Central Capabilities to Well-Being in the Context of Forced Migration : A Scoping Review of Capability Approach-Based Literature

This is a self-archived version of an original article. This version may differ from the original in pagination and typographic details. Author(s): Title: Year: Version: Copyright: Rights: Rights url: Please cite the original version: CC BY 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Central Capabilities to Well-Being in the Context of Forced Migration : A Scoping Review of Capability Approach-Based Literature © The Author(s) 2024 Published version Nassar, Areen Nassar, A. (2024). Central Capabilities to Well-Being in the Context of Forced Migration : A Scoping Review of Capability Approach-Based Literature. Journal of International Migration and Integration, Early online. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12134-024-01202-4 2024 Vol.:(0123456789) Journal of International Migration and Integration https://doi.org/10.1007/s12134-024-01202-4 Central Capabilities toWell‑Being intheContext ofForced Migration: AScoping Review ofCapability Approach‑Based Literature AreenNassar1 Accepted: 2 November 2024 © The Author(s) 2024 Abstract This paper provides a comprehensive overview of the Capability Approach-based literature relevant to forced migrants’ valued capabilities to well-being. Its primary aim is to identify the capabilities that are of centrality to well-being within the context of forced migration. This research applies Naz’s (2020) methodological argument, identifying the elements of the ideal list of capabilities to well-being by reviewing literature, in the context of forced migration. Following Arksey and O’Malley’s (2005) methodological framework for scoping studies, seven electronic databases were searched, resulting in the inclusion of ten peerreviewed journal articles in this research. Using descriptive and thematic data analysis methods, this study reveals that forced migrants value three key capabilities: the Capability to Legality, which involves being able to be legally recognised and secure; the Capability to Education, which emphasises being able to be educated at various levels of learning; and the Capability to Sociality, which encompasses being able to be socially connected. While broader scoping reviews and further empirical studies are still highly recommended, the capabilities identified in this review have the potential to inform policies and services relevant to the context of forced migration, ultimately improving the overall well-being of forced migrants in host societies. Keywords Forced migration· Capability approach· Central capabilities· Wellbeing· Scoping review Introduction Imagine being forcibly uprooted from your home, torn away from everything familiar and dear to you. Forced migration, a haunting reality for millions around the world, emerges as a phenomenon transcending borders, cultures, and * Areen Nassar [email protected] 1 University ofJyväskylä, Kokkola University Consortium Chydenius, Jyväskylä, Finland A.Nassar continents, leaving in its wake countless individuals grappling with the quest for well-being. This complicated phenomenon has captured the attention of various stakeholders at the national and international levels, including researchers and policymakers, who have proposed humane interventions and integration strategies to improve the well-being of individuals with forced migration backgrounds. The enhancement process of people’s well-being necessitates initially identifying their well-being aspects—capabilities—various things individuals have reason to value being or doing (Sen, 1985, 1993). Subsequently, enhancing the well-being of individuals with forced migration backgrounds, through policies and services, necessitates first identifying their capabilities. Accordingly, it is imperative for the proponents of the Capability Approach to undertake an exploration focused on identifying the capabilities central to the well-being of forced migrants in host societies. This research applies Naz’s (2020) methodological argument, identifying the elements of the ideal list of capabilities to well-being by reviewing the literature, in the context of forced migration. Through scoping and mapping the Capability Approach-based literature published in the research area of forced migration, the primary aim is to identify forced migrants’ valued capabilities to well-being in host societies. The overarching research question is, therefore, set out as follows: What is known from the existing literature based on the Capability Approach regarding the capabilities central to the well-being of forced migrants? The significance of this research lies in its contribution to the enhancement of the overall well-being of forced migrants in host societies. This is because the capabilities identified have the potential to inform immigration, integration, welfare, and humanitarian policies, as well as their corresponding services, relevant to the context of forced migration. Furthermore, the research makes a valuable contribution to the ongoing methodological debate within the Capability Approach community regarding the identification of central capabilities. This paper is structured in six main sections. It first introduces forced migration as the Research Context then proceeds in