Women in the Building Era of Czechoslovakia 1945–1948: “Two-Year Period Unfeasible without the Participation of Women!”

Women in the Building Era of Czechoslovakia 1945–1948: “Two-Year Period Unfeasible without the Participation of Women!” Katarína Kožáková KEY WORDS Social Policy — Two-Year Economic Plan — Women’s Employment — Women’s Organizations The consequences of World War II made their mark in the society under the poor economic and social conditions. The war destroyed the infrastructure, industry, agriculture and primarily affected the population. The Czechoslovak Republic (hereinafter as CSR) stood on the new social foundations on which it wanted to build a state guaranteeing social security for all citizens. The government supported the idea of planned economic and social life, and the transition from pre-war liberalism. The nationalization of a large number of key economic enterprises and the adoption of principles of economic planning strengthened the position of the state that was in charge of the means of production and human resources. Through social policy, the state intervened in the management and protection of work which ranked among the most important tasks in the people’s democratic regime. The study focuses on the issue of employment of women or inclusion of women in the work process in Czechoslovakia (with emphasis on Slovakia) shortly after World War II. The selected period of 1945–1948 is a breakthrough, because fundamental changes of the political and socio-economic system occurred here. Inclusion of women into the work process was related to planned economy which was fully reflected already in the Act on Two-Year Economic Plan of 1946. In this study, I focused on this Act because it was “the most radical” in the context of women’s work. I also try to capture the initiative proposals and actions of governmental and social nature which attempted to introduce two-year plans into practice and thus promote its successful fulfilment. The activities of women’s organisations, which actively interfered in the management of labour and tried to help women in their “new role”,1 were also interesting. 1 Why the new status of women? In the period of the Slovak Republic in 1939–1945, the idea of returning women to the family was promoted due to the authoritarian state policy. The government favoured a housewife and presented women leaving their jobs as a patriotic sacrifice. It also argued by support for family life or finding jobs for men. “Women, who left their jobs, made a big sacrifice for the benefit of the nation, their previous work was excellent and no one except a few insignificant cads-demagogues disparaged it.” This is how the situation was assessed by the women’s magazine Nová žena [New Woman] after a year of practical experience with the policy of the State towards employed women. For more information see: Marína Závacká, „Nová žena“ so starou prachovkou. Prejavy občianskeho 24 WISOHIM/ESHP 19 WOMEN’S MOVEMENT A breakthrough in the status of women occurred after World War II, when their inclusion in the work process and broader social life was a patriotic duty. It was a fundamental social phenomenon supported by post-war government already in the first Košice Government Programme: “The Government will make every effort to ensure that all men and women capable of work have the opportunity to work and earn according to their performance. For women, the principle of equal pay for equal work will apply. […] Consistent equalization of women in all spheres of political, economic and cultural life will take place. A general voting right of men and women over 18 years of age will be introduced.”2 The change in state policy and the related change in the status of women in the society also affected women’s organisations which were restored or newly created after World War II. Especially two organisations or women’s movements focused on women’s issues in Slovakia. The first one was the Živena3 Association (it published the Živena magazine), which had a long tradition, and the other one was the newly created Sväz slovenských žien4 [Association of Slovak Women — hereinafter as SSŽ] vzdoru na stránkach časopisu Katolíckej jednoty žien 1939 a 1940. In: Gabriela Dudeková et al. Na ceste k modernej žene (Kapitoly z dejín rodových vzťahov na Slovensku), Bratislava 2011, pp. 385. 2 Program československé vlády Národní fronty Čechů a Slováků přijatý 5. dubna 1945 v Košicích [online]. Available at: <http://www.blisty.cz/2005/4/1/art22429.html> 3 The Živena Association operated from 1869. It was the oldest women’s traditional association in Slovakia which actively started its operations in the postwar period. In September 1945, at its first General Assembly, it declared that it would ensure fair compensation for women’s work, establish suitable homes and food for self-employed women. Živena also promised the establishment of recreational homes for working women, care for the health of all working women regardless of whether they work at home, in the field, in a factory, in an office or as cultural workers. It wanted to work with counselling centres for mothers and children, purchase travelling baskets with equipment for newborns (children’s clothes, diapers, soap, talcum powders, etc.) from voluntary donations and publish a brochure on correct care for a small child. In addition, it wanted to carry out many activities in the field of social, folk and education, and cultural work. For more information see: Valné zhromaždenie Živeny, Živena 35,1945, No. 4–6, pp. 125–130. 