“Place in my hands the inexhaustible craft of medicine!” Physicians and healing at the royal court of Esarhaddon

“Place in my hands the inexhaustible craft of medicine!”1 Physicians and healing at the royal court of Esarhaddon kateřina Šašková University of Western Bohemia in Pilsen ABSTRACT: The medicine of ancient Mesopotamia has long been the topic of investigation, but the texts explored within this field are mainly “handbooks” for persons practising medicine and lists of diseases. This medical literature, however, comprises theoretical information rather than data on actual medical practices. Therefore, the Neo-Assyrian letters and divinatory queries (especially from the reign of the king Esarhaddon) that provide amore colourful picture of diseases of concrete individuals and their healing by specific physicians are apriceless source for our knowledge of “real” Mesopotamian medicine, despite the fact that this picture is limited only to asmall group of persons standing closest to the king (mostly members of the royal family) in the role of patients, with the highest-ranking specialists as their healers. KEYWORDS: Assyria, Esarhaddon, Neo-Assyrian letters, divinatory queries, medicine, medicinal texts, healing, physicians, exorcists, royal court The medicine of ancient Mesopotamia has been afield of great importance ever since the “handbooks” for persons practising medicine— originating chiefly in the libraries at Nineveh and Aššur2— were discovered. These “medical texts”, however, contain just adesignation of causes of disease, instructions for acting in case of specific ailments, and the prognosis for the further course of the disease, or they simply list various names of diseases. Notably less evidence exists for actual medical practice or answers to relevant questions, for example, in which way aspecific patient was cured or who was the person entrusted with observing the course of the disease and assigning appropriate procedures and medication. Arelatively large number of such sources survives from the Neo-Assyrian Period; nevertheless, the information on patients and treatment given by these texts is concerned exclusively with high-ranked persons, for the most part members of the royal family, and the doctors acting in 1 SAA III 48, l.12’. 2 See, e.g. Köcher 1963: VII, Scurlock 2006: 2–3, and Biggs 1987: 624. For texts written in Babylonian script, see Fincke 2003 and Fincke 2004. OPEN ACCESS 52 CHATREŠŠAR 2/2018 these texts were also notable members of the royal court. Therefore, although these texts are valuable source of information, they illustrate medical practise merely in aparticular social rank and limited period of time, and they certainly cannot be regarded as evidence for Assyrian (and even less for Mesopotamian) medical practise in general because the treatment was undoubtedly different for other social strata, as well as in other states and historical periods.3 SOURCES The crucial sources for medical practise at the Assyrian royal court are of two kinds. On the one hand, we have Neo-Assyrian royal correspondence containing letters written by the king’s foremost scholars,4 who advised the ruler in connection with his health and ailments. They suggested treatments, sent recipes for medicaments (sometimes attached directly to the letter), and gave him reports on the health of other members of the royal family. The king himself is the author of several letters, in which he asks about the health condition of himself and his relatives. The second important type of sources are divinatory queries to the god Šamaš in which the questions were— beside political matters— concerned with the recovery of some patient and, in some cases, also with the success of aplanned treatment.5 It is interesting that both the scholarly letters as well as the queries— the majority of these texts can be dated6— come from the reign of Esarhaddon (6817–6698 BCE) and his son Assurbanipal (668–627 BCE),9 whereas practically all texts dealing with medicine (but also exorcism) are attributed to Esarhaddon’s era.10 The question arises why this is so. The scant amount of scholarly letters— not only those relating to medicine but scholarly letters in general— addressed to other Neo-Assyrian 3 This text was written within the framework of the project “Blízký východ ajeho duchovní svět” (SGS-2013-062). 4 These texts were published in Waterman 1930a, Waterman 1930b, Parpola 1970, and SAA X, partly also in SAA VIII and SAA XVI. 5 See SAA IV. 6 About 70% of the letters, according to Parpola (1983: XIII). The letters cover arelatively short period of 35 years, and most of them (more than 160) date from the years 672–669 BCE (Parpola 1983: XIII). On the contrary, only afew letters can be dated between the years 664 and 652 (SAA X: XXIX). 7 His father Sennacherib was murdered on the 20th of Ṭebētu, and Esarhaddon ascended the throne on 28th/18th of Addaru, 681 BCE (Parpola 1980: 171; Grayson 1975: 81–82, Chronicle 1, ll.34–38). 8 Esarhaddon died on the 10th of Araḫsamna, 669 BCE (Grayson 1975: 86, Chronicle 1, ll.30–32). 9 About 80% of the texts can be dated to the reign of Esarhaddon, while 20% of them come from the era of Assurbanipal (Parpola 1983: XII). 10 SAA X: XXIX–XXX. The letters make up 45% of the whole corpus of scholarly correspondence. OPEN ACCESS kATEřinA ŠAŠkOvá 53 kings11 as well as the lack of queries to the gods from their reign cannot be entirely explained by the conclusion that texts of this type are the result of the poor health of Esarhaddon, because it can be proved on the basis of other sources that scholarly experts also functioned at the courts of previous rulers, to whom they also sent their reports and recommendations. Moreover, their position at the court was already firmly established by the time of Esarhaddon, which implies alonger tradition of close connection between such persons and the ruler. There is therefore good reason to believe that similar letters and divinatory queries were written in previous times (at least during the reign of Sargon II and Sennacherib12), but they have not been yet found, or they were destroyed already in antiquity.13 Whatever the reasons for the lack of similar texts from other periods, it is clear, however, that the choice of time with which the following study is concerned is not accidental. The reign of Esarhaddon is also the time from which the largest number of sources relating to the topic at hand has survived. Issues related to health are also reflected in treaties and loyalty oaths in which the act of disloyalty and violation of conditions is to be punished in aform of illness or health troubles, and the sinner does not receive help in case of injury caused by the enemy. In this respect, the most important text is SAA II 6, also known as Esarhaddon’s Succession