Language Attitudes in a Lingua Franca: The Case of Black South African College Students

LANGUAGE ATTITUDES IN A LINGUA FRANCA Language Attitudes in a Lingua Franca: The Case of Black South African College Students Pedro Álvarez-Mosquera1,2 and Alejandro Marín-Gutiérrez3 1 Department of English Philology, University of Salamanca 2 Department of Linguistics and Modern Languages, University of South Africa 3 Department of Basic Psychology, Psychobiology and Methodology of Behavioral Sciences, University of Salamanca Author Note Pedro Álvarez-Mosquera https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1753-9267 Alejandro Marín-Gutiérrez https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2114-7736 This research was funded by the Jose Castillejo grant (CAS16/00071), Spanish Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport. I would like to acknowledge Prof R. Mesthrie’s research chair in Migration, Language and Social Change, via the NRF’s South African Research Chairs Initiative (grant no. 64805) for hosting me at the University of Cape Town. Álvarez-Mosquera, Pedro and Alejandro Marín-Gutiérrez (2021). Language Attitudes in a Lingua Franca: The Case of Black South African College Students. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 40(3): 378-397. LANGUAGE ATTITUDES IN A LINGUA FRANCA 2 Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Pedro ÁlvarezMosquera, Department of English Philology, University of Salamanca, Placentinos, 18, CP 37008 Salamanca, Spain. Email: [email protected] Language attitudes in a lingua franca: the case of black South African college students Language can play an important role in the social categorization process. Linguistic features are seen to become associated with social values and meanings due to their indexicality, that is, the idea that language varieties constitute a “meaning-making resource that may be drawn on in interaction with others” (Swann, 2009, p. 146). This indexical capacity of language presents important social implications. Research shows that individuals’ language biases start from an early age as part of their socialization process (Kinzler et al., 2007), and can interfere in the development of intergroup relations. This applies not only different languages but also accents since they can also be a great predictor of group membership and even override other social categories such as race in determining our social preferences (Ito & Urland, 2003; Kinzler et al., 2010; Paladino & Mazzurega, 2020). Due to a wide range of sociohistorical and contextual factors, and as a result of socialization practices, language varieties do not normally have the same social value. A basic distinction is the case of standard and non-standard varieties as these elicit different evaluative reactions along status and solidarity dimensions (Dragojevic, 2018; Giles & Marlow, 2011). More specifically, standard varieties are often associated with dominant socioeconomic groups; nonstandard ones are more prone to index in-group loyalty and lower social status. However, it is important to note that speakers’ language preferences are dynamic. This may be due to personal experiences, the influence of education, media, and other social factors (Bangeni & Kapp, 2007; Dragojevic, 2018). LANGUAGE ATTITUDES IN A LINGUA FRANCA 3 To advance the understanding of this multifaceted socio-cognitive process, this study focuses on a highly multilingual and ethnically diverse country: South Africa 1 . In this country, language has long acted as a significant marker of difference and domination. The legacy of colonialism and apartheid, in particular, has largely resulted in the social devaluation of indigenous languages “to the point where negative ideas about their nature and utility become a pervasive ideology and become internalized by its speakers” (Painter & Dixon, 2013, p. 108; see CoetzeeVan Rooy & Van Rooy, 2005). South African indigenous language (SAIL) speakers tend to consider English as a symbol of education, culture, and modernization, as well as a significant advantage for job opportunities (Bangeni & Kapp, 2007). Unlike Afrikaans, which is often associated with the old regime, English is widely regarded as a de facto lingua franca with a prevalent use in parliament, higher education, and public administration, among other national institutions (Mesthrie, 2006). Critical voices against the predominance of English have been raising concerns over the current linguistic situation in the country. Language rights activists lament that SAIL speakers commonly prefer to perpetuate the use of English than to demand greater use of their languages in socially and culturally relevant domains (Parmegiani, 2008). Criticism also encompasses the notion of Standard South African English which privileges mostly (white) native speakers of this language, turning other varieties as deviant (De Klerk, 1999). These include Black South African English or black accented English 2 , that is, the variety of English commonly used by 1 With more than 50 million citizens, this country’s multiethnic and pluralistic nature is reflected in the constitution's recognition of 11 official languages, two of which are of European origin: English and Afrikaans. The remaining nine official languages are the mother tongue of approximately 75% of the total population (Census 2011) and they are distributed as follows: Sepedi, Sesotho and Setswana (Sotho-Tswana family); siSwati, isiNdebele, isiXhosa and isiZulu (Nguni family); Tshivenda and Xitsonga. 