4 The SSŽ Association was on the other hand a new post-war organisation. It was more politically active and the Communist Party promoted women’s work through it. It declared the opposite in its statutes — that it is non-political organisation. “Sväz slovenských žien [The Association of Slovak Women] is a top state-wide organisation of Slovak women regardless of political affiliation, social status and religion. […] Its members are members of both our political parties and unorganised women. It is the National Front of all Slovak women — workers, farmers and working intelligence.” The program of the Association is based mainly on the active participation of women in the rebuilding of Slovakia, it promised them a proactive involvement in the introduction of social reforms and the implementation of new social amenities (e.g. establish- Katarína KOžáKOvá 25 (it published the Nová cesta Magazine from 29 September 1945 — 24 December 1946) which also had the support of the Communist Party of Slovakia (hereinafter as KSS). At the national level, there were associations operating mainly in Bohemia, namely Rada československých žien [Council of Czechoslovak Women — hereinafter as RČŽ] and Národná fronta žien [National Front of Women — hereinafter as NFŽ] also with support of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (hereinafter as KSČ). Czech historian, Eva Uhrová, writes about four main points, on which the women’s movements in Bohemia focused in the postwar era. However, her conclusions can be generalized because in Slovakia the activists also focused mainly on the following points: 1. Social program of the state, particularly care for mothers and children, 2. entry of women into the public sphere in a broader sense as in the interwar period, 3. the need to include domestic work and care for children in the social context, 4. equalization of women in the family.5 In connection with women’s work, the International Labour Office published a study in 1946 entitled The War and Women’s Employment — The Experience of the United Kingdom and the United States (Studies and Reports, Montreal, 1946) which inspired also Czechoslovak experts in social policy. In the specialised journal Sociální revue [Social Revue], Czech expert Jiří Fischer wrote in a series of several articles entitled Ženy do pracovného procesu [Women in the Work Process] about the successful management of the women employment policy in Great Britain while he based his work on the above study. The study proposed the most appropriate uses of female labour and adequate resources that were supposed to make it more effective. It also confirmed the ability of women to work in such fields which were typical for men, such as mining, construction, transport and other. However, they had to pay attention to equality before the law. Even measures were also used to increase the efficiency of work, i.e. the division of women into mobile (mostly single women) and immobile (women with commitments) which helped with the correct choice of employment. Women with commitments were able to work half-day or full-day shifts or at home or near their residence. In other cases, measures in the form of relocation of a smaller enterprise to a location with sufficient workforce were implemented or enterprises leased spaces where they opened their branches. Qualifications of women were incment of nurseries, kindergartens, social facilities). In addition, it promised women to initiate in the Government the removal of pay differences, women’s right to education and their inclusion in the social space in the political, economic and cultural areas. In its program, the Association also focused on work in the village, with its activities it wanted to elevate the Slovak family in the social, economic and cultural spheres: “We suport the removal of the gap between a female worker, a farmer and an intellectual, we support the elevation of the Slovak village and removal of extensive contradictions between the village and town.” Blanka Svoreňová, Sväz slovenských žien, Nová cesta 1, 1945, No. 1–2, pp. 12. 5 Eva Uhrová, Národní fronta žen a Rada československých žen — dva proudy ženského hnutí v českých zemích a jejích zájem o sociální a právní postavení žen. In: Zdeněk Kárnik — Michal Kopeček (ed.), Bolševismus, komunismus a radikální socialismus v Československu, vol. IV., Prague 2005, pp. 96–97. 