the Theoretical Background by giving an overview of the Capability Approach to well-being. Subsequently, the methodological framework adopted in this scoping review is described in the Methodology section, after which the central capabilities are presented in the Findings section. The paper ends with a Discussion and Conclusion. Research Context: Forced Migration Forced migration is a migratory movement which, although the drivers can be diverse, involves force, compulsion, or coercion (IOM, 2019). It encompasses individuals compelled to flee their homes and who are often categorised into different legal or political groups, including refugees, trafficked persons, stateless persons, asylum seekers, and internally displaced persons (IDPs). These categories are distinguished from the category of labour migrants based on the forceful circumstances that led to the migratory movement (Stankovic etal., 2021). Central Capabilities toWell‑Being intheContext ofForced… Forced migration is a complex phenomenon that encompasses not only individuals who qualify for international protection but also anyone who experiences displacement due to various existential threats (Castles, 2006). These can arise from socio-economic and state fragility, armed conflict, violence, human rights violations, environmental degradation, climate change, development projects, or natural disasters (Zetter, 2018). Forced migration often has various socio-cultural, economic, and political consequences for populations at both destination and origin and for the migrants themselves (Becker & Ferrara, 2019). The impact of forced migration on the latter varies, depending on factors such as the individual’s personal characteristics, the drivers of migration, and the responses from both national and international communities (Ruiz & Vargas-Silva, 2013). According to the UNHCR (2024) global trends report, the global population of individuals forcibly displaced had exceeded 117.3 million people by the end of 2023. This population often face a range of legal, social, and economic hurdles when integrating into host nations, as evidenced in studies conducted in countries like Türkiye (Akar & Erdoğdu, 2018), Jordan (Sahin Mencutek & Nashwan, 2020), and beyond. These multifaceted integration challenges have captured the attention of some scholars who argued for protection strategies that go beyond resource provision toward creating enabling conditions to facilitate the development of the capabilities of individuals undergoing forced migration. Landau (2008), for instance, argued for protection as capability expansion to free refugees from any sort of commodity dependency syndrome. In a similar vein, Kim (2012) argued that efforts towards supporting refugees should focus not only on granting protection but additionally and more significantly on what capabilities should be guaranteed. Theoretical Background The Capability Approach: Well‑Being andCentral Capabilities Originally drawn from the works of the Nobel laureate economist Amartya Sen (1979, 1985), the Capability Approach is one of the most widely agreed upon and controversial approaches in political philosophy, development studies, welfare economics and social policy (Ray, 2014). It is a broad multi-dimensional framework for evaluating the social arrangements of society and the intrinsic experience of development (Robeyns, 2005a). It is, furthermore, a normative evaluative space for an individual’s well-being that is based on neither utilities, opulence or resource holdings nor acquisition of basic needs or primary goods, but on the substantive freedoms—the capabilities—to choose a life one has reason to value and the abilities to do valuable acts or reach valuable states of being (Sen, 1993, p. 30; 1999, p. 74). Sen’s (1985, 1993) Capability Approach relies heavily on the normative argument that well-being concerns an individual’s capabilities—various things people A.Nassar have reason to value being or doing. Since the approach was introduced, the issue of identifying capabilities that are of centrality to a specific purpose, such as leading a dignified or good life has highly been controversial within the Capability Approach community (Claassen, 2011). On one hand, Martha Nussbaum (2003) argued for endorsing a specific list of central human capabilities to make the Capability Approach operational to social justice. Drawing from the Aristotelian roots of the concept of Eudaimonia, or human flourishing, Nussbaum (2011) proposed a list of 10 capabilities that are central to a life of dignity. These are, in short, life, bodily health and bodily integrity, senses, imagination and thought, emotions, practical reason, affiliation, other species, play, and control over one’s environment. On the other hand, Sen (2004) refrained from identifying central capabilities and endorsing a canonical list, arguing that in a democratic society, this should be the responsibility of public discussions. Rather than sticking to a philosophical theory, Sen (2004) argued that individuals must consider local consensus building through dialogue to identify capabilities that are relevant to their context. Robeyns (2003, 2005b) supports Sen’s (2004) argument against endorsing a universal, one-size-fitsall list of capabilities, reasoning that different capabilities are relevant to