STUDIA ETHNOLOGICA PRAGENSIA 1/2023 mander of all these tribes. It can be said that despite this success, this coalition was rather fragile considering the tribal medieval regulation and the desire for domination of tribes and their leaders, especially in the north (Dukagjini, Zaharia, Spani and Dushman— tribes). Perhaps precisely for this reason and the threat that these tribes may have felt toward Skanderbeg’s domination, his position (though leader) was, as Hodgkingson says, ‘more first among the equal than ageneral commander’ (Hodgkinson, 2004, p.74). Such arole can be considered in line with the internal social customary order of the Albanian families and tribes, where the role of the head of the family, the tribal chief, namely the patriarch, was described as ‘primus inter pares— first among equals— in the council of the household’ (Rrapi, 1995. p.71; Rrapi, 2003). Eventhough the establishment of the alliance was followed by numerous victories, Skanderbeg’s status could not yet be considered very stable for some time. In Hodgkinson’s book, it is alluded that (despite the insistence of his neighbors and allies) this might have been the reason why Skanderbeg had prolonged his decision to get married. Awrong choice could prompt the destabilization and even the unbundling of the alliance, but agood choice could get him closer to his major goal, namely the strengthening of anational community, for which Barleti had also spoken.9 At that time, arranged marriages between different tribes were common, calculated strategically to secure power and strengthen the political positions of the tribes. Ethno-cultural affiliation at those times was not the basis for the marital arangement, considering that the present time consciousness about ethnicity and ethnic belonging was still almost nonexistent. In 1450 Skanderbeg had successfully resisted several battles against Sultan Murat II, so his heroism became more prominent, heard of, known, and powerful inside and outside the country. The pressure of friends upon him to marry was increased, but Scanderbeg’s fear of the princes’ jealousies was reduced, so he could afford to seek out the hand of Donika the daughter of the mightiest southern arbëresh prince Gjergj Araniti. (p.114). Marriage had occurred in May 1451 in Kanina. But in the folk song Scanderbeg’s Marriage gathered by De Rada, Skanderbeg’s dilemma for choosing the bride within the arbëresh tribes can not be distinguished. Scanderbeg’s Marriage Mblodhi n’Krujë Skënderbeu Scanderbeg in Kruja gathered bujarët edhe peshkopët Noblemen and Bishops t’këshilloj me ata se nga ç’vend To ask his bride where from should be ta mirrte nusen. Bujari I Noblemen I — Merre, zot, napuluitane! — Take her, Lord, from Naples! Bujari II Noblemen II — Po atje, në Anapul, — But there, in Naples 9 For Scanderbeg’s delay of marriage writes Hodgkinson (2004, p.75, 103), his national motive and design was also implied by Barlet, Sabri Godo, etc. <http://gazetainfopress.com/ historia_arkeologji/martesa-e-skenderbeut-deshmite%E2%80%A8-e-rralla-te-marinbarletit>. [accessed 25May 2018] OPEN ACCESS
LUmNIJE KADRIU — LEONTINA GEGA-mUSA 105 fort të njoma, n’limonti very gentle, in apathaty Zgjohen vashat edhe ngrysen, girls wake up and go to sleep kurse puna esh’pive tona imërzit, Whilst chores in our homes make them tired, ibën të vrëjtura. frown Bujari III Noblemen III Janë në Pulje, më afër. Those from Pulje are closer. Bujari IV Noblemen IV bujaresha me plot hire Noble and full of grace are Kanë Bari dhe Taranti, the ladies from Bari and Taranti por, mësuar n’vend të hapur, but learnt to be in the open në sheshe gjithnjë me lule, in the squares filled with flowers zemra cok do t’ungushtohet, their heart will be strangled n’rrethin emaleve tona. by the hights of our