26 WISOHIM/ESHP 19 reased through vocational training directly in factories or training centres organised by state authorities.6 Social measures included building nurseries, kindergartens, laundries, ironing shops, canteens and other. The post-war shortage of nurseries was addressed by a system of baby-sitters, i.e. several mothers agreed and one of them took care of other children in her home. In addition, there were nurseries also directly in the enterprises. Other helpful measures included shopping which proved to be a serious problem for working women. It would happen that women often did not manage to do their shopping because the stores were already closed. One of the many proposals was to issue shopping vouchers that would give female employees a preferential right in shops. However, the best solution proved to be granting leave of absence for shopping. The response of enterprises was positive and they really granted half or full day off to women once a week. Some enterprises had so-called official shoppers, who collected shopping lists, and did the shopping for working women based on their orders. In his conclusion, the author of articles Jiří Fisher said that the above measures made work easier for women and thus led to a reduction in absenteeism from work, an improvement in work morale and better job performance. “Measures to make shopping easier finally stabilized the inflow of workforce in all enterprises that implemented such measures.” At the end, Fisher recommended that even Czechoslovak experts should be inspired by these British measures when creating the conditions of employment of women in Czechoslovakia, especially when the Government was preparing the Act on the Two-Year Economic Plan which clearly appealed to the increase in labour productivity.7 STATE POLITICAL INTERVENTIONS IN WOMEN’S EMPLOYMENT At the end of 1946 in connection with the planned two-year plan, the Ministry of Social Welfare (hereinafter as MSS) asked representatives of women’s movements to form a women’s commission8 from their ranks that would cooperate with the Ministry and this way help create suitable conditions for working women and jointly address their problems. “Some sort of autonomy of women was created this way in which all conditions would be controlled by the women themselves.” Representatives of RČŽ, Central Council of Trade Unions as well as heads of individual departments of MSS discussed this request already on 4 September when one of the first meeting was held. In addition to the requirement of forming a women’s commission, the central theme was “a woman in the national mobilization of work” as said by the Secretary of MSS Alois Jedlička at the meeting. However, an interesting speech was delivered by Jiří Fisher, who emphasized the principle of voluntary participation in 6 Jiří Fischer, Ženy do pracovního procesu, Sociální revue 21, 1946, No. 11, pp. 246–247. 7 Ibid. 8 The tasks of the Commission were the following: finding women for work, cooperation, i.e. the Commission was supposed to control employers and all decisions related to women and monitor working conditions under which women worked. Katarína KOžáKOvá 27 connection with the mobilization of workforce and “to also create conditions from the work opportunities that every working man had secured decent housing, decent financial conditions, etc.”9 However, at the above meeting, Fisher focused mainly on the issue of women’s employment while he had the following questions for the discussion: what is the right age for a working women, can we stay at the level of the decree on general labour duties, or should we go higher (include even women over 40 in the work process)? Will we approach women in the voluntary sphere or will we implement a certain work duty? How many women can we get for the work process? How will we use the entire reservoir of women? How do we create conditions to make women happy to work — work, wage and tax issues? For which sectors is female labour suitable? Can we ask women to move to the place of work? Will we give them the option of a half- -day work shift? Will we ensure mechanized household for women? How will we help them take care of a child?10 The most discussed issue in the period of the preparation of the two-year economic plan, of course, was the mobilization of women and their inclusion in the work process. Milada Horáková, a representative of RČŽ, welcomed the inclusion of women in the work process but she required that they are included in all sectors and thus even in the leading position where a man could be replaced by a woman. She emphasized the constitutional establishment of female labour which should be a guarantee for women against subsequent dismissal because: “Then their organisation in the family and status in social life collapses. We want a legal guarantee that every Czechoslovak citizen really has the right to work and that this right can be exercised. We want a guarantee that the inclusion of women in the work is not only temporary, for a year or two, but permanent.” Her colleague Julie Prokopová also agreed with this requirements, however, she talked about the lack of job opportunities mainly in Slovakia and about the need for social facilities for women that were supposed to make their everyday life easier. She also pointed out the disagreement between the ministries that were supposed to participate in their establishment: “When establishing laundry rooms, we needed to build a greater number of washing machines, but the Ministry of Industry did not release the necessary metals to us and we had to place great pressure for the Ministry to even take into account those machines that had already been decreed by the Ministry of Agriculture.”11 A few days before the adoption of the Act on the Two-Year Economic Plan, another meeting with the participation of female members of RČŽ and NFŽ was held at MSS. The Minister Zdeněk Nejedlý introduced it with these words: “I warmly welcome you, I am very glad, I am an old witness and participant in all these former women’s struggles and battles, I am a fellow and I can even say a friend of Terezie Nováková, one of the first pioneers of the conscious. Since then, I have always been on this side and 9 National Archives (hereinafter as NA) Prague, Fund (hereinafter as f.) Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare (hereinafter as MPSP) 1945–1951 box (hereinafter as b.) 665, Minutes of meeting held on 4 September 1946. 10 Ibid. 11 Ibid. 28 WISOHIM/ESHP 19 I am very glad that today I can welcome you on this field in a completely changed situation.”12 Women discussed various issues and submitted concrete proposals for improvement as well as simplification of female labour. For example, they discussed half-day working hours, the qualification possibilities for women, suitable occupations, for example, light industry, working conditions before and after giving birth, the availability of social facilities as well as social insurance. Work at home was also discussed: “We are asking to consider establishments and headquarters that would concentrate this industry and to have establishments of home work established in every location where women can participate. We do not want home work to take place in households because it exhausts women and children are employed.”13 The result of these autumn consultations was the Memorandum of Inclusion of Women into Production. Specific occupations suitable for female labour were proposed in the Memorandum, specifically the metals industry, the field of precision mechanics (e.g. manufacture of telephones, radio devices, medical devices, meters, in watch making and other), in services these were the occupations of ticket collectors on trains, trams, ticket inspectors, gatekeepers, post women, telegraphers, shop assistants, and waitresses and other occupations. Further, they requested the state in the Memorandum to establish such measures that would help women take care of the family (for example, manufacture of washing machines and other machines that would result in the simplification of work in the household). They demanded the building of canteens, factory cafeterias, laundry rooms, ironing rooms at a price affordable to all women: “It will also be necessary to build enterprises for order in households and cleaning institutes in every industrial city that would ensure perfect cleanliness in schools, offices, homes and this work would be performed only by those women who have time only a few hours a day. This would include part of the women and other employed women would have assistance in the household.”14 TWO-YEAR ECONOMIC PLAN On 25 October 1946, the Parliament approved Act No. 192/1946 Coll., on the Two-Year Economic Plan for the Recovery and Construction of the Economy and Increasing the Living Standards in Czechoslovakia for the Years 1947 and 1948 (specifically for the period from 28 October 1946 to 28 October 1948) which was prepared by the Central Planning Commission headed by Klement Gottwald.15 The plan assumed the completion of the recovery of the economy and increase in industrial production by 10 % compared with the pre-war situation (1937). A total investment amount of CSK 22.14 12 NA Prague, f. MPSP 1945–1951, b. 665, Minutes from the meeting held on 16 October 1946. 13 Ibid. 14 For more information see: Návrh na zaradenie žien do výroby, Sociální revue 21, 1946, No.11, pp. 307. 15 Slovak interests were represented by four out of seventy members, namely: for DS J.Stanek and A. Matura, for KSS J. Bránik and J. Púčik. Miroslav Londák, Otázky industrializácie Slovenska 1945–1960, Bratislava 1999, pp. 36. Katarína KOžáKOvá 29 billion was set for Slovakia, i.e. 31.6 % of state-wide investment, of which 6.8 billion for the development needs of industry and craft, which was 26.79 % of the total investment of the state in industry. For Slovakia, the two-year plan meant a preparatory stage of industrialization and to the Slovak society it was presented as the greatest patriotic duty. The industrialization of Slovakia was supposed to guarantee the same level of economic activity and standard of living in both parts of the country and building of Slovak industry within the Czechoslovak economy.16 In the two-year plan, the government set bold tasks especially in the industrial area. Their fulfilment required national mobilization of workforce and their inclusion in the most important and needy sectors that were of essential importance for the two-year economic plan. These were mainly the mining, textile and construction industries. It was assumed that approximately 270,000 persons, of which 47,000 in Slovakia, would be transferred to industry17. For this objective, the Government established specific measures that were supposed to be adequately adjusted to the situation in Bohemia and Slovakia. Human resources were seen in particular by the transfer of persons from public administration, banking, insurance, administration and other offices to more essential sectors, qualified workers were supposed to return to their original occupations, inclusion of adolescents and previously unemployed persons in the work process, increasing the number of working women, the allocation of persons with reduced working capacity, re-emigration of countrymen and organisation of work competitions. The mobilisation was supposed to take place on a voluntary basis and in the event of labour shortages the Government could use measures resulting from the work duty (Decree on General Labour Duty No. 88/1945). “This means that the general work duty should not be established and that police resources should be used only in extreme and exceptional cases, this will the case mainly for persons who constantly avoid proper work.”18 The success of the two-year plan was supposed to largely depend also on the amount of mobilized female workforce because women represented a large unused reserve for the state. “Insufficient numbers of employees will be supplemented from unused reserves. The main such reserve are women who are not involved in the work process or are not sufficiently utilized in terms of the needs of the overall national 16 Ibid, pp. 34–40. 