The British Pro-German Organisation The Link on the Eve of The World War II
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The British Pro-German Organisation The Link on the Eve of The World War II1 Martina Soukupová The first radical right-wing and anti-Semitic subjects began to appear in Great Britain from 1919. Anumber of parties and movements were active in this country throughout the entire inter-war period (e.g. Britons Society, The British Fascists, Imperial Fascist League, The British Union of Fascists and others)— some organisations ceased to exist after afew years, new ones were created and membership in these groups overlapped variously.2 Although their significance can be considered more marginal compared to countries such as Germany or Italy, they were also part of the political scene and the social atmosphere in Great Britain. During the second half of the 1930s, anumber of organisations, in which anti-Semitism blended with admiration of German Nazism, were formed (e.g. Nordic League, Right Club and others). The list of these associations usually includes The Link and the Anglo-German Fellowship, groups which were specific because, in their words, they strove ‘simply’ to promote British-German friendship and cooperation. It is evident what this meant in the second half of the 1930s, but the question remains: to what degree did the individual members identify with the Nazi and antiSemitic ideology and to what degree did Nazis use these organisations to promote their world opinion? Nevertheless, the effort to achieve British-German understanding did not necessarily have to be in conflict with British official policy during the period of appeasement. One of the key research questions of this study is the analysis of the perception of The Link by both the British establishment and the organisation’s own members. Richard Griffiths provided the answers to some aspects concerning the membership base of The Link in his older works,3 and that is why Iwill direct most of my 1 This output was created within the project “History— The key to understanding the globalized world”, subproject “The British Pro-German Organisation The Link on the Eve of The World WarII” realised at the Charles University, Faculty of Arts with financial support of the Specific university research in 2017. 2 See THURLOW, R., Fascism in Britain. From Oswald Mosley’s Blackshirts to National Front, London— New York 2006; LINEHAN, T., British Fascism, 1918–39: Parties, Ideology and Culture, Manchester— New York 2000. 3 GRIFFITHS, R., Fellow Travellers of the Right. British Enthusiasts for Nazi Germany 1933–9, Oxford 1983, pp.179–182, 307–317; GRIFFITHS, R., Patriotism perverted. Captain Ramsay, the Right Club and British Anti-Semitism. 1939–1940, London 2010 (©1998), pp.39–42. OPEN ACCESS
10 DVACÁTÉ STOLETÍ 2/2017 attention towards analysis of archive documents made available after 2002 (this particularly concerns Records of the Security Service (KV), and partially also Home Office Papers), which should supplement and expand the perspective. More recent work on this subject includes work by James Loughlin,4 who examined The Link in the context of the conditions of Northern Ireland. The Link was established in 1937 by Sir Barry Domvile (1878–1971). During his career in the navy, he was Director of Naval Intelligence (1927–1930) for three years and subsequently also President of The Royal Naval College Greenwich (1932–1934). He retired in 1936 with the rank of Admiral. In his own words, after the end of the First World War, when he became Director of Plans at the Admiralty, he came into contact with foreign political matters and started to become interested in the strategy that Great Britain should assume in this area, although reality and his beliefs diverged considerably. Domvile believed that the only solution to the situation was amicable relations with Germany.5 He first visited this country in 1935,6 and Germany impressed him very much, as it did anumber of his contemporaries. He was fascinated by the freedom he felt in all everyday matters, whether this concerned the opportunity to drive his car at any speed, park in Berlin wherever he wished, without any parking limits, or prohibition of advertising banners by roads.7 He felt that Germany was much better than Britain in anumber of these measures, even though he admitted: ‘It is true that if my name was Solomon, Ishould change it to Macdonald before visiting Germany, and covenant with aplastic surgeon to effect the facial alterations necessary to give me an Aryan aspect…’8 He quite evasively added that he was not discussing political restrictions at the time. On this point Domvile initially differed from some of his other contemporaries, with whom he subsequently found himself in the radical right wing and his aforementioned ‘excuse’ is also typical. It seems that, particularly