Young Coloureds’ implicit attitudes towards two historically White English accents in the South African context: A case study

Young Coloureds’ implicit attitudes towards two historically White English accents in the South African context: A case study Pedro Álvarez-Mosquera University of Salamanca / University of South Africa This study explores the implicit language attitudes of a sample of 84 young Coloured South Africans towards two historically White accents in the country: the Standard South African English accent and Afrikaans-accented English. In order to shed light on the role of language in the process of social categorization among the younger generations, I present a mixedmethodological approach that investigates the interrelation between the results of an Implicit Association Test (IAT) towards the two selected accents and the participants’ linguistic background, language exposure, and social distance levels. Within the target demographic, the data confirm the existence of an overall positive implicit attitude towards Standard South African English, although positive attitudes towards Afrikaans-accented English were not uncommon. Correlations between IAT effect and the variables “social distance levels with Whites” and “places of residence” provide potential explanations and valuable sociolinguistic information about the language dynamics in this diverse ethnic group. Keywords: South African English, language attitudes, Implicit Association Test, Coloured South Africans, social distance, accents Álvarez-Mosquera, Pedro (2019). Young Coloureds’ implicit attitudes towards two historically White English accents in the South African context: A case study. English World-Wide, 40 (3): 325-344. 2 Pedro Álvarez-Mosquera 1. Introduction The study of language attitudes in South Africa, a multilingual country where English is considered one or the main lingua franca in many social contexts (De Klerk 1996; Dyers 2000, 2004; Kamwangamalu 2003; Mesthrie 2006), is slowly receiving academic attention. As a formerly White/colonising language (together with Afrikaans), the current higher status of English is unavoidably influenced by the historical and current social dynamics of the population (Kamwangamalu 2003; Greenfield 2010), which is officially composed of Blacks (79.2 per cent), Coloureds (8.9 per cent), Whites (8.9 per cent), and Indians (2.5 per cent) (“Census 2011”). In this regard, Painter and Dixon (2013) highlighted the importance of conducting research on language attitudes across the major ethnic groups in South Africa since they play a significant role in the process of social categorisation and this is especially important in present times where racial discrimination is being reproduced in finer ways (Painter and Dixon 2013: 109). Therefore, due to the dominant position of English in intergroup/interethnic communication, the study of attitudes towards English accents can contribute effectively to untangling South Africa’s complex social dynamics. Among other possibilities, investigating the non-White groups’ attitudes towards English accents largely associated with the White groups presents high sociolinguistic value in post-apartheid South Africa. By means of the Implicit Association Test (IAT), Álvarez-Mosquera (2017a) explored the implicit attitudes of young black participants towards the two accents traditionally associated with the white group in South Africa. Results showed a clear positive bias towards Standard South African English over Afrikaansaccented English, while relevant sociolinguistic traits – namely the participants’ linguistic repertoires, the dominant languages spoken in their places of origin, and the type of school attended – reverted this trend among some participants in this sample (see Álvarez-Mosquera and Marín-Gutiérrez 2018, fc.). This article seeks to extend this pioneering study to investigate language attitudes among young Coloured South Africans. More specifically, we 1 are interested in learning how young individuals from this ethnic group, who were either born or raised during the democratic era (under 25 years old), cognitively process the same White accents. Currently, we are at a point in history where Afrikaans has been experiencing a noticeable downgrading in socio-political and educational terms (McCormick 2002b: 127; Prinsloo 2007; Painter and Dixon 2013), while English 1 While I am the only author of this paper, I have been working hand in hand with South African sociolinguists, phoneticians, statisticians, and other professionals while collecting and analysing the data. Young Coloureds’ implicit attitudes towards White English accents 3 has undergone an opposite development (Kamwangamalu 2003; Casale and Posel 2011). As we will explain in the following Sections, these changes, coupled with the complex and diverse sociolinguistic dynamics of the Coloured group, underline the research interest of monitoring the evolution of contemporary language attitudes among the younger South African Coloureds. 2. Coloured communities in South Africa In post-apartheid South Africa, the use of ethnic labels, such as the term “Coloured”, continues to be very controversial. A number of studies and public testimonies of members of this group have attested to the existence of diverging attitudes towards its usage (Adhikari 2009). While some reject the label as part of the legacy of the apartheid era, others proudly defend it as an inalienable feature of their identity. In the academic sphere however, the term has been widely used for a number of reasons, such as to keep track of the social demographics in South Africa. In general, the term “Coloured” refers to people partly descended from European settlers, but largely from Cape slaves, the indigenous Khoisan population, and other people of African and Asian (mostly Malay) 2 origin who had been assimilated into Cape colonial society by the late 19th century (Adhikari 2005: 1; see also Adhikari 2009: xviii; Thutloa and Huddlestone 2011). As Adhikari (2005: 1) points