17 The allocation of the workforce was as follows: in mines and smelters the employment was supposed to increase by 1,000 persons, in energetics by 2,000 persons, in the metal industry by 15,000 persons, in the chemical industry by 2,000 persons, in the ceramics industry by 6,000 persons, in the paper and pulp industry by 2,000 persons, in the wood processing industry by 7,000 persons, in the textile and clothing industry by 8,000 persons, in the leather and rubber industry by 1,000 persons and in the nutrition industry by 3,000 persons. Miloš Hrušovský, Hospodársky rozvoj Slovenska v dvojročnom pláne, Výstavba Slovenska 1, 1946, No. 3, pp. 2–5. 18 Bratislava Slovak National Archives (hereinafter as SNA BA), Fund (f.) State Planning and Statistical Office (hereinafter as ŠPŠÚ) 1945–1951, inventory number (i. no.) 772, box (b.) 28, Mobilizácia pracovných síl pre uskutočnenie dvojročného budovateľského plánu [Mobilization of workforce for the Implementation of the Two-Year Building Plan]. 30 WISOHIM/ESHP 19 economy. We mostly rely on the inclusion of women who are still in households.”19 However, despite the joint meetings with the women’s organisations, the Government maybe more specifically but not more extensively proposed measures related to employment of women. Women were promised good job opportunities near their residence with the possibility of free choice of employment, removal of pay differences between men and women. Married women were promised half-day working hours. Women were supposed to get assistance with taking care of their households by the newly built social facilities such as nurseries, kindergartens, cafeterias, laundry rooms, ironing rooms and the manufacture of new household appliances that were supposed to make their household chores easier. Opening hours in stores were supposed to adapt to the needs of working women.20 The adoption of the two-year economic plan was supported by the women’s movements (mainly organisations that were supported the Communist Party, KK) that organised the first national manifestation Convention of Women in Prague 25–28 October 1946 on the occasion of the adoption of the two-year plan. By the Convention, they supported female labour and motivated women, who were not involved in the work process, with the active participation and support of government officials — President Edvard Beneš, Prime Minister Klement Gottwald, Chairman of the House Josef David and others — who delivered the main speech. “The convention is held at a really suitable and happy time. (…) The day of your meeting is significant because at the same time it falls on the time when our Constituent National Assembly approved a large act on our two-year economic plan. All these factors constitute a kind of framework for your meeting and convention and also give this framework its state- -wide and national importance. The two-year economic plan is not only a summary of plain production, control and investment figures, but it is also a prerequisite for a joyous and happy life for all of use and mainly for you — women. And therefore, it is quite understandable that women want to participate fully in this great building work and the Government is aware that without women we cannot fulfil the two-year plan.” These initiative words were said by the then Prime Minister to gain popularity with women.21 The convention supported female labour and planned economy which was supposed to eliminate unemployment but mainly to induce a positive attitude to the two- -year plan among women. Working and non-working women were addressed to contribute to the fulfilment of the two-year plan and better family conditions because “this, the two-year plan” was supposed to guarantee “better family conditions” to the women. Papers that were presented at the Convention concerned, for example, the participation of women in the two-year economic plan and the building of the republic, institutions of the republic and utilization of women in political and economic life, Slovak women in the public, cultural and social life, women in the culture of the 19 Jiří Fischer, Ženy do pracovního procesu, Sociální revue 21, 1946, No. 11, pp. 246–247. See also: Bedřich Levčík, Národní mobilisace práce, Sociální revue 21, 1946, No. 11, pp. 276–279. 20 Collection of Laws and Regulations of the Czechoslovak Republic 1946, Act No. 192 of 25 October 1946, on the Two-Year Economic Plan. 21 Prvý celoštátny manifestačný sjazd žien, Nová cesta 2, 1946, No. 19, p. 3. Katarína KOžáKOvá 31 nation, care for mothers and children, population policies and other papers. 