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Surviving the Borderlands: Living Sin Fronteras, Being a Crossroads The Deperipheralization of the Chicano/a Cultural/Literary Space

Riebová, Markéta

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Surviving the Borderlands: Living Sin Fronteras, Being aCrossroads The Deperipheralization of the Chicano/aCultural/Literary Space Markéta Riebová Univerzita Palackého vOlomouci marketa.riebo[email protected] SURVIVING THE BORDERLANDS: LIVING SIN FRONTERAS, BEING ACROSSROADS THE DEPERIPHERALIzATION OF THE CHICANO/ACULTURAL/LITERARY SPACE The following study deals with the evolution of the centre-periphery dynamics in Chicano/acultural and literary space of the Mexican American borderland region. With abrief overview of the socio-historical and geopolitical context in the background the article offers insight into the gradual formation of the cultural/literary capital of the Mexican American and later Chicano/acommunity, and inquiries into its possible emergence out of the formerly peripheral position in relation to the literary centres of Spain, Mexico or United States. KEYWORDS: Centre— periphery— the Borderlands— frontier— Mexico— United States— Mexican American literature and culture— Chicano/aliterature and culture— Chicano Movement— Chicano/aRenaissance— mestizaje/miscegenation— postcolonial perspective— Pascale Casanova DOI https://doi.org/10.14712/23366729.2022.1.2 The title of this study is inspired by the words of the Chicana1 writer Gloria Anzaldúa.2 It expresses the struggle of acultural space and its literature to survive, live and, finally, thrive in what Pascale Casanova envisioned as the “world republic of letters”.3 The main reason for this complexity stems from the fact that the culture and literature Anzaldúa stands for springs from what she has termed the Borderlands, a hybrid 1 Terminological note. In our article we use the expression Mexican American to refer to literature and authors with Mexican ancestry living in the US (and especially the Southwest) up to the Chicano cultural revival. Starting with 1960s Chicano Movement and the following 1970s Chicano Renaissance, we opt for the term Chicano, Chicana or Chicano/a. (The gender-nonspecific terms ChicanX or LatinX that have gained popularity in the past decade are too recent for our needs. Also the pan-ethnic terms Hispanic and Latino/ado not comply with our focus on US writers with Mexican roots.) 2 “To survive the Borderlands / you must live sin fronteras / be acrossroads.” Anzaldúa 2012, p.217. 3 Casanova 2004. OPEN ACCESS 26 SVĚT LITERATURY 65 space that can be understood geographically as the zone surrounding the Mexican American border and the area of the US Southwest. More importantly, it has to be viewed as aspiritual space that represents acrossroads of cultural legacies and influences resulting from aperipheral situation with changing centres to depend upon. In the second half of the twentieth century, after along and strenuous struggle, the Borderlands achieve aposition where they can talk back to their former double (or even triple) metropolis: Anglo American Northeast, Mexico and Spain. And, indeed, if we take into account Casanova’s concept of the world literary space as anetwork woven among literary centres and peripheries where peripheral writers often debate their artistic existence between universality and yearning to enhance the cultural visibility of their own place of origin, the evolution of literary Borderlands presents an intriguing dynamic. It is arelationship of centre and periphery squared (or even cubed) if we come to think that Mexican American and, especially, Chicano/aliterature developed in an area of arich Native American mythological foundation that was layered over by the great heritage of Spanish letters five centuries ago. Mexican (or, more broadly, Hispanic American)4 and Anglo American literature that influenced literary Borderlands in the twentieth century had, in fact, only recently emerged from their own peripheral condition, overcoming their dependence on the French literary centrality.5 Let us then project the evolution and emancipation of the Chicano/acultural and literary space along three main lines of thought inspired by Anzaldúa’s quote. First, “surviving the Borderlands” which is directed towards the delimitation of the subject of deperipheralization. Second, “living sin fronteras” dedicated to the Chicano/acultural revival and the self-conscious formation of its own literary space and canon. And third, “being acrossroads” that illuminates the post Chicano Movement development leading to ashift in perspective. SURVIVING THE BORDERLANDS This land was Mexican once was Indian always and is. And will be again.6 Bearing in mind that the actual Mexican American Borderlands culture has indigenous, Hispanic, Anglo and, foremost, Mexican or mestizo roots, it is important to 4 Terminological note. In relation to literature, we opt for the generally used term American to denominate the US literature in spite of its polemic synecdochic value. We use the term Hispanic American to refer to literature written in Hispanic American countries (this means not Brazil or Haiti, etc.) south of the Mexican American border, in spite of the fact that the term Latin American literature is commonly used in the US. 5 In this context, we can point to the pivotal importance of William Faulkner in Anglo American literature or the so called Boom authors, such as Gabriel García Márquez, Carlos Fuentes or Julio Cortázar in Hispanic American literature. 