Treaty. PHYSICIANS AND OTHER PERSONS ENGAGED IN MEDICINE Regarding the care of his health, the Assyrian ruler was, in comparison to other people, in asomewhat different situation, and not only for the simple fact that he was head of state and thus stood at the top of the social scale. The king was also the person who had been entrusted by the Assyrian gods— headed by the state god Aššur— with the control of the whole of the land and all its inhabitants, for whose prosperity and welfare he was responsible. Hence, only aphysically and mentally healthy and strong ruler was able to fulfill this function properly. In addition, the ruler held at the same time the office of high priest of all temples in the whole country. He therefore stood closest to the gods of all humans, he was amediator between the gods and people, and he represented and personalized the entire country before the deities by some means. Again, aman of such importance had to be physically perfect in all respects. Furthermore, medical and ritual care largely coincided, because ailments and physical and mental discomfort as well as other problems were attributed to activities of divine or other supernatural forces, whose attack on acertain person had been 11 This mainly concerns Tiglath-pileser III, Sargon II and Sennacherib whose political correspondence is at least partially preserved. 12 See e.g. the text The Sin of Sargon: “Iw[ent and collected the haruspices], the courtiers of my palace guarding the mystery of god and king; Isplit them [into several groups] (…)” (SAA III 33, l.13’–15’). 13 Parpola 1983: XII, SAA IV: XXI, SAA X: XXIX–XXX. OPEN ACCESS 54 CHATREŠŠAR 2/2018 caused by— witting or unwitting— offence14 which provoked the anger of the gods. They then either afflicted the person with disease, set demons upon him, or did not protect him against the energy of witches or evil-minded persons.15 It is therefore no surprise that the king’s health and perfectness— in both physical and ritual respects— were daily watched over by numerous persons who had to ensure the king’s patronage by the gods. If the ruler fell ill, it was their task to find out the causes and provide aremedy by all possible means. At court, alarge number of Assyrian experts (ummânū) educated in various fields of Mesopotamian scholarship were employed; however, experts also came from abroad, such as from Babylon, Egypt or Elam.16 These scholars resided in the major Assyrian and Babylonian cities,17 from where they carried on frequent correspondence with the king. The most significant specialists worked directly in the king’s vicinity in the capital, but the king sometimes entrusted one of them with atask of high importance in other parts of the empire. The names and professions of some scholars functioning at the royal court are preserved in two lists of experts,18 which were probably made out in connection with swearing aloyalty oath to the newly appointed crown prince Assurbanipal in the year 672 BCE at Calah.19 From these experts arose agroup of the most respected men standing closest to the king, called by Simo Parpola the “inner circle”.20 In the time of Esarhaddon, according to Parpola, the “inner circle” comprised 15 or 16 members,21 and precisely 14 See e.g. the incantation series Šurpu (Reiner 1970). 15 See e.g. Robson 2012. 16 E.g. the list of experts SAA VII 1 names “3 Egyptian scholars” (rev. ii 2). In letter SAA X 160, the Babylonian astrologer Marduk-šāpik-zēri offers to the king the service of twenty able scholars, and he says about one of them that he “has crossed over from Elam” (rev. 1). 17 SAA IV: XXXI. The letter SAA X 6 mentions “scribes of the cities of Nin[eveh], Kilizi and Arbela” (SAA X 6, l.6ff). See also chapters 6 and 7 in SAA X. 18 See SAA VII 1 and 2. Only astrologers, exorcists, and physicians are named in these two lists, but people of other scholarly professions also appear in two lists of royal officers SAA VII 5 and 7: scribe (SAA VII 5, l. i41), deputy of the chief scribe (SAA VII 5, l. i50), lamentation priest (SAA VII 5, l. i51), and chief diviner (SAA VII 7, rev. ii 7). 19 The oath which had to be sworn by scholars as well as other inhabitants of Assyria and subordinated regions is also reflected in aletter written by king’s ummânu Issār-šumuēreš, who had designated the propitious day for this event: “The scribes, the haruspices, the exorcists, the physicians and the augurs staying in the palace and living in the city will enter the treaty on the 16th of Nisannu. Now, let them conclude the treaty tomorrow” (SAA X 7, ll.6— rev. 3). See also SAA X 5 and 6 and Parpola 1983: 3–4. 20 E.g. Parpola 1983: XV–XVI and SAA X: XXV–XXVII. 21 Nabû-zēru-lēšir (chief scribe and king’s ummânu; see Baker 2001: 911), Issār-šumuēreš (chief scribe/astrologer and king’s ummânu; see Baker 2000: 577–579), Balasî (astrologer and crown prince’s ummânu; see Radner 1999: 254–255), Nabû-aḫḫē-erība (astrologer; Baker 2001: 794–796), Marduk-šumu-uṣur (chief haruspex; see Baker 2001: 733–734), Marduk-šākin-šumi (chief exorcist; Baker 2001: 722–725), Adad-šumu-uṣur (king’s chief exorcist; see Radner 1998: 38–40), Urdu-Gula (exorcist; see Baker 2011: 1402–1403), Nabû-nādin-šumi (chief exorcist; see Baker 2001: 852), Nabû-nāṣir (exorOPEN ACCESS kATEřinA ŠAŠkOvá 55 these persons are the authors of the majority of all known letters,22 because they apparently were the only individuals among the royal scholars who were entitled to send letters to the king regularly, and occasionally even receive letters from him.23 Scholars of the “inner circle” usually practised24 the profession of astrologer,25 lamentation priest,26 exorcist,27 diviner,28 and physician.29 The highest-ranking of them bore the title of chief scribe (rab ṭupšarrē), and he was the king’s personal scholar and advisor (ummânu).30 These five scholarly professions represented essential branches of Mesopotamian wisdom.31 From the evidence it is apparent, however, that the knowledge of individual experts was not necessarily limited to one of these five branches, but at least some of them were acquainted with two or more fields.32 The access of members of the “inner circle” to the presence of the king was due to the nature of their services and was much less restricted than in the case of highranked magnates and officers of state administration.33 Members of the “inner circist; see Baker 2001: 856), Urdu-Nanāia (chief physician; see Baker 2011: 1411), Ikkāru (physician; see Baker 2000: 509), Urdu-Ea (chief lamentation priest; see Baker 2011: 1396–1398), Akkullānu (astrologer and ērib bīti priest of Aššur; see Radner 1998: 95–96), Mār-Issār (scribe and special agent in Babylonia; see Baker 2001: 739–740). See Parpola 1983: XV–XVI and SAA X: XXVI. In his later work, however, Parpola also adds to this group the Babylonian scholar Bēl-ušēzib (SAA X: XXVI; concerning this scholar, see Radner 1999: 338–339). 