during the first years, he was not as fanatical in his anti-Semitic views or obsessed with conspiratorial theories, but rather, that he tried to trivialise Germany’s anti-Jewish standpoint and find excuses for it. He essentially came to aspecific ambivalent viewpoint: on the one hand, he acknowledged that Jews were not treated very nicely in Germany, but on the other, he tried to prove that they themselves were not completely innocent, as is sometimes biasedly presented in Great Britain.9 According to his subsequent statements, his eyes were opened by the civil war in Spain, which was to become 4 LOUGHLIN, J., Hailing Hitler with the Red Hand: The Link in Northern Ireland 1937–40, in: Patterns of Prejudice, Vol.50, 2016, No.3, DOI 10.1080/0031322X.2016.1208860, pp.276–301. 5 The National Archives London (TNA), Home Office papers (HO) 283/31/1, pp.28–29. 6 DOMVILE, B., By and Large, London 1936, p.233. During interrogation during the Second World War he stated that he was invited to Germany for the first time by aman called De Sager who was part English and part Swiss. TNA, Records of the Security Service (KV) 2/834, Admiral Sir Barry Domvile called and examined, p.1. 7 DOMVILE, B., By and Large…, pp.234–235. 8 Ibid., p.235. 9 See DOMVILE, B., By and Large…, p.246f.; GRIFFITHS, R., Fellow Travellers…, p.316. OPEN ACCESS
MArTinA SOukupOVÁ 11 the ‘next victim selected for Communism by judmas’ (i.e. aJewish masonic plot).10 His deepening anti-Semitism apparently culminated chiefly under the influence of events during the Second World War, when he was imprisoned as apotential ‘enemyof the state’ between 1940 and 1943 and believed that he himself had become avictim of the Jewish-Masonic plot.11 During his two-week visit to Germany in 1935, Domvile met Heinrich Himmler, whom he described as avery charming and capable man.12 It was he who was evidently his favourite among the leaders of the Nazi party and whom he was in closest contact with. But Hitler himself also made agreat impression on him, as is clear from the diary entry that Domvile wrote after meeting with him during the Nuremberg Rally in 1936: ‘then … came the great man. No time for conversations. We shook hands— looked into alert, magnetic, honest eyes. He has agreat charm of manner.’13 The picture of Hitler, which Domvile displayed in his home (along with photographs of other Nazis), is proof of his positive attitude towards Hitler. Nevertheless, the fact that his wife was of German heritage on her father’s side may also have contributed to his interest in this country. Even though she only experienced her father as achild and never lived in Germany herself,14 they did have relatives there. With regard to Domvile’s activities to the benefit of Germany, he initially became amember of the Anglo-German Fellowship, established at the end of 1935. However, this organisation did not match his requirements completely, because it focused too narrowly on the interests of wealthy entrepreneurs and large business.15 In his opinion, it was only intended for arestricted group of people ‘who could afford it’, whereas he and afew others from the Anglo-German Fellowship felt that amovement open to everyone was needed.16 This is why Domvile founded The Link, which was intended to fulfil these ambitions, in 1937. If we compare both groups, we can simply say that The Link was more open and not as elitist.17 The central body of The Link was the Link Council, whose members included Lord Redesdale18 and Professor Arthur Pillans Laurie, achemist19 and author of the book The Case for Germany. The fact that Domvile wrote the foreword to this apotheosis of Hitler’s Germany was used as one of the reasons for Domvile’s internment during the Second World War.20 History professor Sir Raymond Beazley became the vice10 DOMVILE, B., From Admiral to Cabin Boy, London 1947, p.47. 11 GRIFFITHS, R., Fellow Travellers…, p.315. 12 DOMVILE, B., By and Large…, p.240. 13 National Maritime Museum, Greenwich (NMM), Domvile Diaries (DOM) 53, 11 September 1936. 14 TNA, HO 283/31/3, p.32. 15 DOMVILE, B., From Admiral…, p.64. 16 TNA, KV2/834, Admiral Sir Barry Domvile called and examined, p.1. 17 See GRIFFITHS, R., Patriotism…, pp.35–39. 18 David Freeman Mitford (1878–1958)— father of the well-known Mitford sisters. 19 He carried out chemical analyses of paintings for the purpose of establishing their origin and age. 20 TNA, HO 283/31/2, p.31. OPEN ACCESS