mountains. Të dërgojm’ në Sicili, We will send in Sicily Atje ika t’bijat mbreti. Where the King has his doughters Bujari II Noblemen II Nga vapa eflladi detit, Comming from the warm seashores Kur vjen ndër malet me borë zonja To our snowy mountains girl will lose vash’ ehumb shëndetin. her health. Skënderbeu Scanderbeg — Edi un’ se kë do t’marr. — Iknow who I’m gone atake Arbëresh’ vashën edua Arbëresh’Iwant the girl Si nga gjuha ezakonet. by the language and customs. Prandaj, zotërinj, në doni, thus, you misters, if you like, Te pallati iArianitit, to Aranit’s Pallace N’Katar idërgojm te zonja we will send request to lady Te Donika Marineza! To Donika Marineza! (de Rada, 1983, p.123) Instead in those verses, friends propose him to marry abride from powerful foreign allies, like Naples, Bari, or Taranto, while Scanderbeg’s answer comes firm: Arbëresh’ vashën edua Arbëresh’ Iwant the girl Si nga gjuha ezakonet by the language and customs10 But the question is whether one can imagine apopular/folk song created with this content then, when not only national consciousness, but perhaps even the ethnic one was not yet properly formed? If we make an interpretation of this state of affairs under ethno-symbolism based on the concept of Anthony D.Smith, the ethnic ties between the Albanian tribes of medieval times can be described to represent 10 For Scanderbeg hesitating to get married writes Hodgkinson (see p.75 and 103), while for his conscious planning based on national motives aluded Barleti, Sabri Godo, etc. http:// gazetainfopress.com/historia_arkeologji/martesa-e-skenderbeut-deshmite%E2%80%A8e-rralla-te-marin-barletit [accessed 25 maj 2018] OPEN ACCESS
112 STUDIA ETHNOLOGICA PRAGENSIA 1/2023 of rememberence of his figure. However, here Iwould like to emphasize the staging of the Skanderbeg’s Wedding in Kanina, near Vlora, where Scanderbeg’s actuall wedding had happened. There were brought two actors who could according to Lowenthall be identified as ‘human artifacts’ that acted and were seen as Skanderbeg and Donika; there was alarge number of folk ensembles, including Arbëreshs from Italy, and moreover among this group of Arbëresh were present direct descendants of Skanderbeg. 15 It was apublic event, which made great headlines; about it was written and it was broadcast by many media, and of course it was interpreted in different ways, some glorifying and some criticizing the way of its realization but not the action itself. 16 This illustrates Winter’s concept of places of rememberence as a‘materialization of national and […] political identity’ (p.257). CONCLUSION This paper offers asolid illustration of how important is the role of Skanderbeg’s figure in identification of Albanians in general and Arbëreshs in particular, and why this seems to be so simple and undertsandable. This work also reflects on how complex is his— story and figure and historical, ideological, cultural, and religious implications of his life not only at local but also regional and even broader level (if his identification with europianism and chritianism is to be considered)17. It also offers an insight about the level or nuances of imagination and accuracy present in different narratives constructed about Scanderbeg and the ways they intertwine, negotiate and interplay. We can conclude that the figure of Scanderbeg as aprominent figure in national building of Arbëreshs and Albanians finds asolid ground in ethnosymbolic interpretation followed by modern constructivist patterns in which were involved numerous Arbëresh and Albanian intellectuals of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, including Jeronim de Rada. The illumination of the process is facilitated by theory of collective memory, and especially is supported by the practices on the ways of remembering Scanderbeg in present times, which reify that the old songs about Scanderbeg are not only expression of collective memory but also expression of longing and belonging to the ancestral homeland. 