22 The Convention was concluded by their joint promise in which the present women agreed to perform the tasks arising from the two-year plan. However, the Slovak side was not completely satisfied with the Convention — mainly the activists from the Živena Association. They criticized the Czech side, because according to them the Convention did not give space to a single paper that would address any of the fundamental issues regarding the involvement of women in the two-year plan. Slovak speeches were allegedly only in the form of papers about work done while the representatives of Czech women raised important questions — specifically which way the Czechoslovak women should and will go in the future, and other questions. Although in the Živena magazine the author said that the delegates were very well prepared for the Convention.23 However, this view was not shared by women associated in SSŽ, who wrote very positively about the Convention in their magazine Nová cesta and urged Slovaks to become actively involved in the restoration of Slovakia, while motivational slogans were not missing, for example: “Two-year plan unfeasible without the participation of women”24 or “We want to build a world full of beauty and enjoyment of life for our children”25 and others. The next step in the promotion of female labour or in the support for the two- -year plan was the establishment of the Sbor pre sociálno-politické otázky žien a ich začlenenie do pracovného procesu [Board for the Socio-Political Issues of Women and their Integration in the Work Process] in the Decree of MSS of 7 December 1946. This was a novelty in state administration, i.e. that: “Engaging the public in the participation in the work of the Ministry is a complete novelty.” The Board would meet about once a month and it was held at MSS in the presence of the Minister or his deputies and women’s movements from Bohemia and Slovakia. It basically followed the meetings that took place before the adoption of the two-year economic plan and the aforementioned decree only made these meetings official. The Board dealt with legislation, the inclusion of women in the work process, population issues, wage policy, the issue of nurseries, kindergartens, women and apprentice homes, it also addressed health and social issues as well as recruitment and training of socio-medical personnel. Discussions in the Board very often included the work mobilization of women. They discussed several possibilities of their inclusion in the work process that they proposed to distinguish from three angles, i.e. purely female work sectors,26 22 Program manifestačného celoštátneho zjazdu žien. Československá žena 2, 1946, No. 43, p. 3. 23 Zora Jesenská, Poznámky k účasti Sloveniek na sjazde čsl. žien v Prahe, Živena 36, 1946, No. 11/12, pp. 236–244. 24 Prvý celoštátny manifestačný sjazd žien, p. 3. 25 Valné shormaždenie a celoslovenský zjazd odbočiek SSŽ. Nová cesta 2, 1946, No. 8, p. 5. 26 For example, the following sections: metal — precision mechanics, energy — accounting or contact with consumers, distribution — sales persons, operation of automatic machines, offices — telegraph, telephone, radiotelegraph. NA Prague, f. MPSP 1945–1951, b.665, Zápis o schůzi Sboru. 38 WISOHIM/ESHP 19 The social policy helped them meet the set objectives resulting from the two-year economic plan and therefore failed to adequately meet the promises which they made to working women. This often led to their dissatisfaction even when leaving the job. Women complained about inadequate working conditions, insufficient equipment in social facilities, canteens, missing laundry rooms, etc. Despite the above-mentioned discussions, government officials in many cases remained at the level of promises and the issue of employment of women was problematic even in the late communist period. Historian Elena Londáková wrote in her study47 that even after February 1948 the unbalanced and random approach of ruling political elites was characteristic for the women’s issue because it was often used purposefully politically, or it was secondary to the current and narrowly utilitarian economic needs of the state. She further wrote that the social status of women did not particularly improve either. Even in the communist period, women received half or lower wages than men and in pregnancy they did not have legal protection against dismissal. An unqualified employee could not be certain about the duration of their working time, although formally the constitution guaranteed eight-hour working time.48 Therefore, in the then society after 1948, the policy regarding the status of women gained a new dimension whose task was as follows: “To follow, among other things, serious and important interests: to break down the previously established bonds of the civil society, to gain influence over families as carriers of unwanted traditions for the communist regime and to ensure the interiorization of a new ideology associated with the concept of so-called new man and a new socialist way of life.”49 47 Elena Londáková, Vývoj ženskej otázky na Slovensku po roku 1945. In: Zdeněk Kárnik — Michal Kopeček (ed.). Bolševismus, komunismus a radikální socialismus v Československu sv. V. Prague 2005, pp. 194. 48 Ibid, pp. 195. 49 Natália Veselská, Ženy a profesie v reálnom socializme, pp. 424.