22 Parpola 1983: XIV. See the authors of letters in Parpola 1970 and Parpola 1983, SAA VIII and SAA X in general. 23 Parpola 1983: XVI–XVII. 24 The title of Bēl-ušēzib is unknown, but it is apparent that he belonged to the high-ranked scholars (see Parpola 1983: XV–XVI). 25 Ṭupšar Enūma Anu Enlil or only ṭupšarru (Fincke 2003: 117, SAA X: XIII and XXXIV n. 1). 26 Kalû (SAA X: XIII and XXXIV n. 1). 27 Āšipu (SAA X: XIII and XXXIV n. 1). 28 Bārû (SAA X: XIII and XXXIV n. 1). 29 Asû (SAA X: XIII and XXXIV n. 1). 30 SAA X: XXIV. 31 See SAA X: XIV. 32 For example Issār-šumu-ēreš, chief scribe (e.g. SAA VI 314, SAA VI 329, SAA VI 330) and ummânu of the king Esarhaddon and also of his son Assurbanipal (Parpola 1983: 449, no.1, ll. iv 13 and 16), advised the king chiefly on matters relating to astrology (see SAA X and SAA VIII), but his texts also concern the explanation of other ominous phenomena (e.g. SAA X 33) and the king’s health condition (SAA X 37 and SAA VIII 1). Adad-šumu-uṣur, another of Esarhaddon’s scholars and uncle of Issār-šumu-ēreš, usually bore the title of chief exorcist, but he is sometimes given the title of šangamaḫḫu of king Esarhaddon (RIMB II: 56 (B.2.8.5, l.16) = Hunger 1968: 135 (498, l.5) and Parpola 1983: 452–453 (14, l.11)), and in some other texts he acts as ascribe or astrologer (ṭupšarru) (Hunger 1972: 101). His son, Urdu-Gula, held the office of deputy of the chief physician (šaniu rab asê) at the end of the reign of Sennacherib (SAA VI 193, rev. 8’), but later texts imply that he assumed the profession of his father and he bears the title of exorcist (āšipu; e.g. RIMB II: 56 (B.2.8.5, l.15)). 33 Radner 2012. OPEN ACCESS 56 CHATREŠŠAR 2/2018 cle” were often descendants of old scholar families,34 they held notable posts at the court35— the names of ummânu even figure in one king list right beside the names of Assyrian rulers36— and their relationship to the ruler was of an extraordinary nature in some cases. Their advice held acrucial importance for the king, and thus for the whole country, hence their influence on the king’s decisions was undoubtedly enormous. It is probably not far from the truth to say that in some cases, scholars tried to abuse their importance to affect the king’s decisions through their advice for their own benefit and to ingratiate themselves with the ruler to the prejudice of their colleagues. However, it is likely that they acted primarily in the interest of their king and country, and they themselves indeed believed their recommendations, based on wisdom which was collected and tested over many centuries.37 After all, their power and influence stood and fell with the person of the ruler and the prosperity of the country which he ruled. Nevertheless, even despite all their importance, they were not released from their ilku-duty.38 The writers of letters relating to health, whether of the ruler or of his relatives, were often individuals with the title of asû. In texts dealing with medicine, however, persons titled āšipu figure frequently as well. The term asû is usually translated as “physician” in itself,39 and Simo Parpola, for example, regards the persons of this profession as experts “in the art of curing diseases by means of drugs and other physical remedies.”40 On the other hand, the profession of āšipu is commonly translated as “exorcist”,41 and these scholars acted “as experts in the art of manipulating supernatural forces (such as illness-causing demons) by magical means.”42 It would therefore seem that the asû was rather apractitioner, while the āšipu performed supporting rituals and influenced supernatural powers by means of magic. Yet this definition is overly simplistic, because āšipus also examined the patient,43 and, furthermore, the diagnostic omen series Sakikkû (“Symptom(s)”44 or “Diagnostic Handbook”), which contained forty tablets,45 belongs to the sphere of exorcism (āšipūtu), while medicine 34 Some of them were even relatives (Parpola 1983: XVII–XIX). See above and especially the family tree in Parpola 1983: XIX; cf. also Hunger 1968: 17–19. 35 SAA IV: XXXI. 36 For the era of Esarhaddon, the text states: “(When) Esarhaddon son of Sennacherib was king of Assyria and Babylon. Nabû-zēru-lēšir and Ištar-šumu-ēreš were his ummânu” (Parpola 1983: 449, no.1, ll.12–13). 37 SAA X: XXVII. 38 See SAA X 324, rev. 4–7. 39 CAD A2: 344ff. 40 Parpola 1983: XIV. 41 CAD A2: 431ff. 42 Parpola 1983: XIV. 43 E.g. Douek 2007: 216–217. According to three texts in which the examination of apatient is mentioned, this procedure was actually carried out by āšipus, not by asûs (SAA X 202, rev. 8’–9’, SAA X 160, l.39, and SAA X 230, l.3’). 44 Regarding the uncertainty between plural and singular, see AHw: 1012. 45 CAD S: 75. OPEN ACCESS kATEřinA ŠAŠkOvá 57 (asûtu)46 comprised mostly medical recipes and lists of ingredients.47 The corpus of Neo-Assyrian correspondence reveals, moreover, that these two professions were closely connected and overlapped one another to acertain degree.48 This means that an āšipu could prescribe the use of certain drugs or medicaments.49 And vice versa, an asû could recommend performing some ritual50 or applying amulets which he could directly send to the patient,51 or he could even be amediator in connection with the interpretation of portents.52 The ruler asked scholars of both professions about his health and various medical problems,53 and likewise both physicians and exorcists informed him on the health condition of himself as well as other members of the royal family.54 Even the examination and diagnostics were obviously not exclusively in the 46 Asûtu “medical practice, medical treatment, medical lore” (CAD A2: 351–352). The texts also mention the term azugallūtu (“higher medical art”; CAD A2: 529) which in one colophon from Assurbanipal’s era is explained as “askillful lore, azugallūtu of Ninurta (and) Gula” (Streck 1916: 368–371, l.4–5). 47 E.g. Douek 2007: 216 and Robson 2012. 48 See also Panayotov 2018: 90–91 and Steinert 2018: 178–191. 49 E.g. Adad-šumu-uṣur, chief exorcist, in SAA X 191, l.5–10 and SAA X 230, l.3’. Another exorcist, Marduk-šākin-šumi, advises the king in connection with the application of apoultice (SAA X 241, ll.5–6), and in another letter he deals with the use of salve and fumigants (SAA X 250, ll.8’–9’). Cf. e.g.: “The āšipu was not the expert who treated the sick person; that task fell to the medical practitioner, the asû, who had at his disposal aset of therapeutic handbooks whose chapters dealt with diseases affecting aparticular part of the body” (Reiner 2006: 316). See also below. 