different contexts and purposes. Hence, in the process of identifying relevant capabilities and formulating a list tailored to a specific context for policy implementation, Robeyns (2005b) asserted the necessity for the approach to be more epistemologically justified and politically legitimate, going beyond mere philosophical propositions and empirical investigations. Consequently, she introduced five selection criteria, arguing that the initial step should involve drawing an ideal list of capabilities. Accordingly, Naz (2020) proposed a methodology to identify the elements of an ideal list of central capabilities to well-being by reviewing existing literature relevant to the studied context. Methodology A scoping review was chosen as an approach to reviewing the existing literature as it is well-suited to describe the range of research being done in a specific field of study. Thus, this research was conducted according to Arksey and O’Malley’s (2005) methodological framework for scoping studies. The framework follows a five-stage approach: (1) identifying guiding research questions, (2) searching for relevant studies, (3) selecting studies to be included in the scoping review, (4) charting the data and collating, and (5) summarizing data and reporting results. Stage 1: Identifying theResearch Question andEligibility Criteria The following research question guides the scoping review: What is known from the existing literature that has adopted the Capability Approach regarding the capabilities central to the well-being of forced migrants? While there are numerous conceptualisations for and perspectives on well-being, the literature included should align with the normative argument of the Capability Central Capabilities toWell‑Being intheContext ofForced… Approach; that well-being concerns an individual’s capabilities—various things people have reason to value being or doing (the analytical lens and focus). The timeframe was set to include only those scholarly journal peer-reviewed studies published between 1979 and 2021. The commencement date of 1979 was chosen because it marks the year when Sen (1979) first introduced the concept of Capability in Tanner Equality of What? Only English-written literature was included, due to the cost and time that would be required for the translation of foreign language materials. The inclusion criteria set were that the literature had to (a) be a peer-reviewed article, (b) be published in an academic journal, (c) be written in English, and (f) be published between 1979 and 2021. However, the exclusion criteria set were that literature would be rejected where any of the following cases applied: (a) had been written in an undefined migration context, (b) had not been written in the context of forced migration, (e.g., labour migration), (c) had not adopted the Capability Approach as a theoretical framework, or (d) had not highlighted capabilities reasonably valued by forced migrants themselves to their well-being (i.e., to address epistemology-related concerns and to align with the normative argument of the Capability Approach regarding well-being). Stage 2: Identifying Relevant Studies Seven electronic databases were searched between November and December 2021 including Scopus, Web of Sciences core collection (Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI)), JSTOR, ProQuest (Social Science Database), ProQuest (Sociology Database), Wiley Online Library, and Academic Search Premier (EBSCOhost – Philosopher’s Index). The study population is forced migrants including refugees, trafficked persons, stateless persons, asylum seekers, and IDPs. However, a prior search was conducted using all the above-mentioned terms individually and no relevant studies were identified for either trafficked persons or stateless persons. Thus, subsequently, these have not been used as search terms. This is foreseeable, as they are not commonly applied terms in academic literature. The following combination of search terms was therefore used: (“Amartya Sen” OR “capability approach” OR capabilit* OR “capability-based” OR “Martha Nussbaum”) AND (refugee* OR displaced OR immigrant* OR migrant* OR emigrant* OR asylum). The search was limited to: • Scopus: (search in Title, Abstract, Keywords), a peer-reviewed article from a scholarly journal source, English language, and social sciences as a subject area. • SSCI: (search in Topic), article, and English language. • JSTOR: (search in Abstract), article from scholarly journal source. • ProQuest Social Science and Sociology Databases: (search anywhere except full texts), peer-reviewed articles from scholarly journal sources, and English language. A.Nassar • Wiley Online Library: (search in Abstract), article from scholarly journal source, and sociology as a subject area. • Philosopher’s Index: (search in Abstract), a peer-reviewed article from a scholarly journal source, and English language. Stage 3: Selection ofStudies The electronic databases’ search yielded a total of 1278 hits exported into Endnote 20 reference management software in which 753 duplicates have been identified, which were then merged. This significant number of studies was acquired by deliberately pursuing a broad scope, avoiding limitations on the concept of well-being. Additionally, it can be attributed to the frequent use of