out, Coloureds are commonly regarded as being of mixed race and “have held an intermediate status in the South African racial hierarchy, distinct from the historically dominant White minority and the numerically preponderant African population”. This potential definition of the label “Coloured” illustrates the diversity and complexities of this group in terms of different phenotypes, religious affiliations, historical backgrounds, and social statuses. Further information regarding the specific sample of participants from this group will be provided in Section 5. Equally relevant to this study, the language practices of members of this group have also received academic attention in the last decades. McCormick (2002a: 221), in her study of the iconic District Six in Cape Town, claims that the vast majority of English and Afrikaans 3 speakers living there by the 1950s did not fall 2 Malay is a local term for the Asian population of mainly Indonesian origin. 3 Afrikaans, a language mostly derived from Dutch but also influenced by other languages from Malay slaves, local Khoisan communities, English, and Portuguese, was recognised as a medium of instruction by the Provincial Education Departments in 1914, which led to its standardisation from 1925 onwards (van Rensburg and Jordaan 1995: 118; 4 Pedro Álvarez-Mosquera into the categories usually denoted by the terms “the Afrikaners” and “the English”, as they were not White. Consequently, their mixed ancestry and perceived lack of linguistic purity excluded them from the rights and privileges enjoyed by the “pure” White English and Afrikaans speakers. When studying the linguistic side, McCormick uses the term “vernacular” to refer to all non-standard local usages of the mixed code (Afrikaans and English) spoken in this community as, of course, not everyone had an equal command of the two languages (see Figure 1). More specifically, the local variety of Coloured Afrikaans (also known as Kaaps or Cape Vernacular Afrikaans) contained many English lexical items and showed structural influence from English in terms of verb-placement rules (see also Saal and Blignaut 2011; Hendricks 2017 for further details). Due to its higher prestige, English did not seem as susceptible to the use of Afrikaans lexical items. However, as English was in the process of becoming the first language for many speakers in the community, its grammar was not as stable (McCormick 2002a: 222–223; see also Malan 1996). It is perhaps important to note that the use of this mixed “vernacular” code as well as code-switching were (and still are) a norm within the Coloured communities as it had symbolic and solidarity value, keeping both “pure English” and “suiwer [pure] Afrikaans” out of any informal interaction (McCormick 2002b: 123). [insert Figure 1 here] Figure 1. The vernacular (after McCormick 2002a: 223) Given such a specific linguistic background, the study of the implicit attitudes of members of this ethnic group towards both the Standard South African English accent and Afrikaans-accented English is relevant for the study of social dynamics in post-apartheid South Africa. This relevance is reinforced if we take into account that the younger generation, who will be the target group in this paper, have experienced the social and linguistic transformation of the new South Africa more intensively than the older ones. In 2002, McCormick (2002b: 120) highlighted the existence of an apparent split between (Coloured) speakers over the age of 30 who communicated mostly in Afrikaans, and those in their twenties who were equally fluent in English and Afrikaans. She observed that Afrikaans-dominant families were raising their children in English, although Afrikaans was still used in the household in interactions with older relatives (McCormick 2002b: 127; see also Anthonissen 2009). Although most of these parents’ first language was the local Giliomee 2004). Since van Rensburg (1983), three varieties of Afrikaans are traditionally distinguished: Cape Afrikaans, Orange River Afrikaans, and Eastern Cape Afrikaans. The latter became Standard Afrikaans, which is currently taught at schools (Roberge 2003: 26). Young Coloureds’ implicit attitudes towards White English accents 5 variety of Afrikaans and many probably had insufficient education to have mastered Standard English syntax and idiomatic usage, McCormick (2002a: 223) states that most of the distinctive features of this L2 variety of English might be fading away as new generations have more formal English-medium education than their parents did. However, while they have the (academic and professional) motivation to learn Standard English, a number of studies have suggested that Afrikaans still endures as an important in-group marker (distinctiveness) and still plays a vital role in peer-to-peer interactions in local domains (McCormick 2002b: 133; see also Neethling 1998; Dyers 2004, 2007, 2008). Finally, an additional reflection that underlines the relevance of the present study from a sociolinguistic perspective is the fact that (Standard) Afrikaans has not only progressively lost its status as a language of power in the new South Africa, but it is also generally negatively perceived at a social level (Beukes 2009: 54; Greenfield 2010: 525). In this regard, McCormick (2002b: 96, 102–103) observed that Coloured speakers disassociate themselves from (Standard) Afrikaans by using their vernacular variety as well as a great degree of codeswitching between English and Afrikaans (see also Neethling 1998). This cooccurrence, of Whites and Coloureds speaking different varieties of Afrikaans and possibly attaching a different cognitive load to each variety when tracked through the accents in English, underlines the social relevance of our study in the South African context. 3. Contextualization of the study Given the complexity of the language dynamics and the socio-cultural diversity subsumed under the term Coloured, it is important to provide a clear contextualization of the study in order to better interpret the results. This study took place during the first semester of 2018 at the University of Cape Town (UCT). 