50 Urdu-Nanāia, the chief physician, sent together with the letter SAA X 316 some herbs which “are good for counterspells” to the king (SAA X 316, rev. 15–21), and in the text SAA X 321 he recommends the recitation of an incantation (l.15). In connection with rites against witchcraft (ušburrudû, see below), Parpola points out that while most therapeutic texts belonged to the āšipūtu, some of them— especially texts containing lists of drugs against witchcraft and instructions for their use— were apart of asûtu (Parpola 1983: 147). 51 E.g. in letter SAA X 315 (rev. 15— r.e. 18) Urdu-Nanāia sends “certain phylacteries to the king” and advises that “the king should put them around his neck”. 52 SAA X 314. 53 In the letter SAA X 236, for example, the chief exorcist Marduk-šākin-šumi gives the king an answer concerning the duration of his chills, while in another text he explains to him that his weakness is caused by “fever [that] has lingered inside the very bones” (SAA X 242, ll.10–11), and he assures him that his illness will soon disappear. Adad-šumu-uṣur advises the ruler that “restlessness, not eating and not drinking disturbs the mind and adds to illness” (SAA X 196, rev. 15— r.e. 18), and another exorcist, Nabû-nāṣir, writes to the king that “the “burning” wherewith his head, arms and feet were “burnt” was because of his teeth: his teeth were (trying) to come out” (SAA X 302, 11.11— rev. 3). Similarly, the chief physician Urdu-Nanāia, for example, writes in letter SAA X 315 about the nature and treatment of the king’s ailment, in letter SAA X 318 he helps to cure his rash, in letter SAA X 325 blotches on the skin, etc. 54 Reports on royal children and grandchildren are contained in the letters written by the exorcists Marduk-šākin-šumi (SAA X 238, SAA X 239, SAA X 244, SAA X 247), Adad-šumuuṣur (SAA X 187, SAA X 191, SAA X 192, SAA X 193, SAA X 194, SAA X 196, SAA X 197, SAA OPEN ACCESS 58 CHATREŠŠAR 2/2018 hands of āšipus, as it might seem on the basis of scholarly texts, because, for example, the chief physician Urdu-Nanāia writes to Esarhaddon: “The king, my lord, keeps on saying to me: “Why do you not diagnose the nature of this illness of mine and bring about its cure?”— formerly Ispoke to the king at the audience and could not clarify his symptoms (sakikkēšu).”55 The close connection of both professions is likewise evident from the fact that Urdu-Gula bears the title of deputy of the chief physician in one earlier document,56 and the colophon of another text (of astrological character) dating from the reign of Assurbanipal designates him as aphysician.57 In other texts, however, he is called an exorcist,58 and during the reign of Esarhaddon he sent several letters relating to rituals and incantations.59 Eleanor Robson also observes the interesting fact that, although there are many letters available written by āšipus, none of them mentions “so-called āšipus’ omen series such as Sakikkû in support of their diagnoses, recommendations, or instructions.”60 It is therefore questionable to what extent the scholars really used these works.61 Evidently, there is some discrepancy between the theoretical works which were found in the library of Assurbanipal and elsewhere and which— among other things— separate the spheres of competence of asû and āšipu, and the practice documented in Neo-Assyrian correspondence. Neither physicians nor exorcists formed agroup of equally ranked persons; both professions were hierarchically structured. This is proved especially by afew records from contracts which contain the names and titles of the various witnesses, including asûs and āšipus of different rank. The head of royal physicians bore the title rab asê (LU2.GAL A.ZU).62 At the beginning of Esarhaddon’s reign, this position was perhaps X 199, SAA X 213, SAA X 214, SAA X 217, SAA X 218, SAA X 219, SAA X 222, SAA X 223, SAA X 310), and Nabû-nāṣir (SAA X 296, SAA X 298, SAA X 299, SAA X 300, SAA X 301, SAA X 302, SAA X 304, SAA X 305, SAA X 306, SAA X 307). Some pregnant woman of the royal family (king’s wife, daughter or daughter-in-law) is mentioned in areport written by Urdu-Gula (SAA X 293). The reports on the health of the queen mother are included in the letters of the exorcists Adad-šumu-uṣur (SAA X 201, SAA X 223) and Marduk-šākinšumi (SAA X 244), and in aletter written by the exorcist Nabû-nāṣir and the physician Urdu-Nanāia (SAA X 297). Considerably less abundant reports of physicians are as follows: Urdu-Nanāia (SAA X 314, SAA X 320, SAA X 321, SAA X 322, SAA X 323) and Ikkāru (SAA X 328, SAA X 329). The reports of physicians are— with the one exception mentioned above— concerned solely with children of the royal family. 55 SAA X 315, ll.7–12. 56 SAA VI 193, rev. 8’–9’. 57 Parpola 1983: 453 (no. 15, le.e. 2). 58 Parpola 1983: 452–453 (no. 14, rev. 10) and Hunger 1968: 135 (no. 498, l.4). 59 E.g. SAA X 290 and SAA X 295. 60 Robson 2011: 603, see also Robson 2008: 474. However, the chief exorcist Marduk-šākin-šumi writes, perhaps in connection with the illness of the queen mother: “Iam presently [col]- lecting all the 30 to 40 canonical tablets that are relevant to the matter, as well as (all) the existing non-canonical ones that are ever [per]formed (in this connection)” (SAA X 245, rev. 12–19), but he names none of them. 61 For more, see Robson 2008. 62 E.g. SAA XI 183, rev. 1. OPEN ACCESS kATEřinA ŠAŠkOvá 59 held by Ikkāru, but later it was taken over by Urdu-Nanāia.63 The assistant to the chief physician was šaniu ša rab asê (LU2.2-u2 ša LU2.GAL A.ZU).64 The title of deputy of the chief physician appears next the name of the just mentioned exorcist Urdu-Gula at the beginning of the year 681 BCE.65 Aposition of common asû serving at the royal court was apparently occupied by Nabû-tabni-uṣur, who asks the king for areward in the text SAA X 334,66 possibly also by acertain Zarutî about whom nothing else is known,67 and by nine scholars named in the lists of royal experts SAA VII 1 and SAA VII 2, who however probably stood even lower and none of whose letters has survived.68 One of them, Ṣi-Ḫuru, actually bears aname indicating an Egyptian origin. We know also Šemaḫu, apersonal physician of Esarhaddon at the time of his crown princehood.69 This function is quite extraordinary because, according to later correspondence, the royal physicians and exorcists usually watched over multiple patients at the same time and their titles— with the exception of Adad-šumu-uṣur, the king’s exorcist— did not contain the name or title of aconcrete member of the royal family. Another known physician is the Babylonian scholar Aḫu-šubši, whose service is offered to the king by astrologer Marduk-šāpik-zēri in letter SAA X 160. Marduk-šāpikzēri writes about him that he is a“very able physician; he is useful to (the king) my lord.”70 It is unknown, however, whether Aḫu-šubši was hired in the end.71 The authors of Neo-Assyrian correspondence usually did not write their titles, but designated themselves simply as “servant”;72 however, the letters of physicians differ from other scholarly letters by their greeting (more accurately blessing) formulae to the king. Unlike other scholars, the physicians in the introductory part of their letters name the divine patroness of medicine Gula73 and her spouse 63 Parpola 1983: XVI, SAA X: XXVI and Baker 2000: 509. The fact that Ikkāru was superior to the rest of the royal physicians is illustrated by the— unfortunately badly damaged— text SAA X 330 in which he notifies the king of other physicians. 