12 DVACÁTÉ STOLETÍ 2/2017 chairman of The Link and Domvile himself was chairman. Otherwise the organisation largely consisted of autonomous branches, which differed from each other quite considerably as aresult. These branches subsequently carried out most of the specific activities in individual regions. The organisation’s press body was the Anglo-German Review (AGR) monthly, the publisher of which, Cola Ernest Carroll, was also amember of the Link Council. The membership base of The Link gradually increased. On 26 November 1937, just under three months after it was established, Domvile noted to his satisfaction in the diary that the number of members had reached nearly eight hundred and on 11 December, he mentions athousand members.21 On the on the eve of the war, The Link declared between four and five thousand followers.22 At that time it had over 30 branches in various parts of Britain, but there were also branches in Cologne and Düsseldorf. Partner organisations were subsequently to be established in Germany under the name der Ring. The first such branch was created in the summer of 1939, in what was already German Salzburg, and members of The Link in Britain sent adelegation of more than one-hundred strong headed by Barry Domvile and C.E.Carrol in support of this event. Regarding Britain, the first branches to originate were Chelsea, Southend-on-Sea, Birmingham and the West London Branch. But members were able to join The Link even if there was no branch in their area. It was evident that anyone could join, as demonstrated by information in the AGR, according to which elevenweeks old Sylvia Ann Jackson became its youngest member in October 1938.23 It generally applies that the most successful organisations appeared in municipal areas. As well as London and its suburbs, we can particularly mention the Midlands, with the significant organisation in Birmingham. This, together with the London Central Branch, became the only organisation that had more than 400 members before the war.24 However, there were different types of branches with their own regional particularities, such as Ulster25 or the service towns Portsmouth and Bromley. The Wells and District Branch, whose members included landowners and farmers, was more of an exception.26 The structure of the members varied in general and depended to acertain degree on the type of branch. In municipal areas, the local councils usually consisted of respected figures, frequently active in the local government (aldermen, councillors), as well as reverends, for instance. Officers, particularly from the navy (commanders and captains), played an important role in some areas.27 Activities depended on the specific branch, but in general they consisted mainly of various meetings, as well as social and cultural events, whether these were dances, film screenings, musical evenings, lectures or discussions of impressions of Germany. 21 NMM, DOM 55, 26 November and 11 December 1937. 22 In June 1939 stands the membership at 4,329. Anglo-German Review, June 1939, p.190. 23 Anglo-German Review, October 1938, p.370. 24 According to the June issue of the AGR Birmingham had 465 members and London Central 419, followed by Southend with 310 members. Anglo-German Review, June 1939, p.190. 25 See LOUGHLIN, J., op. cit. 26 GRIFFITHS, R., Fellow Travellers…, pp.309–310. 27 Ibid., pp.309–310. OPEN ACCESS
MArTinA SOukupOVÁ 13 The Link encouraged its members to visit Germany— which the AGR promoted to agreat extent on its pages— and it arranged trips to various German destinations.28 Thanks to the efforts of the branch in Croydon, an invitation to visit Hamburg was arranged for the young F.W.Marsden, who would not otherwise have been able to afford atrip to Germany. He spent 14 days as aguest of the Hitlerjugend there. Representatives of several branches also attended the Nuremberg Congress of the NSDAP.29 The Link officially profiled itself as anon-political, independent organisation to promote Anglo-German friendship, which was considered an essential condition for maintaining peace. According to Domvile, there was prejudice against Germany in Britain, and in his first circular, which appeared together with information about establishment of the organisation in the September issue of the AGR, he proclaimed that in spite of these feelings, the fact is that: ‘when Mr Smith and his family have the opportunity of meeting Herr Schmidt and his family, they soon became friends.’30 The application form, which could be cut out of the magazine and sent directly to Barry Domvile, also appeared completely innocent. The future member signed it as confirmation that he would: ‘do my best to promote good relations between Germany and Great Britain.’31 To what degree members believed this is more complicated. The Link naturally attracted agreat number of extremists and pro-Nazi sympathisers, some of whom were recruited from among the Fascists, whether it concerned members of the most important party, The British Union of Fascists, or smaller extremist groups and movements. However, other members were representatives of the pacifist organisation, the Peace Pledge Union.32 But this again also depended on the specific branch. Some of those located in inner London or Ulster can be called more extremist,33 others less so. This fact, with