2 Labels are particularly problematic in the South African context (Mesthrie, 2020). The terms Black English, Black South African English or black accented English are often used to refer to the English variety spoken mostly by SAIL speakers in this country. Within this group, sociolinguists speak of a continuum ranging from basilect (the oldest, most L1-oriented variety) to mesolect (intermediate status) to acrolect (a more prestigious and less L1-oriented one) for L2 English (Van Rooy, 2004). LANGUAGE ATTITUDES IN A LINGUA FRANCA 4 mother-tongue speakers of SAILs; the largest group in the country. In this vein, experts warn that discrimination based on language can be a proxy for race in today’s South Africa (Parmegiani, 2008; Evans, 2015). Issues with language performance in academic and professional domains often underline the necessity of good language skills. Paradoxically, being a black South African with a prominent command of standard-like English comes with a social cost. The term coconut is typically used as a racial slur meaning these speakers are perceived to be taking a white identity or acting white (Parmegiani, 2008; Wilmot, 2014). With this in mind, the study of language attitudes towards Standard South African English and black accented English, in particular, appears to be of special relevance for the South African population. However, there remains a paucity of evidence in this area (Bekker, 2004; Painter & Dixon, 2013). With regards to the specific case of Black South African English, De Klerk (1999) observed that this variety presented certain signs of having more positive value since its stigma was dissipating as a result of its wider public use in post-apartheid South Africa (see Coetzee-Van Rooy & Van Rooy, 2005). However, she also acknowledged that there was no guarantee that it would become “a means of access to power and self-improvement which will automatically be accompanied by a range of social and educational benefits” (p. 173). Smit and Verhoef (2003) investigated black teachers’ attitudes towards black varieties of English in South African classrooms but their findings were inconclusive. Methodologically speaking, most studies relied predominantly on qualitative approaches including questionnaires (Parmegiani, 2008), interviews (Bangeni & Kapp, 2007), focus groups (Evans, 2015) or even combinations of them (Bekker, 2004) in order to explore language attitudes towards different speaking communities in the country. Matched-guise studies have also been limited and fragmented, generating more questions than answers (Bekker, 2005; Coetzee-Van Rooy & Van Rooy, 2005). In contrast, calls for the design and implementation of new measurement instruments adjusted to the South African context LANGUAGE ATTITUDES IN A LINGUA FRANCA 5 (Bekker, 2004), and for the increase of language attitude studies towards local varieties and accents have been often reported (Painter & Dixon, 2013). Therefore, at a time when there are social and political moves to change language policies in tertiary education (see Contextualization of the Study), it seems fitting to investigate the implicit language attitudes 3 of young L1 SAIL speakers towards Standard South African English (White SA English) and black accented English (Black SA English) in a university context. Despite the evidence of emerging positive attitudes towards the latter, we postulate that positive bias towards the standard variety will persist among members of this group (hypothesis 1). In addition, context-relevant sociolinguistic variables considered in this study (see methodology) will contribute to explain the detected biases (hypothesis 2). From a methodological viewpoint, this study also seeks to advance in the investigation of language attitudes in South Africa by moving away from direct elicitation of language attitudes (Formanowicz & Suitner, 2020; Paladino & Mazzurega, 2020; Rosseel et al., 2019). More precisely, we will use an audio Implicit Association Test (IAT), that is, an adapted version of IAT (Greenwald et al., 1998) that incorporates clips uttered in the selected language varieties to measure participants’ implicit bias towards them (hypothesis 1). By means of this contextrelevant version of the IAT in combination with a post-IAT survey that investigates the interrelation between participants’ language bias and their sociolinguistic background (hypothesis 2), we seek to make an relevant contribution to an important research lacuna in the South African context. Contextualization of the Study In 2015 and 2016, the #RhodesMustFall and #FeesMustFall movements became the largest student social protests since the beginning of South Africa’s democracy in 1994 3 Implicit attitudes can be defined as “introspectively unidentified (or inaccurately identified) traces of past experience that mediate favorable or unfavorable feeling, thought, or action toward social objects” (Greenwald & Banaji, 1995; see Perkins et al., 2008). In the case of language implicit attitudes, these unconscious, automatic or implicit mediating processes apply to language varieties. LANGUAGE ATTITUDES IN A LINGUA FRANCA 6 (Habib, 2016). These collective actions sought to address a variety of issues ranging from institutional racism to access to education. While a number of steps have been taken by many South African universities to reverse racial alienation and guarantee access to affordable higher education for socially and economically disadvantaged students, the process of decolonization 4 in the context of higher education is still unfolding. In this ongoing process of transformation, the role of languages in the academic environment and in society at large is not a minor issue (Mesthrie, 2020). English continues to have a dominant position in the educational arena and the presence of indigenous languages at this level is almost anecdotic (Ntombela, 2016), despite the fact that most students are L2 English speakers. 5 This linguistic asymmetry implies that the average citizen (and student) has a relatively large exposure to accented varieties of English (lingua franca) especially in urban areas, but also by means of the national TV, the internet and social media elsewhere. While in recent years, social mobility, education, and intergroup contact has led to an emerging deracialization of English (Mesthrie, 2010; Wilmot, 2014), Standard South African English is still widely associated with the white group (Bangeni & Kapp, 2007; Lass, 2002). Thus, given the current context of transformation and the predominance of English in the educational context, the selection of a young L1 SAIL speakers attending a multi-ethnic South African university was an optimal option to test our hypotheses. Research Site This study was conducted during the first semester of 2018 at the University of Cape Town (UCT). Formerly an overwhelmingly white-only institution, the university has now a 4 In the context of higher education in South Africa, decolonization often represents the idea of dismantling Euro/Western-centred institutions, standards and symbolism within their education system. In practical terms it also means making education more inclusive through the reduction or removal of fees; rethinking of the curriculum to give centre stage to African knowledges, histories, and languages and even increasing the numbers of black students and teaching staff; among other priorities (Habib, 2016; Ndlovu-Gatsheni & Zondi, 2016). 5 According to the Census (2011), only 9.6 % of the population has English as their L1. LANGUAGE ATTITUDES IN A LINGUA FRANCA 7 much more multi-ethnic student body, and English continues to be the main language of instruction. According to the latest available data (2015), black students comprise at least 24% of the university population, however the actual figure is difficult to calculate as selfdisclosure of race is voluntary at UCT (Centre for Higher Education Trust, n.d.). Relevant to our approach, two years after the peak of the student protests which paved the way for a number of changes in this institution, the discourse of race, transformation, and belonging are still unfolding. Notably, while conducting this study, the UCT Language Policy Committee launched a film Are you judging? in response to “many forms of discrimination based on language and accents experienced across the institution”(Madiba, 2018). Accents on campus do not only vary because of the students’ diverse places of origin and linguistic backgrounds but also as a result of the different schooling options in the country: government (public) schools, ex-Model C schools and private (independent) schools. Particularly, the vast majority of public schools in South Africa depend largely on the government for funding and supplies. Their common resource-constraints and relatively lower standards of education may considerably impact students’ development of English language skills (Smit & Verhoef, 2003). Methodology The methodological approach taken in this study combines data based on IAT and a post-IAT sociolinguistic survey. The Implicit Association Test (IAT) The Implicit Association Test (Greenwald et al., 1998), a widely used implicit measure of attitudes originally developed in Social Psychology, has been increasingly used in the field of linguistics over the last decade. Based on the pioneering work of a