64 E.g. SAA VI 193, rev. 8’–9’. 65 See above. 66 SAA X 334. See also Baker 2001: 893. 67 He figures only as awitness in the contract SAA VI 271 from the year 678 BCE. 68 Ninurta-ballissu (SAA VII 2, l.4; SAA VII 1, l. ii 10; see Baker 2000: 548 (Inūrta-ballissu)), Ṣi-Ḫuru (SAA VII 2, l.5; SAA VII 1, l. ii 15 see Baker 2002: 1170), Sîn-šarru-uṣur (SAA VII 2, rev. 1; SAA VII 1, l. ii 12; see Baker 2002: 1145), Puglu (SAA VII 2, rev 2; SAA VII 1, l. ii 14; see Baker 2002: 998), Qurdi-Arbail (SAA VII 1, l. ii 7; see Baker 2002: 1020), Nabû’a(SAA VII 1, l. ii 8; see Baker 2001: 790), Nabû-aḫḫē-balliṭ (SAA VII 1, l. ii 9; see Baker 2001: 793), Asqūdu (SAA VII 1, l. ii 11; see Radner 1998: 137), and Nabû-šumu-iddina (SAA VII 1, l. ii 13; see Baker 2001: 886). 69 Šemaḫu bought an estate of 10 hectares of land in the contract SAA VI 126, dated to the year 697 BCE. 70 SAA X 160, rev. 33–34. 71 See Radner 1998: 88. 72 The form of the beginning formula of letters is in most cases the following: “To the king, my lord: your servant PN.” 73 The epithet of the goddess Gula is azugallatu “chief woman physician” (CAD A2: 529). Her title appears, for example, in Esarhaddon’s treaties (SAA II 5, rev. iv 2’–3’, SAA II 6, l.461). OPEN ACCESS 66 CHATREŠŠAR 2/2018 ŠEM.SAL),139 nikiptu (ŠEM.dMAŠ),140 kurdinnu-aromatic (ŠEM.kurdinnu),141 turmeric (kurkānû),142 terebinth-like-plant (buṭnānu),143 ḫašânu,144 styrax (ballukku, log. ŠEM. BAL),145 sweet cane (qanû ṭābu, log. GI DUG3.GA),146 burāšu-juniper (burāšu, log. ŠEM. LI)147. It is not entirely clear, however, whether these substances were intended for medical purposes or for something else,148 but in other medical texts, these aromatics are mentioned as well.149 Oils and fats (šamnu, log. I3/I3.GIŠ;150 e.g. kanaktu oil (I3 ŠEM.GIG),151 nikiptu oil (I3 ŠEM.dMAŠ),152 and bird fat (šaman iṣṣūri, log. I3 MUŠEN)),153 honey (dišpu, log. LAL3),154 and even blood155 are presented as remedies. Abeneficial effect was also seen in pure water (mû zakûtu), in which it was recommended to wash the 139 Šimšalû/šimšālu/šimiššalû/šimeššalû (ABZ: 113, no.215), “atree, possibly the box” (CAD Š3: 4–5), “box-tree, juniper” (Parpola et al.2007: 116), “Buchsbaumart” (AHw: 1237), “Buchsbaum?” (ABZ: 113). SAA VII 146, l.5. 140 Nikiptu (ABZ: 113, no.215), “aplant” (CAD N2: 222), “ein Euphorbia-Strauch?” (AHw: 788), “spurge” (Parpola et al.2007: 77), “agum-yielding shrub, possibly Euphorbia Antiquorum L., or the like” (Parpola 1983: 251). SAA VII 146, l.6. 141 Kurdinnu “aplant” (CAD K: 557), “eine übelriechende Pflanze” (AHw: 510), “an aromatic plant” (Parpola et al.2007: 52). SAA VII 146, l.7. 142 Kurkānû/kurkanû “amedical plant” (CAD K: 560–561), “turmeric?” (Parpola et al.2007: 52), “Curcuma, Gilbwurz” (AHw: 510). SAA VII 146, l.8. 143 Buṭnānu “an aromatic plant, lit. terebinth-like-plant” (CAD B: 358), “pistachio-like garden herb” (Parpola et al.2007: 18), “eine Pflanze” (AHw: 144). SAA VII 146, l.9. 144 Ḫašânu/ḫašānu/ḫašiānu “aplant, lit. ḫašû-like plant, thyme” (Parpola et al.2007: 36), “eine Pflanze” (AHw: 334). SAA VII 146, l.10. 145 Ballukku (ABZ: 58, no.9), “an aromatic substance of vegetal origin, the tree which produces this substance” (CAD B: 64–65), “an aromatic plant, oleander?” (Parpola et al.2007: 13), “ein Baum, Styrax?” (AHw: 100), “ein Baum” (ABZ: 58). SAA VII 146, l.11. 146 Qanû ṭābu (ABZ: 81 and 159, no.85 and 396), “sweet reed” (CAD Q: 88–89), “sweet reed, aromatic cane, sweet calamus” (Parpola et al.2007: 86). SAA VII 146, l.12. 147 Burāšu (ABZ: 68, no.59), “juniper tree, an aromatic substance obtained from the juniper tree” (CAD B: 326–328), “cade, (prickly) juniper, prickly cedar” (Parpola et al.2007: 18), “Wacholder” (ABZ: 68), “(phönikischer) Wacholder” (AHw: 139). SAA VII 146, l.13. 148 See SAA VII: XXX–XXXI. 149 In connection with lists of stones and plants from Assurbanipal’s Library in Nineveh, Jeanette C.Fincke states: “Moreover, it is likely that all lists of stones (8 fragments), or plants and stones (1 fragment), belong to the medical lore, because the Assyrian and Babylonian therapists used plants and stones for the cure of diseases” (Fincke 2003: 131). 150 Šamnu (ABZ: 115, no.231), “oil, fat, cream” (CAD Š1: 321ff). SAA II 6, 644; SAA X 323, rev. 6. 151 Kanaktu (ABZ: 172, no.446), “atree, an aromatic product obtained from the tree” (CAD K: 135–136), “Weihrauchbaum” (AHw: 434), “frankincense” (Parpola et al.2007: 46), “agumyielding plant or tree growing in mountains” (Parpola 1983: 251). SAA X 323, b.e. 15. 152 SAA X 323, b.e. 16. 153 Iṣṣūru (ABZ: 78, no.78), “bird, poultry” (CAD I/J: 210ff). SAA X 318, rev. 3. 154 Dišpu (ABZ: 88, no.109), “honey” (CAD D: 161–163). SAA II 6, l.644. 155 SAA X 328, rev. 15. OPEN ACCESS kATEřinA ŠAŠkOvá 67 hands.156 Other materials appearing in the texts are zinzaru’u,157 red wool (SIG2. tabrēbu),158 mūṣu-stone,159 beryl (NA₄.burallu),160 and dust from acrossroads (eper (log. SAḪAR) ša sūqi).161 These ingredients were used— according to the prescriptions (malṭiru)162— for producing ointments and salves (piššatu,163 napšaštu/napšaltu164) for anointing,165 and for lotions (marḫuṣu).166 Drugs were also administered orally, of course, often as apotion (mašqītu),167 they were used as fumigants (qutāru, qut-PA)168 for fumigation (qutturu),169 and they were applied (karāru)170 directly to the wounds171 as well. During treatment, Assyrian experts also used lint (širṭu),172 tampons (lippu),173 bandages (ṣindu),174 absorp156 Mû (ABZ: 197, no.579), “water” (CAD M2: 149ff). Zakûtu (f.) “clear, clean, cleansed” (CAD Z: 23–25). SAA X 318, rev. 6–7. 157 Zinzaru’u“mng. uncert. ” (CAD Z: 124), “etwas wie Öl? ” (AHw: 1529), “ginger” (Parpola et al.2007: 134). SAA II 6, l.644. 158 Tabrību/tabrēbu/tabribu “ared-dyed wool” (CAD T: 30–31), “rote Wolle” (AHw: 1299), “red wool” (Parpola et al.2007: 120; SAA X: 366). SAA X 323, rev. 7. 159 Mūṣu “adisease of the urinary tract, astone” (CAD M2: 246–247), “ein Mineral, geronnener Ausfluß” (AHw: 679), “astone” (Parpola et al.2007: 68), “awell-known ingredient of medical preparations” (Parpola 1983: 244). SAA X 324, e. 1. 160 Burallu “astone or stone object” (CAD B: 326), “Beryll” (AHw: 139), “beryl” (SAA X: 331; Parpola 1983: 251). SAA X 32, rev. 10 and 12. 