6 Anzaldúa 2012, p.113. OPEN ACCESS MARKéTA RIEbOVá 27 acknowledge that its formation followed astrong centre-periphery dynamic. Abrief overview is essential to understand the imagery of Chicano/aliterature. The very first cultural level is represented by American Indians whose ancient claim to the area of the actual US Southwest was heavily emphasized during the Chicano cultural revival in the 1960s along with Mesoamerican mythology. In contemporary Chicano/athinking, the mythical place of origin of the Aztec people, Aztlán, or “the Land of white herons”, corresponds precisely with the area of the Mexican American Borderlands we are interested in.7 As will be shown later, Aztlán along with the Aztec religious pantheon of gods such as Tláloc, Coatlicue, Coatlalopeuh or the posterior historical figures such as Cuauhtémoc or Malinche were often alluded to in the emerging Chicano/aliterature. The Spanish conquest of the Aztec empire in 1521 brings about the first important cultural shift: Tenochtitlán, acity central to Mesoamérica in the beginning of the sixteenth century, becomes peripheral when it changes to la Ciudad de México with the metropolis residing in Madrid, Spain. Being itself peripheral, however, Mexico City still represents the centre of the colonial society of the Viceroyalty of New Spain that expands in the sixteenth century in all directions. The expeditions of Francisco Vázquez de Coronado (1540) and Juan de Oñate (1598) mark the beginning of the Hispanic presence in the US Southwest bringing along also the Spanish literary tradition which formed the basis for Mexican American vernacular literary expression: religious theatre, octosyllabic poetry (redondillas, décimas, coplas, romances evolving in the later folk ballads called corridos), fiction genres (cuadros de costumbres and novelas de caballería). The year 1821 brought the end to the Spanish colonial rule in amajor part of the American continent and logically modified the peripheral existence of the Borderlands. The centre changed from Spain to Mexico, be it (for ashort period) an imperium or (afterwards) afederal republic. Unfortunately, the political instability that accompanied the formation of the independent Mexican state accentuated the precarious hold that Mexico had on its northern territory. In addition, the Mexican authorities (unlike the Spanish) began inviting colonists to the North regardless of their origin and thus the Mexican population in Tejas soon found itself outnumbered by Anglo settlers. In fifteen years, the situation resulted in the independence of Texas (1836) soon to be followed by its annexation by the US. The next decade saw agradual succumbing of Mexican territory to Anglo pressure from the east accompanied by afierce imperialist US rhetoric expressed, among other things, in the concept of Manifest Destiny. This tension culminated in the Mexican-American war (1846–48) and ended with the signing of the Guadalupe Hidalgo treaty in 1848, wherein Mexico lost approximately half of its territory. The Gadsden purchase in 1853 added another portion of Mexican territory to the US. By the mid-nineteenth century, the Borderlands materialized in the area that now forms the federal US states of California, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, Nevada, Utah, part of Colorado and parts of Wyoming, Oklahoma and Kansas. As the popular saying goes: “in 1848 Mexican people did not cross the border, the border crossed them” and made them US citizens under conditions that supposedly secured their land and 7 For more, see: Anaya— Lomelí 1991. OPEN ACCESS 28 SVĚT LITERATURY 65 civil rights but, in reality, were never kept. Those who remained soon became second class people whose peripheral condition was yet again oriented to adifferent centre, the US Anglo mainstream culture. The Borderlands people, however, never really gave up their Spanish/Mexican/mestizo culture perpetuated by the Catholic religion, vernacular poetry, popular theatre, local newspapers and, later, the radio. The cultural production from Mexico continued to stream over the borders thanks to the subsequent waves of Mexican immigration to the region.8 Since its annexation to the US, the Borderlands and its literature/culture went through different periods of mutual relations to the mainstream Anglo culture. The second half of the nineteenth and the first decade