number of scholars who began to use IAT for different sociolinguistic purposes (Campbell-Kibler, 2012; Pantos & Perkins, 2013) and more recent research with a similar methodological approach LANGUAGE ATTITUDES IN A LINGUA FRANCA 8 (McKenzie & Carrie, 2018), we have adapted this tool to the South African context. As anticipated above, a context-relevant audio IAT version was specifically designed to investigate the implicit language attitudes of L1 SAIL speakers towards Standard South African English and black accented English in a university context. Conducted by the researcher in person, IAT sessions were individually administered to keep a record of the participants’ reaction times (RT) towards the provided stimuli (see details below). More specifically, RTs were recorded when participants were requested to sort stimuli (accents and traits) into concept categories and make immediate associations in IAT, avoiding both the issue of awareness and the risk of intentional responding (Brunel et al., 2004). This way, IAT captured respondent’s unconscious, automatic, implicit responses to the target English varieties resulting from their experiences, exposure, and knowledge about these speaking groups (Wittenbrink & Schwarz, 2007; see Bekker & Levon, 2017; Paladino & Mazzurega, 2020). IAT Design In regard to the actual design of this experiment, both text and audio stimuli were presented using E-prime 2.0.10 (build 353). E-Prime ensures high timing precision, which allows the audio and written inputs to be presented for the same amount of time with consistent inter-stimuli intervals as well as recording participants’ responses and RTs. As in previous models (Álvarez-Mosquera, 2017b; Álvarez-Mosquera & Marín-Gutiérrez, 2018), we used a total of 14 audio recordings containing the same seven pre-tested neutral sentences 6 in each of the selected English accents. These seven sentences were pronounced by two females from a similar age group, comparable (educated) social background, and with a perceptible accent of their mother tongue (English and isiXhosa respectively). The selection 6 Audio stimuli (short sentences) were pre-tested for neutrality of semantic valence to ensure that participants would not react strongly to their content (see Álvarez-Mosquera, 2017b). LANGUAGE ATTITUDES IN A LINGUA FRANCA 9 of clear representative accents of both varieties was central for our approach. For the purpose of this study, a representative accent is one whose linguistics norms are unremarkable within the communities of origin. Thus, the Standard South African English 7 accent in this article can be described as what Lass (2002) calls the local standard (earlier term: Respectable SAE). This variety (formerly associated with whites mainly) differs from the exocentric BBC-oriented English. For the black accented variety, within the linguistic continuum ranging from basilect to mesolect to acrolect (see footnote 2), the accent used falls into the category of an educated acrolectal second language English speaker. Unlike the audio inputs, social traits were presented as words (textual input) instead. These terms, mostly reported by young South African participants in a previous study on intergroup categorization but also widely discussed with leading South African scholars in closely-related fields (see Álvarez-Mosquera, 2017a; Álvarez-Mosquera, 2017b), presented eight clearly positive social traits (e.g. loving, friendly, educated, etc.) and eight clearly negative ones (e.g. rude, racist, untrustworthy, etc.). The IAT model eventually associated each of the accents with both types of social traits so as to determine participants’ implicit bias. In line with hypothesis 1, we referred to the association of Standard South African English with positive social traits and the black accented English with negative ones as the congruent condition, while the reversed association was considered as the incongruent condition. Data Collection Procedure E-prime was installed on a nearly new computer for research-only purposes with a compatible operating system at the Linguistics Section (UCT). Located in an office at the central part of UCT’s upper campus, only the main researcher had access to the room. The 7 This label is not unproblematic as recent research shows that features of SAE have been adopted to different extents by middle-class speakers from other ethnic groups in what can be defined as a process of linguistic de-racialization (Mesthrie, 2010; Wilmot, 2014). LANGUAGE ATTITUDES IN A LINGUA FRANCA 16 Participants), 63.7% of our sample reported English as one of the languages regularly used at home and 72.5% stated English was the only language of instruction in high school. In line with the idea that black accented English is conquering new social spaces (De Klerk, 1999; Coetzee-Van Rooy & Van Rooy, 2005), it is quite likely that participants’ large exposure to this language group has determined, to a certain degree, the