regard to their autonomy, could also be used as agood excuse, as C.E.Carrol did in his letter to Sir Alexander Cadogan at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He acknowledged that sometimes one or more of the organisations went too far in relation to Germany than was wise according to the Council, but in these cases, headquarters always pointed this out to the affected branch.34 However, paradoxically, even the Council members expressed not only significant pro-Nazi sympathy, but also anti-Semitic opinions. Furthermore, the Nazi ideology was certainly applied intentionally or unintentionally during trips to Germany and in speeches by various speakers, whether these were British or German. Germans also frequently appeared at meetings, whereas these were not always necessarily Nazi proponents. German exchange teachers, for example, were reputedly frequent speakers and gave their opinion on apolitical top28 TNA, KV5/2, Holidays in Germany 1939. 29 Anglo-German Review, September 1938, p.336. 30 Anglo-German Review, September 1937, p.403. 31 Anglo-German Review, July 1938, p.272. 32 GRIFFITHS, R., Patriotism…, p.42. 33 GRIFFITHS, R., Fellow Travellers…, p.311. 34 TNA, KV5/2, 3 July 1939, Carroll’s letter to Sir Alexander Cadogan, p.3. OPEN ACCESS
14 DVACÁTÉ STOLETÍ 2/2017 ics such as architecture or folklore.35 This was naturally not always the case, and other speakers spoke about German affairs and Germany’s foreign policy or directly about the Jewish problem, such as the great anti-Semitist Richard Findlay. He endeavoured to prove that Jews played anegative role in all European affairs, criticised British foreign policy and stated that the government was defending Jewish interests.36 The anti-Russian, anti-communist card was also played in the line of reasoning (at meetings and in the press), in which Germany was usually presented as abarrier against Bolshevism. Apart from meetings, ordinary organisation members were also able to gain an idea of the activities and views of The Link from the pages of the Anglo-German Review. The actual magazine only started to be issued less than ayear earlier, and as its publisher, C.E.Carroll said: ‘The Review has adifferent purpose to The Link, since it was created in the belief that the ‘Germany’s case’ deserved afair hearing.’37 Regardless of this, the magazine can be considered an opinion platform for this organisation. After the establishment of The Link, it was used as asource of information about its activities and the leading members were frequent contributors to the AGR. Furthermore, Carroll, who was himself amember of The Link Council, was also one of Domvile’s closest colleagues. With regard to the structure of the AGR, it presented articles on political topics— from the civil war in Spain, through the Anschluss of Austria, to the Munich crisis; the editor himself expressed his attitudes towards current issues in the What we think column as well. But there was space in the magazine for completely apolitical topics, even though these usually concerned Germany. The AGR had columns about new books or cultural events, but again in the British-German context. It provided regular information about events at branches and statements from the Headquarters of The Link. Adverts, of which anumber promoted German services or products, were an inherent part of the magazine as well. The tone of the articles and interpretations of political events was completely proGerman (pro-Nazi), and when Andrew Steward of the Peace Pledge Union wrote about articles in the AGR, he stated that they were ‘Thinly-veiled anti-Semitism’,38 and he was certainly right on one hand. The magazine definitely did not express afriendly opinion of Jews. In his editorial in August 1938, for example, Carroll explained the German antagonism against Jews by saying ‘they [Jews— M.S.] have in the past enjoyed too many facilities and have put their own interests before those of the State’.39 In the same issue, Domvile similarly wrote about how Jews are the greatest opponents of friendship with Germany and ‘all the more dangerous because of their international organisation and their great power in the Press and other methods of publicity’.40 35 TNA, KV5/2, Confidential Memorandum on „The Link“, p.6. 36 TNA, KV5/2, German Propaganda in Britain, July 1939, pp.3–4. 37 TNA, KV5/2, 3 July 1939, Carroll’s letter to Sir Alexander Cadogan, p.4. 38 GRIFFITHS, R., Patriotism…, p.42. 39 Anglo-German Review, August 1938, p.281. 40 Ibid., p.283. OPEN ACCESS