4 UCT is the oldest university in South Africa and the highest ranked African university in different international classifications. Formerly an overwhelmingly White-only institution, the university now has a much more multi-ethnic student body (see Table 1). 4 The researcher obtained ethical clearance both from the Linguistics section of the School of African and Gender Studies, Anthropology and Linguistics (AXL) and the Students Affairs Office at UCT. Participation was entirely voluntary. The names of the participants were not used except for the informed consent form that they read and signed. This study involved no known risks to the participants. 6 Pedro Álvarez-Mosquera Table 1. Ethnic distribution of UCT students (Centre for Higher Education Trust) [insert Table 1 here] As can be seen in Table 1, the Coloured population at this institution comprises roughly 13 per cent of the student body. This is a relatively low percentage if we take into account that 42.4 per cent of the over 3.7 million residents in this city belong to this ethnic group (“Census 2011”). While a number of factors, such as students’ mobility, type of schooling, or higher university fees, 5 might explain this figure, it is perhaps important to underline that the more convenient and former Coloured-only University of the Western Cape still tends to attract a higher number of Coloured students. Therefore, although these factors (mobility, funds, etc.) might somehow have shaped the type of Coloured participants included in this study, the results can be valid and representative for part of this heterogeneous group. Having said this, all the participants in the study self-identified as Coloured in the post-IAT survey. In addition, the fact that UCT has a diverse student population makes it an ideal place to explore implicit attitudes towards Standard South African English accent and Afrikaans-accented English as students are likely to come across such accents during their academic lives. Likewise, UCT’s ethnic dynamics are relevant for the study of other sociolinguistic variables included in this research, such as social distance, as it guarantees enough exposure to all major ethnic groups. 4. Methodology Our methodological approach seeks to provide scientific insight into the nature of young Coloureds’ language attitudes by means of the IAT (Greenwald, McGhee, and Schwartz 1998). This analytical tool, adapted from the field of social psychology and successfully tested for sociolinguistic purposes in the South African context (Álvarez-Mosquera 2017b; Álvarez-Mosquera and MarínGutiérrez 2018), enables the association of audio inputs (accents) with positive and negative social traits so as to keep record of participants’ implicit attitudes towards them through their reaction times. 6 This is due to the fact that audio stimuli 5 Note that UCT makes available ZAR 500 million through several sources as financial aid to both ensure that it attracts the best students and redresses past disadvantage, while ensuring a diverse student body (UCT Admission Policy). 6 As noted by Álvarez-Mosquera and Marín-Gutiérrez (2018), the data generated by this tool have been critically tested and revised by a number of researchers who contributed to Young Coloureds’ implicit attitudes towards White English accents 7 can also trigger measurable automatic reactions based on pre-existing stereotypes and cognitive connections resulting from the participants’ experiences, exposure, etc. (Wittenbrink and Schwarz 2007; see also Brunel, Tietje, and Greenwald 2004: 387; Pantos and Perkins 2013). In other words, the indexical capacity of languages and accents, determined by the specificities of each community of speakers (among other socio-cultural practices), activates associated (stereotypical and nonstereotypical) information of speakers of such varieties according to one’s own knowledge, exposure, and previous experiences with those speaking communities (see also Anward 1993; Crisp and Hewstone 2006; Bekker and Levon 2017). In using this analytical tool, our approach overcomes methodological limitations associated with the use of the classic matched-guise technique (Agheyisi and Fishman 1970; Smit 1996; Campbell-Kibler 2006), as well as other shortcomings detected in previous studies in the South African context in that the target group and context for this study also guarantee participants’ exposure to the two accents under comparison (see Smit 1996). More precisely, earlier studies of language attitudes did not require participants to identify the varieties they were asked to evaluate. In a multilingual and socially diverse country like South Africa, this entails a significant risk that might affect the validity of the research outcome. With our approach, we not only recruited participants in a context (i.e. UCT) where they had exposure to speakers of the target varieties, but we also designed our experiment to capture participants’ (subconscious) reactions to audio-files containing these selected accents (see details below). The specific design of this experiment entailed the use of E-prime 2.0.10 (build 353) to display the audio clips and social traits to participants as well as to record their responses and reaction times (see Álvarez-Mosquera 2017a). A total of 14 audio recordings containing the same seven pre-tested neutral sentences in each of the selected English accents were used. These seven sentences were pronounced by two females from a similar age group, comparable (educated) social background, and with a perceptible accent of their mother tongue (English and Afrikaans respectively). The English speaker’s output can be described as Standard South African English to broadly refer to L1 White South African strengthening its reliability (Brunel, Tietje, and Greenwald 2004; Nosek, Greenwald, and Banaji 2005; Nosek and Hansen 2008) and further developed the algorithm (Greenwald, Nosek, and Banaji 2003), among other improvements. Based on these previous studies, we can affirm that the IAT can be a useful tool to conduct sociolinguistic research as long as we have a clear idea of its scope, strengths, and weaknesses. 