161 Eperu (ABZ: 111, no.212), “dust, earth” (CAD E: 184ff). SAA X 321, rev. 6. 162 Malṭiru/mašṭiru “inscription, text” (CAD M1: 396). SAA X 321, r.e. 17. 163 Piššatu “oil” (CAD P: 430ff), “unguent, ointment” (Parpola et al.2007: 84). SAA II 6, l.491. 164 Napšaštu/napšaltu “ointment, salve” (CAD N1: 317–318). SAA VII 147, l.5’; SAA X 250, l.8’; SAA X 294, rev. 1; SAA X 315, r.e. 18; SAA X 327, l.1, 7’, 10’, 13’, b.e. 15’, rev. 13, e. 1; SAA X 328, l.8. 165 Pašāšu “to smear, anoint” (CAD P: 245ff). SAA X 315, r.e. 21; SAA X 318, b.e. 11 and rev. 4. 166 Marḫuṣu “lotion, rinse” (Parpola et al.2007: 61). SAA X 315, rev. 4; SAA X 329, rev. 8; SAA XVI 165, rev. 5. 167 Mašqītu “potion, drink” (CAD M1: 382–384). SAA X 294, rev. 1 (mašqīt asûti); SAA X 324, l.14; SAA X 327, rev. 13; SAA X 328, l.9. 168 Qutāru (ABZ: 120, no.295), “fumigant” (CAD Q: 321–322), “fumigation, (drug for) smoke therapy” (Parpola 1983: 250). SAA VII 147, l.1’–3’ and 5’, SAA X 250, l.8’, SAA X 323, l.13; SAA X 327, rev. 13, 16 and 17; SAA X 328, l.8. 169 Qatāru (qutturu) “to cause something to smoke, to make an incense offering, to cense, fumigate, to fume incense” (CAD Q: 166–168). SAA X 323, rev. 4 and 5. 170 Karāru “to put an object in place, to set” (CAD K: 207–208). SAA X 241, l.5. 171 “May there be no honey, oil, zinzaru’uor cedar-resin available to place on your wound” (SAA II 6, l.644–645). 172 Širṭu “strip of cloth, shred, rag, tatter” (CAD Š3: 113), “lint, bandage, gauze, shred, strip, tatter” (Parpola et al.2007: 117), “lint(?)” (SAA X: 364). SAA X 319, rev. 2. 173 Lippu “tampon, wad, burl” (CAD L: 200), “tampon, wad” (Parpola et al.2007: 56), “tampon” (SAA X: 344). SAA X 321, l.8 (tampons of martakal-seed); SAA X 322, rev. 7. 174 Ṣindu/ṣimdu “bandage” (CAD Ṣ: 196–197). SAA X 335, l.4’. OPEN ACCESS 68 CHATREŠŠAR 2/2018 tive dressings (tal’ītu),175 tufts of wool (nipšu),176 and ṣilbānu177 poultice made out of these materials and substances. RITUALS, INCANTATIONS AND AMULETS Along with178 these therapeutic procedures, rituals (epištu, log. DU3.DU3.BI;179 nēpešu180) and recitation (manû)181 of incantations (šiptu, log. EN2)182— which should provide the support of the gods and drive off evil forces— were also performed, and prayers183 for reconciliation with the divine sphere were said. It is sometimes difficult to determine, however, whether aritual mentioned in atext actually relates to the treatment of some patient, or whether it was performed without any relation to the illness of the person mentioned in the text. The texts name “rituals against the loss of flesh” (nēpešē ša ḫaliqti šīri),184 aritual “Sick […]” ([x x x].GIG.GA.MEŠ),185 aritual “Nullifying the Curse” (māmīt pašāri) against diseases caused by curses which included the incantation “Ea, Šamaš, Asalluḫi” (EN2 dE2.AdUTU dASAR.LU2.ḪI),186 and rituals for driving out the evil demon and epilepsy (ana alû187 175 Tal’ītu “dressing, bandage” (CAD T: 97), “(absorptive) dressing” (SAA X: 366; Parpola et al.2007: 121), “Salbenverband” (AHw: 1310). SAA X 319, l.12. 176 Nipšu “combed wool, tuft of wool, fluff” (CAD N2: 248–249), “tuft of wool, fluff, wisp” (Parpola et al.2007: 77), “tuft of wool” (SAA X: 350). SAA X 321, rev. 8 and 14. 177 Ṣilbānu “poultice” (SAA X: 357; Parpola et al.2007: 104), ṣilbu (pl. ṣilbānu, ṣillibānu) “crosswise arrangement of bandages or wood” (CAD Ṣ: 187), “perhaps related to Syr. ṣulbānā “dry root of licorice” used as apoultice” (Parpola 1983: 173). SAA X 241, l.6; SAA X 315, rev. 9. 178 Aclose connection between remedies and magic is for example documented by the— unfortunately badly damaged— text SAA X 327, in which the chief physician Urdu-Nanāia lists some remedies, but also mentions several rites and incantations, e.g.: “Salv[es], fumigants, poti[ons] against buzzing [ears], fumigants to go with the incantation …[…]” (SAA X 327, rev. 13–16). 179 Epištu/epuštu(?) (ABZ: 114, no.230), “act, activity, ritual (act), evil magic” (CAD E: 241ff), “ritual” (SAA X: 319 and 334), “der dazuhörigte Ritus” (ABZ: 114, no.230). SAA X 295, l.9; SAA X 201, rev. 7’. 180 Nēpešu “ritual, ritual procedure” (CAD N2: 168ff). SAA X 200, rev. 4’; SAA X 243, rev. 2’; SAA X 327, ll.8’, 11’, 14’, rev. 7; SAA X 238, l.7; SAA X 296, ll.10 and rev. 2; SAA X 298, ll.8 and rev. 9; SAA X 300, ll.4’ and rev. 2. 181 Manû “to recite, to recount events” (CAD M1: 221ff). SAA X 321, l.16, rev. 4. 182 Šiptu (ABZ: 191, no.546), “incantation, spell” (CAD Š3: 86ff). SAA X 201, rev. 4’, 6’; SAA X 238, l.7, rev. 4 and 9; SAA X 321, l.15, rev. 4. 183 Parpola 1983: 145. E.g. SAA X 214, rev. 1. 184 SAA X 200, rev. 4’–5’; SAA X 212, l.12. For more, see Parpola 1983: 156. 185 SAA X 201, rev. 3’. For more, see Parpola 1983: 148. 186 SAA X 201, rev. 4’–5’. For more, see Parpola 1983: 148. 187 Alû “an individualized demonic power or ghost causing aspecific disease” (CAD A1: 375–377). OPEN ACCESS kATEřinA ŠAŠkOvá 69 lemnu uAN.TA.ŠUB.BA188 nasāḫi)189 which included the incantation “Verily You are Evil” (EN2 ḪUL.GAL2 ḪE2.ME.EN)190 and “Be gone, Evil ḫultuppu” (EN2 ḪUL.DUB2 E3.BA.RA).191 There were also performed rituals against witchcraft (ušburrudû, log. UŠ11.BUR2.RU.DA),192 which served against health problems whose cause was seen in evil sorcery. Diseases caused by black magic were also treated by using zikurudānirites (nēpešī ša ZI.KU.RU.DA.MEŠ).193 Some rituals related to aspecific period are known as well, but in some cases they were rather to prevent diseases than fight against their causes. This category is represented by rites of the month Ajaru against inflammation of the eyes (nēpešē ša ITI.GUD ša ḫunṭi ša ēnāte), rites of the month Abu (nēpešē ša ITI.NE)194 with the purpose of treating diseases caused by ghosts and spirits of the dead,195 rites of the month Ulūlu (nēpešī ša ITI.KIN)196 for ensuring the favour of (the dream god) Zaqiqu, good dreams197 and dream-oracles198 for the patient.199 In letter SAA X 296, there are listed other rituals related to aspecific month whose purpose was to protect against various illnesses: “[Concerning] the rites about which the ki[ng, my lord], wrote to us, in Kislimu we performed “To keep ma[laria], plague and pestilence away from aman’s home”;200 [in Ṭeb]ētu we performed “To keep disease 188 AN.TA.ŠUB.BA (ABZ: 60, no.13), “miqit šamê (auch antašubbû), Fallsucht?” (ABZ: 60), “miqtu, epilepsy” (SAA X: 348), “miqtu, adisease” (CAD M2: 103–104). 