MArTinA SOukupOVÁ 15 On the other hand, it must be stated that possibly the most frequently used word in the entire AGR was ‘peace’ in connection with Anglo-German friendship. This fact could make afavourable impression on many members, particularly those who were not very interested in the fate of the Jews, and particularly on the eve of the war. In some of Carroll’s and Domvile’s, articles we can also find statements in which they acknowledge that not everything in Germany is ideal, but they point out that ostracising this country will not improve the situation of the Jews.41 In November 1938, in relation to the Kristallnacht events in Germany, Headquarters issued astatement saying that they regret the outrage that the ‘Jewish question in Germany’ has caused, because it makes the possibility of mutual reconciliation more difficult. In their opinion, Britain would have amuch greater chance of convincing Germany of anything as afriend rather than by criticising it.42 If we observe the attitude that appears on the pages of the magazine towards the government and its policy, we can summarise that this corresponded with instances when the government’s steps agreed with the standpoint of the AGR and The Link. This was evident in the case of the Munich Agreement, when Neville Chamberlain received atruly positive response. Some branches even sent him letters of thanks, calling him the saviour of the peace.43 Government policy gave the appearance of being in full accord with the activities of The Link in relation to this issue. Domvile’s personal enthusiasm was also apparent. After his diary entries had expressed significant unease in relation to the international situation throughout September, he wrote with relief on 30 September 1938: ‘feeling so happy especially at Hitler and Chamberlain’s peace pact.ʼ44 We can certainly find many people who were simply interested in good relations with Germany among the ordinary members. S.H.Noakes of MI5 estimated the number of those who joined The Link with this conviction to be up to 90 percent.45 It seems that they frequently were unaware of the possible political context of their membership, but there were also cases when some individuals left The Link as soon as they realised its nature. This was the case of the chairman of the Bristol Branch, who resigned from his post immediately after the Home Secretary expressed his accusations against The Link (see below).46 An entire branch was dissolved in Leeds in the summer of 1939 after its vice-president Cecil Dixon visited Germany. His experience from this visit convinced him that The Link was under Nazi influence.47 Ernest J.Chaloner of the Chelsea Branch reputedly resigned due to the anti-Semitism,48 and acertain A.K.Jackson 41 Ibid., p.283; Ibid., October 1938, p.349. 42 Anglo-German Review, November 1938, p.405. 43 Anglo-German Review, October 1938, pp.370, 372. 44 NMM, DOM 55, 30 September 1938. 45 TNA, KV2/834, Mr. Noakes called and examined, p.11. 46 TNA, KV5/2, News Chronicle, 5 August 1939, Unpaid editor. 47 TNA, KV5/2 Daily Telegraph, 8 August 1939, Branch at Leeds Dissolved after Berlin Visit; comp. Ibid. News Chronicle, 8 August 1939, “The Link“ replies to Sir S.Hoare. 48 TNA, KV5/2, Confidential Memorandum on “The Link“, p.5. OPEN ACCESS
16 DVACÁTÉ STOLETÍ 2/2017 joined The Link together with his German wife, but they decided to leave after they experienced several London meetings.49 However, while the organisation managed to maintain an impression of ‘innocence’ in the eyes of the public to some degree, the situation was different in relation to official bodies. The Link had been under surveillance from MI5 from its inception and was infiltrated by its agents. In 1939, this topic reached parliament, and this was the first time an official opinion was heard from amember of government. The Home Secretary, Samuel Hoare, answered aquestion by Geoffrey Mander MP concerning The Link in March 1939 by stating that its purpose is mainly dissemination of pro-Nazi and anti-Semitic propaganda.50 Hoare answered another question on this subject on 23 June, when he pointed out how The Link helps distribute German Nazi leaflets at its meetings. He also informed that its activities were being monitored by the state.51 Domvile denied similar accusations and in aletter to Hoare, he explained how he was only concerned with improving relations between Great Britain and Germany, which ‘is the course advocated by both His Majesty and the Prime Minister on more than one occasion’.52 But Hoare spoke in the House of Commons again at the beginning of August. This time, the accusation against The Link was of amore serious nature, because the Minister’s response indicated that the organisation was being used as atool of German propaganda and one of its organisers was receiving money from Germany.53 The Link responded by issuing an official statement in which it strongly denied this accusation with the words: ‘Not apenny piece has to come from abroad to support Link funds.’54 The Link also said that if Hoare doubts this, he should address The Link directly and examine the situation and not simply malign its movement with his insinuations. However, the Minister was certainly not interested in