of the twentieth century witnessed strong racial discrimination and land grab practised by the Anglos toward the original inhabitants provoking avirulent reaction on their part in the form of ferocious social movements. The famous 1901 Texas Rangers’s manhunt of Gregorio Cortez Lira, who was accused of killing asheriff in self-defense, gave birth to the “Corrido de Gregorio Cortez”, which would turn out to be one of the border ballads of key importance for the posterior Mexican American literary self-awareness whose vernacular roots are explored in Américo Paredes’s academic work With His Pistol in His Hand (1958).9 The beginning of the twentieth century is characterised by astrong influx of Mexican immigration in the US caused by the violence of the Mexican Revolution, only to be followed by the repatriation of many illegal residents back to Mexico because of the economic crisis in the 1930s. The need, however, for alabour force during the Second World War led Mexicans to the US once again through the bracero program which invited agricultural workers from 1942 on. These migration waves brought about arepetitive blending of the fresh Mexican influence with the already specific Mexican American Borderlands culture. The clash resulting from the assimilationist expectations of the leading Anglo elites of the time (striving for amelting pot of anation that is culturally homogeneous and stable) and the diversity and cultural resistance of different minorities, exacerbated the racial stereotypes also toward the people with Mexican roots in the Southwest.10 Their further marginalization was enabled by the unequal legal and educational system, segregated public space, rejection of the Spanish language in public 8 For more, see: Ceballos Ramírez 2001. 9 Américo Paredes. “The Legend of Gregorio Cortez”. In Ortego 1973, pp.53–77. Américo Paredes reconstructed the literary form of the legend of Gregorio Cortez on the basis of numerous tape-recorded versions of the corrido told by people living along the MexicoTexas border. For more on Paredes, see: Stavans 2001, pp.170–179. 10 We are fully aware that racial bias was not limited only to the axis Northeast/Southwest that interests us. It influenced the lives of different ethnic groups all over the American territory: the original Native Americans, African Americans, former Mexican citizens overtaken by the US in 1848 or posterior immigrants, be they Irish, Italian, Mexican, Asian or from Central and Eastern Europe. An eloquent illustration of how mistrust could be attached to any kind of otherness is given by Kateřina Březinová in the introduction to her study Latinos: Jiná menšina? Američtí Hispánci mezi Kennedym aTrumpem. The author cites Benjamin Franklin’s opinions of German immigrants in 1751 which are strikingly similar to the Anglo evaluations of the capacity of Mexican immigrants to integrate into the US mainstream two centuries later. See Březinová 2020, p.9. OPEN ACCESS MARKéTA RIEbOVá 29 institutions, the availability of easily exploited migrant labourers in the country and the growing urban population of the Mexican barrios especially in large cities of the Borderlands. One of the most notorious examples of the cultural conflict, brought about by racial segregation, were the Zoot Suit riots and the ensuing trials in Los Angeles in 1943. The unique Borderlands amalgamation of the local, Mexican and Anglo culture resulting from cultural pride but also from the necessity to survive was equally scorned by the US mainstream culture and in Mexico itself. The expressions pocho, pachuco, chicano provide evidence of Mexican accusations of the profanation of Mexican Spanish and the traditional way of life by the Borderlands people,11 while the Anglo expressions greaser or spik indicate the racist attitude of the white US population that deemed Mexicans inferior. Despite racial discrimination, certain part of the Borderlands population accepted assimilation and participated in the gradual formation of the Mexican American middle class that would soon fight for its political rights. The participation of many Mexican American men in World War II and their experience of equal treatment in the battlefield eventually made them demand the same treatment on their return home. Indeed, the upcoming decades of the 1950s and 1960s saw the outbreak of the Civil Rights Movement in general with important US federal legislation banning racial segregation and securing voting rights for all. The Borderlands literary periphery finds itself in between two centralities by the middle of the twentieth century. One of these is the famous upswing in white American literature (namely William Faulkner), yet waiting to be reflected upon by aposterior generation of Chicano/awriters. The second, and more important, centre of inspiration is Mexican literature, whose narrative still evinces its pre-boom dominance of realism. The Mexican American preference for “cuadros de costumbres” and regionalist