189 SAA X 238, ll.9–10. These rituals perhaps pertained to the incantation series Utukkū lemnūtu (Parpola 1983: 162–163; for the series, see Geller 2007). This letter even contains adetailed description of the ritual: “As soon as something has afflicted him (= the patient), the exorcist rises and hangs amouse and ashoot of athornbush on the vault of the (patient’s) door. The exorcist dresses in ared garment and puts on ared cloak. He (holds) ara[ven on] his right, afalcon on [his left], and po[urs …] on the censer of the “7 gates”, grasps a[…], holds at[orch in his han]d, stri[kes] with a[w]hip and recites [the incantation] “Verily You are [Evil]”. [After] he has finished, he makes another exorcist go around the bed of the patient, followed by acenser and atorch, recites the incantation “Be gone, Evil ḫultuppu” (going) as far as to the door and (then) conjures the door. Until (the demon) is driven out, he does (this) (every) morning and evening” (SAA X 238, ll.10— rev. 12). 190 SAA X 238, ll.7 and rev. 4. For more, see Parpola 1983: 162–163. 191 SAA X 238, rev. 9. For more, see Parpola 1983: 162–163. 192 Ušburrudû (ABZ: 64, no.17), “rites to counteract witchcraft” (CAD U/W: 300), “Beschwörung um Zauber zu lösen” (ABZ: 64). SAA X 200, rev. 6’; SAA X 296, l.15; SAA X 316, rev. 21. For more, see Parpola 1983: 147, and Abusch— Schwemer 2011: 13–14, 115–245 . 193 Zikurudû ““throat-cutting”, amagical rite” (Parpola et al.2007: 134), “apernicious magic practice, lit. “cutting of the breath”” (CAD Z: 117), “Lebensabschneidung, eine magische Praktik” (AHw: 1527–1528). SAA X 300, l.4’. For more, see Parpola 1983: 144–145, and Abusch— Schwemer 2011: 15–16, 399–424, 434–443. 194 SAA X 274, rev. 2–3. For more, see Parpola 1983: 203–204. 195 Parpola 1983: 204. 196 SAA X 298, l.8. 197 Šuttu “dream” (CAD Š3: 405–407). SAA X 298, ll.12 and rev. 1. 198 Egirrû “an oracular utterance of uncertain nature” (CAD E: 43–45). SAA X 298, rev. 2. 199 SAA X 298, ll.8— rev. 1. For more, see Parpola 1983: 213–214 and also 210–211. 200 “Di’ušipṭu mūtānu ana E2 LU2 NU TE-e” (SAA X 296, ll.11–12). OPEN ACCESS 70 CHATREŠŠAR 2/2018 and malaria away from aman’s home”,201 and numerous counterspells; in Šabāṭu we performed “hand-lifting” prayers,202 an apotropaic ritual to counteract evil sorcery203 and aritual against malaria and plague.204 On the 1st day we initiated the rites (to be performed) in Addaru.”205 Adad-šumu-uṣur writes in letter SAA X 193 about “(the ritual entitled) “Asubstitute for Ereškigal””206 held for the crown prince. During this ritual, avirgin kid was killed and buried as asubstitute for the person to be cured.207 Therapeutic effects of treatment were also strengthened by various stones (abnu, log. NA₄),208 phylacteries ((KUŠ.)mē’elu),209 and strings of amulet stones (ṭurru)210 which were sent by physicians as well as by exorcists.211 These objects were placed close to the patient212 or directly on his body (hung on his neck,213 for example) in order to relieve him of his ailment.214 201 “GIG di’uana E2 NA NU TE-e” (SAA X 296, l.14). 202 “ŠU.IL2.KAM2.MEŠ” (SAA X 296, l.17). 203 “NAM.BUR2.BI ḪUL kišpī” (SAA X 296, l.18). It seems likely that the incantation “You, River, Creator of Everything” (EN2 atti ID2 DU3-at kalāma) mentioned in SAA X 201 belonged to the type of namburbi against witchcraft (SAA X 201, rev. 6’; for more, see Parpola 1983: 148). 204 “Ša di’ušipṭu” (SAA X 296, rev. 1). 205 SAA X 296, ll.10— rev. 2. For more, see Parpola 1983: 211–213. 206 “Pūḫi amēli ana Ereškigal” (SAA X 193, l.14). See also Parpola 1983: 126–127. 207 Parpola 1983: 127. 208 Abnu “stone (in natural form and location), stone (prepared for specific use), stone (as med. term referring to bladder stones)” (CAD A1: 54ff, esp. 58–59), “stone, gem” (SAA X: 322). SAA X 309, l.3’. 209 Mē’elu/mêlu “bandage, poultice worn around the neck” (CAD M2: 14–15), “phylactery” (SAA X: 345), “phylactery, poultice” (Parpola et al.2007: 63). SAA X 295, l.7; SAA X 309, l.3’; SAA X 315, rev. 16; SAA X 328, l.9. 210 Ṭurru “yarn, twine, wire, string, band” (CAD Ṭ: 164–165), “band, string, wire; ribbon” (AssDict. p.127), “string (of amulet stones)” (SAA X: 368), “string (of perforated amulet stones hung around the neck), awell-known healing device of Mesopotamian exorcists” (Parpola 1983: 173). SAA X 241, rev. 3. 211 E.g. the physicians Ikkāru (SAA X 328) and Urdu-Nanāia (SAA X 315) and exorcists UrduGula (SAA X 295) and Ana-Nabû-atkal (SAA X 309). 212 In the text SAA X 316, for example, there is mentioned some object called “healer” (mušallimānu; “acraftsman, uncert. mng.” (CAD M2: 256)). This “healer” was sent together with some medicinal herbs, and it was probably to be placed into the bed of asick person (SAA X 316, rev. 23— r.e. 26). Nevertheless, the tablet is damaged and the context therefore remains unclear. 213 “Iam sending certain phylacteries to the king, my lord. The king should put them around his neck” (SAA X 315, rev. 16— r.e. 18). 214 E.g. “Iprepared the [sto]nes and the phylactery (used) against epilepsy and put them upon him, (and see), the epilepsy left him. Once the child had calmed down, they put (the amulets) upon the nephew of Zēru-ukīn: he, too, calmed down. [O]nce the nephew of Zēruukīn had calmed down, they put (the amulets) upon that shepherd— your sister […]. He calmed down” (SAA X 309, ll.3’— rev. 3). OPEN ACCESS kATEřinA ŠAŠkOvá 71 After these medical procedures— application of drugs and performing magical acts— the patient could recover, or he could become much better (šīru (of sb.) ṭâbu;215 murṣa našāru216), but his condition could also get worse217 or remain unchanged.218 REFERENCES 215 For šīru, see above. Ṭâbu “to become good” (CAD Ṭ: 34ff, esp. 36–37). SAA X 297, ll.10–11 and rev. 4’–5’; SAA X 323, ll.10–11; SAA X 328, ll.19–20. 216 Našāru “to deduct, remove, to reduce in size, number, intensity” (CAD N2: 60ff, esp. 62–63). SAA X 315, rev. 8–9. 217 “Do (all our) efforts really only result in regress?“ (SAA X 328, rev. 7–8). 218 “He makes no progress” (a-na pa-ni la-ail-lak; SAA X 329, rev. 3); “he has not seen any improvement” (ṭu-bu ŠA3-bi la-ae-mur; ibid., ll.9–10). Abusch, T.— Schwemer, D. (2011) Corpus of Mesopotamian Anti-witchcraft Rituals, Vol.1 [Ancient Magic and Divination, 8/1], Leiden— Boston: Brill. ABZ = Borger, R. (1981) Assyrisch-babylonische Zeichenliste, Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag. AHw = von Soden, W. (1965–1981). Akkadisches Handwörterbuch, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Baker, H.D. (ed.) (2000) The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire: Ḫ–K[PNA 2/I], Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. —. (ed.) (2001) The Prosopography of the NeoAssyrian Empire: L–N [PNA 2/II], Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. —. (ed.) (2002) The Prosopography of the NeoAssyrian Empire: P–Ṣ [PNA 3/I], Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. —. (ed.) (2011) The Prosopography of the NeoAssyrian Empire: Š–Z[PNA 3/II], Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. Bezold, C. (1891) Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum, Volume II, London: British Museum. Biggs, R.D. (1987) Medizin. A.In Mesopotamien, in: E.R.F.Ebeling et al. (eds.