15 ‘In the castle in Kanina, the parliamentarian Fate Velaj, realizes his old dream. In cooperation with the Municipality of Vlora, he organized for the first time in history, ‘Scanderbeg’s Wedding/Dasmën eSkënderbeut”, same as could have been celebrated at their times. With delegation consisting of 60 participants, coming from the community of Arbëresh in Italy, among whom was also Loris Castriota Scanderbeg— the grandson of Gjergj Kastrioti, was celebrated the 567th anniversary of most historical wedding of Albanian nation as well as 590th birthday anniversary of Donika Gjergj Arianiti in Kanina.’ In http://www. batyoutube.com/watch?v=DxuEshnmV-4 [accessed 1June 2018] 16 Acritic writing on the way this celebration was organized; http://www.shqiperiaime.info/ dasma-e-skenderbeut-25-milion-lekeshe-qe-nuk-ju-pershtat-as-veshja-foto-57633/ [accessed 1June 2018] 17 See more (Misha) 2002. OPEN ACCESS
LUmNIJE KADRIU — LEONTINA GEGA-mUSA 113 WORKS CITED Altimari, Francesco. Naples, an important center of the Arbëresh-Albanian Renaissance in 19th Century. STUDIA ALBANICA, vol.2. Tiranë: Akademia eShkencave eShqipërisë (Albanian Academy of Sciences). p.53–79, ISSN: 0585-5047 or https://unical.academia.edu/ FrancescoAltimari Altimari, Françesko. 1980. Mbi figurën eSkënderbeut në letërsinë gojore arbëreshe, Studime filologjike 2. Tiranë: Akademia eShkencave eRPSSH. Barletius, Marinus. 1504. The history of the life and deeds of Scanderbeg, the Prince of Epirus (Historia de vita et gestis Scanderbegi Epirotarvm principis). Venice. Bartl, Peter. 2017. Shqiptarët nga Mesjeta deri në ditët tona. Tiranë: IDK. Blight, David W. 2009. The Memory Boom: Why and Why Now?, Memory in Mind and Culture, ed. Pascal Boyer and James V.Wertsch. Cambridge University Press. https://doi. org/10.1017/CBO9780511626999 Boyer, Pascal. 2009. What Are Memories For? Functions of Recall in Cognition and Culture, Memory in Mind and Culture, ed. Pascal Boyer and James V.Wertsch. Cambridge University Press. Buda, Aleks. 1969. Gjergj KastriotiSkënderbeu dhe epoka etij, Simpoziumi për Skënderbeun— Simpozijum oSkenderbegu (9–12 maj 1968). Prishtinë: Instituti Albanologjik iPrishtinës. Bruni, Pierfranco. 2016. Skënderbeu si personazh: Letërsia politike nga De Rada, Koliqi deri te Kadareja, http://www.mapo.al/skenderbeusi-personazh-letersia-politike-nga-de-radakoliqi-deri-te-kadareja/ [accessed 1June 2018] de Rada, Jeronim. 1983. Vepra: Rapsodi të një poeme shqiptare, 5, ed. A.Çetta eA.Berisha. Prishtinë: Rilindja. Disraeli, Benjamin. 1833. The rise of Iskandar. https://www.gutenberg.org/files/7842/7842h/7842-h.htm, ebook. Haxhihasani, Qemal. 1967. (ed.). Tregime dhe këngë popullore për Skënderbeun. Tiranë: Unversiteti Shtetëror iTiranës, Instituti iFolklorit. Hodgkinson, Harry. 2004. Scanderbeg. London: I.B. Taurus [1999]. Ibrahimi, Mustafa. 2008. Shënime udhëtimi mes Arbëreshëve të Kalabrisë. Shkup: Interlingua. Karacan, E. 2016. Remembering the 1980 Turkish Military Coup d’État. DOI 10.1007/978-3658-11320-9_2, © Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden. Kastrati, Jup. 2003. Studime për De Radën. New York: Gjonlekaj Publishing Co. Lowenthal, David. 1985. The Past is aForeign Country. Cambridge University Press. Misha, Piro. 2002. Invention of Nationalism, Myth and Amnesia, in Albanian Identities: Myth and History, Stephanie SchwandnerSievers & Bernd J.Fischer (ed), London: Hurst & Company. Pennebaker, James W. & Amy L.Gonzales. 