8 Pedro Álvarez-Mosquera middle-class urban English. 7 The output of the second speaker would correspond to a L1 White South African middle-class urban Afrikaans accent in English. 8 Due to the importance of preserving the indexicality of these accents, the audio recordings have not been normalised as doing so could potentially affect participants’ reaction times. Following the IAT model, each accent was eventually associated with clearly positive social traits (e.g. efficient, loving, friendly, etc.) and clearly negative social ones (e.g. rude, lazy, racist, etc.). In order to complete the experiment, participants were presented with five blocks on a computer equipped with headphones. With a prototypical IAT design, block 1 (sorting traits) and block 2 (sorting audios) constituted training blocks in which participants only had to categorise the stimuli in isolation as fast as they could. Following the same procedure, in block 3 (measurement block) participants found that Afrikaans-accented English was paired with bad (negative) social traits by assigning both categories to the same response key, while Standard South African English was associated with good (positive) traits under another response key. Based on the predominantly higher status of Standard English both at a social and academic level, we considered this block as the congruent condition. After changing the order of the accents in block 4 (re-training), block 5 presented to the participants the incongruent condition. In other words, in this section Afrikaansaccented English was paired with positive traits and Standard South African English with negative ones. With this design, if the mapping of any of these two varieties of English is in line with one of the types of social traits (positive or negative) ascribed by the participants, shorter response latencies will be registered by IAT. On the contrary, if the mapping of the two categories is not in line, longer latencies will be recorded. 7 This variety can also be referred as “General South African English”. Recent research shows that features of Standard South African English have been adopted to different extents by middle-class speakers from other ethnic groups in what can be defined as a process of linguistic deracialisation (see Mesthrie 2010, 2017; Wilmot 2014). Therefore, we are aware that this label is not unproblematic. 8 In the context of Cape Town, it is important to bear in mind that Coloured Afrikaans (also known as Kaaps or Cape Vernacular Afrikaans), as well as other non-standard varieties of Afrikaans in the nation, has distinctive lexical, phonological, syntactic and morphological features (see Blignaut and Lesch 2014: 21; Dyers 2015: 57–58) that set this variety apart from the Standard Afrikaans mostly spoken by whites (see also McCormick 1990). Therefore, native speakers of both Standard Afrikaans and Coloured Afrikaans tend to have distinctive accents/phonological features when speaking English. This difference is rather taken for granted or obvious and no major research has been done on the topic (see Malan 1996; Watermeyer 1996). Young Coloureds’ implicit attitudes towards White English accents 9 Finally, after each participant completed the experiment, a sociolinguistic survey was administrated in order to keep track of their basic demographic and linguistic background, language exposure, and social distance levels. More specifically, participants’ language exposure was determined by a number of parameters including languages spoken at home, the most common languages present in their immediate community, and the language distribution in their places of residence. As for the latter, for the purpose of our this study, we used the 2011 census data (Census 2011) to determine each participant’s relative language exposure in their home areas. To do so, we classified their places of residences as clearly Afrikaans-dominated areas, English dominated areas, or areas where both English and Afrikaans were present to a similar degree. When participants had lived in several places with different language distributions or in places with an unclear dominant language, we used the category “fairly multilingual areas” instead. With regards to social distance, this variable has been used in a number of studies, including in the South African context (see Holtman et al. 2005; Finchilescu et al. 2007; Álvarez-Mosquera 2017b). Based on these previous examples, and with the collaboration of a number of local scholars, participants responded to five context-specific questions 9 to determine their degree of social distance with members of the four major ethnic groups in South Africa. Taking into account that their highest score could be 50, as we were using 10 point grading scales, social distance levels were established as follows: low (39–50), mid-low (26–38), mid-high (13–25), high (0–12). Finally, short interviews often took place to clarify or further develop some of their answers (see Álvarez-Mosquera and Marín-Gutiérrez fc.). 5. Participants Eighty five Coloured participants were recruited for this experiment. One was eliminated because of her age (over 30 years old) and because she had also lived abroad for a number of years. Results were calculated out of the remaining 84 9 1) How familiar would you say you are with members of these groups?; 2) How often do you do things socially with members of this group? (This includes things like going to movies or parties, eating together, etc.); 3) How often do you study or do other class work with members of this group?; 4) How often do you have social contact with members of this group in your/their home?; and 5) How many people from this group do you consider core/close friends? 16 Pedro Álvarez-Mosquera these communities. 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