escalating the situation, because at that time, Britain was not yet at war with Germany and expressing opinions regarding this matter outside parliament was not recommended.55 Professor Laurie created asensation with his efforts to put things right when he responded to Hoare’s accusation of financing of The Link from Germany, by explaining that there are various methods by which its members might receive money from this country, without them having to become tools of Nazi propaganda. All they had to do was write an article for the German newspapers or work for aGerman company. He himself admitted that he had been paid 150 pounds for the book titled The Case for Germany. He was unable to find apublisher in Britain, which is why he tried Germany, where The International Publishing Company in Berlin was willing to accommodate 49 GRIFFITHS, R., Fellow Travellers…, p.310. 50 TNA, KV5/2, German Propaganda in Britain, July 1939, p.3. 51 Ibid. 52 Anglo-German Review, April 1939, p.159; GRIFFITHS, R., Fellow Travellers…, p.315. 53 TNA, KV5/2, News Chronicle, 5 August 1939, Founder of “The Link“ Denies Receiving Nazi Money. 54 TNA, KV5/2, Daily Telegraph, 8 August 1939, Link Denial of Part in German Propaganda. 55 TNA, KV5/2, 4 August 1939, B.2h (Mr. Sneath); comp. KV2/834, Mr. Noakes called and examined, pp.12–13. OPEN ACCESS
MArTinA SOukupOVÁ 17 him.56 Furthermore, as he added, the money for his book was in no way related to The Link, as this was his own personal affair. In response to aquestion by areporter of the Daily Express, asking whether he would call the book pro-German propaganda, he responded: ‘Well, Icertainly don’t attack Germany in it, so Isuppose you would call it propaganda.’57 This seemingly small difference was quite significant. In Laurie’s interpretation, this could theoretically still concern aprivate initiative by someone to the benefit of another country (regardless of the questions of whether asimilar book published in Germany would be financially profitable, who actually paid for the project and whether the lump sum for the book was adequate). On the contrary, the authorities believed that Germany itself was using The Link for its own purposes, whether or not the organisation’s members were aware of this. The arguments that appear in internal reports correspond with what was briefly heard from Samuel Hoare in Parliament. Official bodies denied the statement that The Link was interested in improving mutual understanding by pointing out the fact that there is no corresponding organisation in Germany, which would support the British point of view. They were not even convinced by creation of the partner group der Ring, as they did not believe its activities would benefit Britain. Another argument was that the General Post Office seized alarge number of German Nazi pamphlets, which The Link reputedly disseminated among its members.58 Germans at this time were evidently keen to send similar printed materials (in English), even to people who were not actually interested in them.59 Nevertheless, an MI5 agent mentioned that during her stay in Germany as amember of The Link, she met with H.R.Hoffmann (from Auslandspressestelle in Munich) who wanted her to copy all the German newsletters for free at her home in Britain and distribute them further.60 The great interest in activities and relations within The Link from the German Nazis in Great Britain, led by Otto Karlowa— the Landesgruppenleiter of the Nazi Party at the time— also seemed suspect.61 Domvile was evidently in contact with Karlowa, whom the Brits deported from Great Britain before the war in May 1939, and Karlowa asked other Nazi representatives in the country to support an event planned by The Link (this was the first Headquarters’ Party) in aletter dated 8 December 1939, with the understanding that he had promised this to Domvile.62 The fact that The Link came into contact with German “propaganda” is not too surprising. However, the accusation concerning financial support of its activities from Germany seems more significant. The Anglo-German Review itself naturally profited from German adverts published on its pages, but this concerned direct payments from Germany to cover the expenses of The Link. C.E.Carroll was in contact with members of the so-called Dienststelle Ribbentrop, which was the unofficial German Nazi institu56 TNA, KV5/2, Daily Telegraph, 8 August 1939, Link Denial of Part in German Propaganda, comp Ibid. Daily Herald, 8 August 1939, IGot £150 For Book. 57 TNA, KV5/2, Daily Express, 8 August 1939, ‘Nazis Paid me £150’ said Professor. 58 TNA, KV5/2, Note on the LINK, pp.1–2. 59 TNA, KV2/834, Mr. Noakes called and examined, p.9. 60 TNA, KV5/2, The recent Link visit to Germany, pp.2–3. 61 TNA, KV5/2, Note on the LINK, particularly p.2. 62 TNA, KV2/834, Memorandum by M.I. 5 on the case of Admiral Sir Barry Domvile. OPEN ACCESS