2009. Making History: Social and Psychological Processes Underlying Collective Memory, Memory in Mind and Culture, ed Pascal Boyer & James V.Wertsch, Cambridge, eBook. Roediger, Hanry L.III at al. 2009. Role of Repeated Retrieval in Shaping Collective Memory in Memory in Minde and Culture, ed Pascal Boyer & James V.Wertsch, Cambridge, eBook. Rrapi, Gjergj. 1995. Savremene Albanske Zadružne Porodice na Kosovu. Beograd: Institut za Sociološka istraživanja Filozofskog fakulteta uBeogradu. Rrapi, Gjergj. 2003. Die albanische Grossfamilie in Kosovo. Übers. v. Kristë Shtufi. Red. v. Helmut Eberhart und Karl Kaser. Vienna, Cologne: Böhlau, Zur Kunde Südosteuropas. Albanologische Studien. Senkeviç, Irina. 1969. Gjergj Kastrioti Skënderbeu— Udhëheqës iluftës çlirimtare të popullit shqiptar në shekullin XV, Simpoziumi për Skënderbeun— Simpozijum oSkenderbegu (9–12 maj 1968), Prishtinë: Instituti Albanologjik iPrishtinës. Smith, Anthony D. 2009. Ethno-symbolism and nationalism— Acultural approach. Routledge Tayler & Francis. e-Library. Sokoli, Ramadan. 1982. Figura eSkënderbeut në këngët popullore, Çështje të folklorit shqiptar. OPEN ACCESS
114 STUDIA ETHNOLOGICA PRAGENSIA 1/2023 Tiranë: Akademia eShkencave eRPSSH, Instituti iKulturës Popullore. Wertsch, James V. 2009. Collective Memory, Memory in Minde and Culture, ed Pascal Boyer & James V.Wertsch, Cambridge, eBook. Winter, Jay. 2009. Historians and Sites of Memory, Memory in Minde and Culture, ed Pascal Boyer & James V.Wertsch, Cambridge, eBook. SOURCES On Scanderbeg’s Wedding: http://www.batyoutube.com/ watch?v=DxuEshnmV-4 [accessed 1June 2018] http://www.shqiperiaime.info/dasma-eskenderbeut-25-milion-lekeshe-qe-nuk-jupershtat-as-veshja-foto-57633/ [accessed 1June 2018] Dr Leontina Musa is aresearch adviser at the Department of Folklore in the Institute of Albanology in Prishtina. She is the author of two monographs, namely ‘Inter-textuality of Oral Literature with Written Poetry for Children’ and ‘The Poetics of Riddle’ and one collection of works ‘Folkloristic Reflections’. She participated with her study papers in different national and international conferences, seminars and symposiums organized in Kosovo, Albania, North Macedonia, Bulgaria, Croatia, Hungary and Czech Republic. She is amember of editorial board for the journal ‘Gjurmime Albanologjike, Folklor dhe Etnologji’ and ‘Studime Albanologjike’ in Skopje, while also being amember at KfV and InASEA. Her recent interest is focused on the research and comparison of changes in the folklore as aresult of cultural development of folklore carriers. Contact: [email protected] Lumnije Kadriu is asenior research associate at the Institute of Albanology, Department of Ethnology in Prishtina, Kosovo. She has earned Diploma degree in Ethnology and General linguistics at the University of Zagreb, Master’s Degree in Ethnology at the University of Prishtina, and Doctoral degree in European Ethnology at the University of Vienna. Her thesis was about Kosovo Albanian diaspora practicing holidays and their keeping ties with family and homeland. Since 2011 is periodically engaged as an adjunct lecturer at the Department of Anthropology, University of Prishtina. She is an author of the two monographs ‘Glocalization— ethno-cultural perceptions’ and ‘Holidays, Family, and Homeland in the Practices of Kosovo Albanian Diaspora”. She participated in numerous national and international conferences organized in Kosovo, Albania, Macedonia, Croatia, Hungary, Bulgaria, Israel, etc. She is amember of editorial board for the journal ‘Gjurmime Albanologjike, Folklor dhe Etnologji’ published by the Institute of Albanology in Prishtina and of ‘Antropologji’ Published by Institute of Anthropology and Study of Arts in Tirana. She is also member of SIEF and InASEA. Her recent interests are on the processes of globalization and transnationalism and return migration. Contact: [email protected] OPEN ACCESS