fiction is evident, for example, in short stories or literary chronicles by Jorge Ulica or Mario Suárez, or later in José Antonio Villarreal’s novel Pocho that embodies the cultural dilemma of many Hispanic people in the US of the 1930s and 1940s.12 The soon-to-come star moment of the Hispanic American literature boom in the 1960s, when it positions itself right on the Greenwich Meridian of world literature, to use the expression of Casanova, will definitely influence anumber of Chicano/awriters as well. Although the Borderlands had had by that time acentury long history of oppositional activities ranging from radical labour protests to more reformist-minded efforts,13 it was the Chicano Movement in the 1960s that fundamentally changed Mexican American self-perception on the political, economic and cultural level and enabled Chicano/aliterature to emerge in search of its own independence and selfconfidence. Spanish as the major literary language of Mexican Americans gradually gives way to the co-existence of English as the vehicle of literary expression. The complementary use of both languages (i.e. English intertwined with words or phrases in Mexican Spanish, or Mexican Spanish sprinkled with English words, 11 See Villanueva 1994, pp.42–46. 12 For more on Mexican American literature prior to the Chicano Renaissance, see: Calderón 2004, pp.1–27. 13 See Alba Cutler 2015, p.7. OPEN ACCESS 30 SVĚT LITERATURY 65 or the direct use of Spanglish and Caló14) demonstrates the signs of empowerment that will progressively lead to the deperipheralization of the Chicano/aliterary creation. LIVING SIN FRONTERAS Irefuse to be absorbed. Iam Joaquín The odds are great but my spirit is strong My faith unbreakable My blood is pure […]15 The Chicano Movement represents immense energy on different fronts (political, economic, social, cultural, educational) to change the peripheral situation of people with Mexican roots in the Southwest. This was to agreat extent caused by racially based fronteras or limits created by US sociology that had been justifying educational, residential, judicial and labour discrimination of Mexican Americans by their lack of assimilation to the American melting pot.16 Nevertheless, many of them successfully integrated into the mainstream US society on the basis of the shared values of citizenship.17 On its many levels, the Chicano Movement fights back these fronteras in away very different from integration. The empowering usage of the initially racially derogative denomination ‘Chicano’ in its title indicates that the cultural and literary renaissance is built upon ethnic roots hallmarking the Aztec and Mexican heritage and opposing assimilation to the mainstream Anglo culture. One can point to the titles of pioneering Chicano scholarly journals of the time: El Grito published by UC Berkeley alluding to the Mexican fight for independence18 or Aztlán published by UC Los Angeles referring to Aztec mythology. The iconic strike of grape pickers led by César Chavez and Dolores Huerta in Delano, California in September 1965, that initiated the Chicano Movement, drew attention to the economic inequity of people of Mexican descent and anchored Chicano cultural emancipation in aprofoundly political dimension. The Chicano Renaissance was confirmed in the proclamation of El Plan Espiritual de Aztlán by “Alurista”, the poet Alberto Baltazar Urista, during the Denver Chicano Conference in 1969.19 Its nationalist and political orientation is condensed in the mes14 Caló (also called Pachuco) is an argot of Mexican American Spanish that originated from the zoot-suit pachuco culture of the 1930s and 1940s in the cities of the US Southwest. 15 Rodolfo Gonzales. “Iam Joaquín”. In Hernández-Gutiérrez— Foster 1997, p.222. 16 See Villanueva 1994, pp.112–114. For more on Chicano Movement see also Březinová 2004, pp.52–57, and Březinová 2020, pp.120–126. 17 See Březinová 2004, p.93. 18 The discourse entitled “El Grito de Dolores” was pronounced by the priest Miguel Hidalgo yCostilla on 16September 1810. 19 For more on the term Aztlán and Chicano activism, see: Contreras 2008, pp.30–33. OPEN ACCESS MARKéTA RIEbOVá 31 sage “Por La Raza todo. Fuera de La Raza nada.”20 The fifties and sixties also saw different factors of Mexican American emancipation: the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Higher Education Act led more minority and low-income students to universities amplifying thus the future Mexican American readership base. The expansion of postcolonial and cultural studies and multiculturalism was also significant. The publication of literary and academic works (Villarreal’s Pocho in 195921 and Paredes’s With His Pistol in His Hand in 1958) and the posterior storm-in of radical poetry and theatre (Gonzáles’s IAm Joaquín/Yo soy Joaquín in 1967 and Valdés’s Teatro Campesino founded in 1965) caused awide Chicano/anationalist self-awareness that launched the creation of the Chicano/aliterary canon and