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie: Libanukšabaš— Medizin, Berlin— New York: de Gruyter, 623–629. CAD = Oppenheim, A.L.— Reiner, E.— Roth, M.T. (eds.) (1956–2010) The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Douek, E. (2007) Ancient and contemporary management in adisease of unknown aetiology, in: I.L.Finkel— M.J.Geller (eds.), Disease in Babylonia [Cuneiform Monographs, 36], Leiden – Boston: Brill, 215–218. Fincke, J.C. (2003) The Babylonian texts of Nineveh: report on the British Museum’s Ashurbanipal Library Project, in: Archiv für Orientforschung 50, 111–149. —. (2004). The British Museum’s Ashurbanipal Library Project, in: Iraq 66, 55–60. Geller, M.J. (2007) Evil Demons: Canonical Utukkū Lemnūtu Incantations [State Archives of Assyria Cuneiform Texts, V], Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. —. (2010) Ancient Babylonian Medicine: Theory and Practice, Chichester— Malden: WileyBlackwell. Grayson, A.K. (1975) Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles [Texts from Cuneiform Sources, V], New York: J.J.Augustin. Hunger, H. (1968) Babylonische und assyrische Kolophone [Alter Orient und Altes Testament, 2], Kevelaer: Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsvereins. —. (1972) Neues von Nabû-zuqup-kēna, in: Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 62, 99–101. OPEN ACCESS 72 CHATREŠŠAR 2/2018 Köcher, F. (1963) Die babylonisch-assyrische Medizin in Texten und Untersuchungen, Bd. 1: Keilschrifttexte aus Assur 1, Berlin: de Gruyter. Panayotov, S.V. (2018) Notes on the Assur Medical Catalogue with Comparison to the Nineveh Medical Encyclopaedia, in U.Steinert (ed.), Assyrian and Babylonian Scholarly Text Catalogues: Medicine, Magic and Divination [Die babylonisch-assyrische Medizin in Texten und Untersuchungenpp, 9], Berlin— Boston: De Gruyter, 89–120. Parpola, S. (1970) Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, Part I[Alter Orient und Altes Testament, 5/1], Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag. —. (1980) The murder of Sennacherib, in: B.Alster (ed.), Death in Mesopotamia: Papers Read at the XXVIe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale [Mesopotamia, 8], Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 171–182. —. (1983) Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, Part II [Alter Orient und Altes Testament, 5/2], Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag. Parpola, S.— Whiting, R.M.— Cherry, Z. et al. (ed.) (2007). Assyrian-English-Assyrian Dictionary, Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. Radner, K. (ed.) (1998) The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire: A[PNA 1/I], Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. —. (ed.) (1999) The Prosopography of the NeoAssyrian Empire: B–G [PNA 1/II], Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. —. (2012) The king’s advisors: magnates and scholars, Knowledge and Power, Higher Education Academy, http://oracc. museum.upenn.edu/saao/knpp/essentials/ kingsadvisors/index.html Reiner, E. (1970) Šurpu: ACollection of Sumerian and Akkadian Incantations [Archiv für Orientforschung, Beiheft 11], Osnabrück: Biblio-Verlag. —. (2006) First-millennium Babylonian literature, in: J.Boardman et al. (eds.), The Cambridge Ancient History: The Assyrian and Babylonian Empires and other States of the Near East, from the Eighth to the Sixth Centuries B.C. [The Cambridge Ancient History, III/2], Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. RIMB II = Frame, G. (1995) Rulers of Babylonia: From the Second Dynasty of Isin to the End of Assyrian Domination (1157–612 BC) [The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Babylonian Periods, II], Toronto— Buffalo— London: University of Toronto Press. Robson, E. (2008) Mesopotamian medicine and religion: current debates, new perspectives, in: Religion Compass 2/4, 455–483. —. (2011) Empirical scholarship in the Neo-Assyrian court, in: G.J.Selz— K.Wagensonner (ed.), The Empirical Dimension of Ancient Near Eastern Studies [Wiener Offene Orientalistik, 6], Berlin— London: LIT Verlag, 603–630. —. (2012) Medicine and healing: curing the body, calming the spirits, Knowledge and Power, Higher Education Academy, http:// oracc.museum.upenn.edu/saao/knpp/ essentials/medicinehealing/index.html SAA II = Parpola, S.— Watanabe, K. (1988) Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths [State Archives of Assyria II], Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. SAA III = Livingstone, A. (1989) Court Poetry and Literary Miscellanea [State Archives of Assyria III], Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. SAA IV = Starr, I. (1990) Queries to the Sungod [State Archives of Assyria IV], Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. SAA VI = Kwasman, T.— Parpola, S. (1991) Legal Transactions of the Royal Court of Nineveh, Part I[State Archives of Assyria VI], Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. SAA VII = Fales, F.M.— Postgate, J.N. (1992) Imperial Administrative Records, Part I[State Archives of Assyria VII], Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. SAA VIII = Hunger, H. (1992) Astrological Reports to Assyrian Kings [State Archives of Assyria VIII], Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. SAA X = Parpola, S. (1993) Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars [State Archives of Assyria X], Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. OPEN ACCESS kATEřinA ŠAŠkOvá 73 SAA XI = Fales, F.M.— Postgate, J.N. (1995) Imperial Administrative Records, Part II [State Archives of Assyria XI], Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. SAA XVI = Luukko, M.— Buylaere, G.V. (2002) The Political Correspondence of Esarhaddon [State Archives of Assyria XVI], Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. SAAo = Tinney, S.— Robson, E.— Veldhuis, N. (2012) State Archives of Assyria Online, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Museum, http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/ saao/corpus Scurlock, J. (2006) Magico-Medical Means of Treating Ghost-Induced Illnesses in Ancient Mesopotamia [Ancient Magic and Divination, 3], Leiden— Boston: Brill— Styx. Steinert, U. (2018) Catalogues, Texts and Specialists: Some Thoughts on the Assur Medical Catalogue, Mesopotamian Medical Texts and Healing Professions, in U.Steinert (ed.), Assyrian and Babylonian Scholarly Text Catalogues: Medicine, Magic and Divination [Die babylonisch-assyrische Medizin in Texten und Untersuchungenpp, 9], Berlin— Boston: De Gruyter, 158–200. Streck, M. (1916) Assurbanipal, Teil II, Leipzig: Hinrichs. Waterman, L. (1930a) Royal Correspondence of the Assyrian Empire, Part I, University of Michigan Press. —. (1930b) Royal Correspondence of the Assyrian Empire, Part II, University of Michigan Press. OPEN ACCESS