socio-cultural load attached to the speakers of this variety. Cognitively speaking, this exposure to a large number of speakers of black accented English might have led to the emergence of positive referents which distance this variety from its social stigmatization (Hewstone et al., 2002; Seutloali, 2015). Similarly, the fact that most participants reported low social distance levels with their own ethnic group (93.75%) in the post-IAT survey might also explain why an considerable number of them have a positive bias for this variety (more potential exposure). However, the reason why this tendency is neither higher nor statistically significant remains unclear. Socio-psychologists often underlined the idea that certain social conditions have to be met for an individual to develop an in-group or out-group bias (Crisp & Beck, 2005; Hewstone et al., 2002). Linguistically speaking, the fact that the standard variety has a higher social status might be only one of the possible reasons that explain the overall results in this study. Therefore, it was our intention to provide additional insight based on the analysis of other context-relevant sociolinguistic variables that can contribute to explain the detected bias. Continuing with the second hypothesis, the correlation analysis found a statistically significant relationship between IAT effect and the participants’ language of instruction. Figure 3 shows that those participants who have a positive bias towards White SA English (or Standard English) primarily attended high schools where English was the only medium of instruction. While 72.5% of our participants took part in this type of high school, those who attended institutions where English was replaced by an indigenous African language or used in combination with one of them, clearly reversed this tendency (especially in the second LANGUAGE ATTITUDES IN A LINGUA FRANCA 17 case). Assuming that most teachers from these school where the role of English is not predominant (in terms of instruction) would be L1 native speakers of SAILs, it seems reasonable to argue that the presence of educated / professional individuals with a perceptible black accent could also strengthen the participants’ positive bias towards this specific variety. In contrast, besides the obvious argument that the standard variety has higher social prestige, there is not an easy or singular explanation to justify why participants who attended Englishonly institutions mostly developed a positive bias towards it. Notably, the type of school – Government (public) school; ex-Model C or Private school – does not explain this effect, as the comparative analysis showed a lack of statistically significant results. This has somehow relevant educational implications, as Government (public) schools (the vast majority of schools in the country) tend to depend on the government for funding and supplies and they are commonly perceived as institutions with low standards of education as a result of unqualified teachers or insufficient equipment, among other reasons (De Klerk, 1999; Smit & Verhoef, 2003). However, since most of our participants came from this school background – 51.25% versus those who attended Ex-Model C high schools (26.25%) and private ones (22.5%) – the schooling options themselves do not explain this finding. In other words, students developed similar attitudes towards the two varieties, regardless of the type of institution they attended. To visualize the social and professional implications of this last research output for L1 SAIL speakers, we need to take a broader viewpoint. If there continues to be a progressive increase in the number of schools (and universities) that only provide English as the language of instruction, there might be a parallel increase in general positive bias towards those individuals whose speech sounds more standard even within the black group. As we have seen, only those who attended institutions where English was replaced by a SAIL or used in combination with one of them showed a statistically significant positive bias to the black LANGUAGE ATTITUDES IN A LINGUA FRANCA 18 accented version. Therefore, in this context of transformation where English continues to be a prominent lingua franca, the role of education in the development of language attitudes appears to be central for overcoming the current language challenges that L1 native speakers of SAILs are facing (Kessi & Cornell, 2015). This is even more pressing if we take into consideration that there is a correlation between higher English language proficiency and higher earnings in today’s South Africa (Casale & Posel, 2011) and, as Greenfield (2010) found, students tend to show a sense of national pride in their use of English as it stands “as a marker of equal opportunity and the advancement of a country” (p. 525). Finally, to further explore possible aspects that might play a role in the development of the participants’ implicit attitudes to