educational centres. Plan de Santa Bárbara (1969)22 subsequently pronounced the need and will of adaptation of the curricula to the cultural needs of pupils and students with Mexican American roots and their more proportionate participation in higher education. This manifesto openly indicated the deficiencies of the US educational system (education in English only, exclusion of Hispanic or Mexican related cultural content, Anglo American staff, punishments for speaking in Spanish, etc.) that limited the Mexican Americans to basic education and low-paid jobs.23 The plan (openly alluding to the Mexican tradition when stating: “At this moment we do not come to work for the university, but to demand that the university work for our people.”)24 eventually found itself materialized in the establishment of Departments of Chicano/aStudies in universities across the US Southwest that pragmatically sought academic institutional incorporation to actively change the unfavourable social and cultural image of the Mexican American community and form anew, unprejudiced, corpus of Chicano secondary literature.25 20 Alberto Baltazar Urista. “El Plan Espiritual de Aztlán”. In Castañeda Shular— YbarraFrausto— Sommers 1972, pp.83–84. Addressing US citizens with Mexican roots as “La Raza”, it pays homage to the concept of mestizaje or miscegenetion coined by the Mexican intellectual José Vasconcelos and also clearly echoes Fidel Castro’s celebrated discourse dedicated to Cuban intellectuals in 1961 known as “Palabras alos intelectuales” saying “Dentro de la Revolución, todo; contra la Revolución, nada.” 21 In his study, Alba Cutler traces the interesting evolution of the general acceptance of Villareal’s novel. See Alba Cutler 2015, pp.26–35, 50–56. 22 “El Plan de Santa Bárbara”. In Shular— Ybarra Frausto— Sommers 1972, pp.85–86. 23 For more, see Maciel— Iriart de Padilla— Padilla 1994, pp.115–119. 24 The words paraphrase apassage from José Vasconcelos’s inaugural speech when he became the rector of the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México: “Yo no vengo atrabajar por la Universidad, sino apedir ala Universidad que trabaje por el pueblo.” 25 See Maciel– Iriart de Padilla— Padilla 1994, pp.104–119. Nevertheless, the historic gains by emancipation movements may also yield to political shifts. This is, for instance, the case of the House Bill 2281 signed in 2010 by Arizona Governor Jan Brewer into law that banned Mexican American Studies from its public schools. The law was ruled unconstitutional in 2017 by U.S. District Judge A.Wallace Tashima. Norma Elia Cantú and Aída Hurtado point out in their introduction to the 25th anniversary edition of Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza that Anzaldúa’s book was among the texts banned by the Tucson Unified School System in Arizona. See Anzaldúa 2012, p.3. OPEN ACCESS 32 SVĚT LITERATURY 65 Agreat deal of work was carried out by Chicano scholarly and literary journals and publishing houses. The first of the iconic journals, El Grito: AJournal of Contemporary Mexican American Thought, was established in 1967 at UC Berkeley by Octavio I.Romano, Nick C.Vaca and Andrés Ybarra along with the first fully independent Chicano publishing house Quinto Sol Publications, both existing up to 1974. The second, Aztlán: Chicano Journal of the Social Sciences and the Arts, was founded by Juan Gómez-Quiñones (among others) in 1970 at UCLA and is still being published. We cannot omit the Arte Público Press, the largest existing publisher of Latino authors in the US, part of the University of Houston, Texas, which was founded in 1979 by Nicolás Kanellos, the founder and editor of the Revista Chicano-Riqueña (1973–1999) at Indiana University.26 Mango Publications (founded by Lorna Dee Cervantes in 1976) and Third Woman Press (founded by Norma Alarcón in 1979) prove the importance of women role in the building of Chicano/acultural self-confidence. The Chicano Renaissance played adecisive role in the creation of Chicano cultural capital and the case of Quinto Sol Publications is exemplary.27 It published the first modern Chicano literature anthology El espejo/The Mirror in 1969 and launched as of 1970 the nationally promoted annual literary award Premio Quinto Sol for the best literary work written by an author with Mexican roots, all intensely advertised by El Grito journal. The finalists (the Quinto Sol Generation), Tomás Rivera with his novel … yno se lo tragó la tierra for the year 1971, Rudolfo Anaya and the novel Bless Me, Ultima for 1972, Rolando Hinojosa28 with the prose work Estampas del Valle for 1973 and Estela Portillo Trambley with her collection of short stories Rain of Scorpions and Other Works for the year 1975 were strongly promoted by El Grito journal. Thanks to the canonizing power of the Premio Quinto Sol, they became part of higher education studying programs. In his analysis of the Quinto Sol publishing house, John Alba Cutler demonstrates how the Premio entered the literary “economy of prestige” underlining the academic background of the celebrated authors and the jury and its aggressive marketing to educators.29 Some of the critics of the award (Juan Bruce-Novoa or Dennis López) pointed to its literary nationalism that gave priority to Chicano community cohesion while sacrificing its heterogeneity. As Alba Cutler argues, however, the Premio set out to prove “Chicanos’ capacity to produce culture” and broadened “the boundaries of what constituted literature giving entrance to folklore, testimonio, jokes and other vernacular forms.”30 Up to the nineties the canonizing power of the Premio Quinto Sol was recognized only regionally: in 1972, for example, Castaneda Shular adverts to the absence of Mexican American or Chicano/aauthors in mainstream North American literature.31 26 There were also other publishers: Pajarito Publications, the Bilingual Press, Justa Publications, Tonatiuh Publications to mention just afew. 27 For more, see: Alba Cutler 2015, pp.56–65. 28 In 1976, Rolando Hinojosa became the first Chicano writer to win the prestigious Cuban literary prize Premio Casa de las Américas for his Klail City ysus alrededores. 29 See Alba Cutler 2015, pp.57–58. 30 Idem, pp.60, 84–85. 31 See Shular— Ybarra-Frausto— Sommers 1972, pp. xxv–xxviii. For more on anthologies published in the 1970s and 1980s, see “Preface. Three Decades of Contemporary Chicana/oLiterature”. In Hernández-Gutiérrez— Foster 1997, pp. xx–xxiii. OPEN ACCESS MARKéTA RIEbOVá 33 This is why the gradual creation of the Chicano/aacademic and intellectual basis manifested itself also in the publication of literary anthologies edited by scholars of Mexican American origin. Apart from the already mentioned El Espejo/The Mirror anthology there appeared, among others, Aztlan: An Anthology of Mexican American literature (eds. Luis Valdez and Stan Steiner, Random House, 1972), Mexican-American Authors (eds. Américo Paredes and Raymund Paredes, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1972), Chicano Literature, Text and Context (eds. Antonia Castaneda Shular, Tomás Ybarra-Frausto, Joseph Sommers, Prentice Hall, 1972), We Are Chicanos (ed. Phillip D.Ortego, Washington Square Press, 1973), Chicanos (ed. Tino Villanueva, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1985), Literatura Chicana 1965–1995. An Anthology in Spanish, English and Caló (eds. Manuel de Jesús Hernández-Gutiérrez, David William Foster, Garland Publishing Inc, 1997).32 Chicano/aliterature comes out of the Chicano Renaissance as aculturally selfconscious project based on the experience of life within two cultures that partly continues the old Spanish and Mexican themes and forms (vernacular poetry, legends, cuadros de costumbres, satire, picaresque novel, political essays) but also, and primarily, creates new themes (dislocation, migration, social exploitation by the Anglo, life in the barrio, self-definition), new forms and especially new language that experiments with the deliberate blending of Spanish, English and the use of Caló. Apart from the literary creation and the growing number of Chicano/areaders and libraries, the newly established editorial, academic and critical autonomy brings adecisive turning point in its peripheral condition as it provides instruments for deperipheralization. The main current of Chicano/aliterature of this time, as Alba Cutler claims, is characterized by its effort to fight assimilation by prioritizing ethnic content and affirming an idealized image of the Chicano imagined community. There are also authors, however, whose critique of assimilation depends crucially on their literariness as they refuse the either-or choice between becoming ‘American’ or remaining ‘Chicano/a’ and focus rather on aesthetic aspects of the literary work.33 The more universal tone is also inspired by the literary influence irradiated by the boom in Hispanic American literature with its vanguard use of language, literary structure and myth. Traces of Juan Rulfo or Gabriel García Márquez’s writing can be found in Tomás Rivera or Rudolfo Anaya’s fiction. At the same time, the impact of the US Beat generation of the 1950s can be seen in Oscar Zeta Acosta’s The Autobiography of aBrown Buffalo. The outer influence, however, is always transformed to speak of the Mexican American or Chicano/aexperience. 32 Apart from the anthologies of Mexican American or Chicano/aliterature, there are also the Pan-Hispanic anthologies such as Latinos in English: ASelected Bibliography of Latino Fiction Writers of the United States (Harold Augenbraum, ed., Mercantile Library, 1992) Masterpieces of Latino Literature (Frank Northen Magill, ed., HarperCollins, 1994). However, the mainstream anthologies such as The Norton Anthology of Latino/aLiterature or The Routledge Companion to Latino/aLiterature were released only in 2010 and 2013, respectively. 33 See Alba Cutler 2015, p.11. 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