the two accents, we also considered the correlations between sociolinguistic variables. In this regard, Figure 4 (A) underlines the predominance of English as a language of instruction regardless of the main language spoken in the community where our participants came from. Relevantly, only participants from areas where Xhosa and Zulu – the two indigenous languages with the most number of speakers (Census, 2011) – are predominant presented other options for languages of instruction. In line with this, Figure 4 (B) clearly shows that, while English continues to be the most common language of instruction, fairly multilingual areas, and areas where SAILs are dominant, concentrate most of the alternative teaching options. In such environments, the combination of English and another African language is the most frequent alternative. Figure 4 (C), instead, shows that most participants reported mid-high social distance levels with the white group. Interestingly, those with the lowest levels of social distance attended high schools where English was the only language of instruction, while those who went to schools where English was competing with another SAIL in teaching tended to present mid-high or high social distance levels with the white group. LANGUAGE ATTITUDES IN A LINGUA FRANCA 19 Once again, the correlations between these variables highlight the fundamental role of language in society. With L1 SAIL speakers being the largest group in South Africa, these data clearly show the little window they have in the current educational South African system (Figure 4 A and B), while English continues to strengthen its social relevance and status. As the main lingua franca across ethnic groups, accents in English become highly informative. In this sense, Figure 4 (C) suggests English might be playing a role in establishing social distance levels with the white group in particular. In the current context of transformation, it appears that more acknowledgment of the linguistic diversity in this country is desirable. This is even more important if we take into account that, as Painter and Dixon (2013) stated, “racial discrimination was not annulled by language accommodation but instead reproduced in finer grained forms” (p. 109). Therefore, the effective management of multilingualism in the educational context can be one of the possible ways of transforming the social dynamics of South Africa. In such a case, monitoring implicit attitudes could be an effective way of keeping track of future social changes. Conclusion In South Africa language and ethnicity continue to raise important social challenges. In a context where English has progressively become a lingua franca across all ethnic groups, the majority of the black population are native speakers of the different varieties of the nine indigenous official languages. Thus, despite some emerging cases of de-racialization of English (Mesthrie, 2010), having a perceptible black accent is definitely not uncommon. This study has focused on a group of 80 young L1 SAIL speakers in a particular time of transformation at higher educational levels in order to investigate their implicit attitudes towards the Standard South African English accent and black accented English. The results of this investigation revealed that there is not a clear bias towards any of the two accents, although a higher number of participants presented a positive bias towards LANGUAGE ATTITUDES IN A LINGUA FRANCA 20 the standard variety. In considering context-relevant sociolinguistic variables that could explain this outcome, the notion of intersectionality arose as a relevant factor since female and male participants reacted differently to the stimuli. In addition to this, the extent to which English is the predominant language of instruction in high school appeared to be a decisive factor in developing positive or negative implicit attitudes towards each accent. This fact, together with the correlations between the sociolinguistic variables that suggest potential detrimental social implications towards black accented speakers (even within their own group), highlights the central role of education in the social transformation that students demand. Further research should address the notion of intersectionality within this particular group by developing a new version of our IAT model with male audios for comparative purposes. The social implications of this phenomenon need further investigation too. Another interesting alternative would be to test the implicit attitudes towards Standard South African English accent and black accented English within the other main ethnic groups in the country. Finally, developing a new section on explicit attitudes for comparative purposes may allow us to refine some of the above observations. References Álvarez-Mosquera, P. (2017a). Young white Afrikaans speakers in South Africa: A case of liminal identity? 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