the word capabilities outside the literature of the Capability Approach. The titles of the remaining 848 literatures were screened manually to exclude irrelevant ones. Then, the abstracts of the remaining 133 were examined and checked for relevance to the research question and eligibility criteria, which resulted in 38 literatures remaining. The full texts of these literatures were then retrieved and read in-depth, and consequently, 28 literatures were excluded due to their irrelevance to the research question and the specified eligibility criteria. The selection of the relevant studies process resulted in 10 journal articles included in this review. Figure1 gives more details about the search process. Stage 4: Charting theData Key pieces of information from the relevant 10 journal articles were charted and entered into a data charting form using an Excel spreadsheet on which the following key information was recorded: author(s), year of publication, study location, objective(s), study population, methodology, and important results. Table1 shows a description of reviewed research articles. Stage 5: Collating, Summarizing, andReporting theResults A descriptive data analysis method using Microsoft Excel was performed to describe the main characteristics of all included studies. The added value of the review is not only in analysing the findings of the included literature descriptively but also thematically, using ATLAS.ti 9 qualitative data analysis software. The thematic data analysis method has become increasingly common in conducting scoping reviews (see, e.g., Essex etal., 2021). The method was adopted to locate the common passages in the included literature relevant to forced migrants’ central capabilities to well-being. The synthesis of the themes followed Braun and Clarke’s (2021) guidance for thematic analysis. A conceptually-driven thematic analysis approach was adopted, using the normative argument of the Capability Approach—that well-being concerns an individual’s capabilities, the various things people have reason to value being or doing (Sen, 1993)—as an analytical framework for the findings of this literature. The intentional approach to meaning Central Capabilities toWell‑Being intheContext ofForced… through language introduced by Hall (1997) was adopted. This conceptualisation asserts that language conveys a person’s unique perspective on things, their reality. Therefore, the process of my understanding of meaning in the included literature is mainly informed by an empathic orientation to data introduced by Ricoeur (1970), as cited by Willig (2017), to identify explicit semantic meanings in data. Semantic meanings were identified across the included literature, and from these, patterns of shared semantic meaning—subthemes and themes—were synthesised around a central organising concept. As an example of the analysis, in the studies of Agboli etal. (2019), Chase (2019), and van der Boor etal. (2020), forced migrants valued legal recognition, legal security, legal certainty, permanent residence, citizenship acquisition, as well as discussed their reasons for valuing these elements. Thus, I argued that all these valued elements contribute to the same core idea or central organising concept that I refer to as Legality. The same analysis process was applied while developing the other themes. Finally, I reviewed the emerging themes collaboratively with the research advisors to ensure their relevance to the research topic and analytical framework. Table2 shows the development of themes. Fig. 1 Detailed search process A.Nassar Table 1 Description of reviewed research articles by author(s), year of publication, study location, objective(s), study population, methodology, and important results Author(s) and year of publication Study location Objective(s) Study population Methodology Important results Agboli etal. (2019) Belgium Examine the empowerment migrant women with (FGM/C) experienced as a result of taking part in health-promoting activities A total of 9 migrant women seeking asylum in Belgium Aged between 18 and 50years A qualitative study design: Individual interviews Capabilities to Practical Reason, Affiliation, Emotions, and Play were reinforced, while Control Over One’s Environment was diminished Granting refugee status is truly empowering Chase (2019) The UK Explore the capabilities of asylum-seeking young Afghans during their transition to institutional adulthood, and the relationship between fulfilling these capabilities and well-being A total of 31 asylum-seeking young men from Afghanistan A qualitative study design: In-depth interviews and longitudinal ethnographic fieldwork Well-being means enjoying safety, freedom and choice, and accessibility to a range of rights and protections that all are contingent on legal recognition van der Boor etal. (2020) The UK Explore the characteristics of the good life for female refugees post resettlement in the UK A total of 16 refugees from different countries including Azerbaijan, Sudan, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Iran and Syria A qualitative study design: Four focus group discussions Interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) approach Legal security, social cohesion and personal agency are three interrelated themes essential to living a good life Clarke (2014) The UK Explore the diverse effects of the educational services of (RCOs) in refugees’ lives A total of 71 refugee service users from different ethnic/ national backgrounds and other 23 key respondents A qualitative study design: Semi-structured interviews A multiple case study approach Different manifold social factors affecting genuine access to education Capability to be educated enlarges other capabilities Central Capabilities toWell‑Being intheContext ofForced… in immigration policies over time influence migrants’ status mobility in various ways, and hence their capabilities to stabilise themselves in the host country. This point resonates with Wolff and de-Shalit (2007, p. 84) concept of secure functionings, emphasising that individuals value not only enjoying a certain level of functioning—in this case, being legally recognised—but also the ability to sustain it over time, thereby being free from worry. As shown by van der Boor etal. (2020), even after being granted refugee status, refugees often pursue citizenship for greater legal security. This pursuit arguably arises because refugees continue to grapple with chronic fear and uncertainty over their liminal legal status, making it difficult to plan for the future they aspire to, especially given the immigration policies changing influenced by political instabilities. Grace etal. (2018) terms this point as Violent Uncertainty, describing it as a form of violence imposed on refugees. It is enacted through systematic personal, social, and institutional instability, injecting fear into basic daily interactions. Notably, the literature that highlighted the importance of Capability to Legality in the lives of forced migrants was conducted in Belgium (Agboli etal. 2019) and the UK (Chase, 2019; van der Boor etal., 2020). This focus might be attributed to the similar uncertain experiences of forced migrants in these contexts, which share extended waiting periods for initial asylum decisions and temporary residence permits granted to refugees (see also ECRE, 2024; Stewart & Mulvey, 2013). Research findings also clearly underscore the significance of forced migrants being able to be educated at various levels of learning. The Capability to Education is evidently central to forced migrants’ well-being due to both its instrumental and intrinsic value. Instrumentally, it acts as a catalyst for forced migrants to develop further necessary capabilities, including employability (read, e.g., Dijk, 2022). Additionally, it holds intrinsic value as forced migrants gain respect and recognition from society, as well as develop self-confidence, self-esteem, and a sense of social belonging. The instrumental and intrinsic value of the Capability to Education in the lives of forced migrants was consistent across all research contexts of the five literature pieces included in this theme (the UK, Australia, Türkiye, and South Africa). This universal value could be attributed to education being regarded as one of the basic human capabilities essential to well-being. Its absence would substantially disadvantage any individual and is considered foundational to various capabilities necessary to lead a good life (see also Terzi, 2007). In Walker’s (2006, p. 163) account, it is stated that Sen identifies education as one of a relatively small number of centrally important beings and doings that are crucial to well-being. Likewise, Nussbaum (2011) views education as a fundamental entitlement that a just society should endorse, requiring affirmative government action. The rights to education for forced migrants are often dependent on their legal status in host societies. Asylum seekers and refugees, in principle, have rights to various formal educational opportunities in countries where the Capability to Education is valued (i.e., the UK, Australia, Türkiye, and South Africa). However, having rights to these opportunities does not guarantee having the Capability to Education (Walker, 2006). Therefore, it is crucial to recognise that developing forced migrants’ Capability to Education requires more than merely granting them rights A.Nassar to education. Various socio-cultural, economic, institutional, and environmental disadvantages hinder forced migrants’ ability to convert the educational opportunities they have rights to into genuine access to education. For example, studies by Lambrechts (2020), Baker etal. (2023), Akar and Erdoğdu (2018), and Mkwananzi (2018) illustrate these barriers in the UK, Australia, Türkiye, and South Africa, respectively. Given this, I strongly argue for the broad provision of educational opportunities for all forced migrants, regardless of their legal status. Additionally, it is essential to create enabling conditions that help in converting these opportunities into a genuine Capability to Education. Last but not least, research findings clearly underscore the significance of forced migrants being able to be socially connected. This is because social connection with others constitutes a fundamental aspect of the human condition, as well as being core to a sense of belonging and well-being of forced migrants. However, social isolation and loneliness have been prominent challenges in the context of forced migration. It is evident that experiencing loneliness, social isolation, and disconnection significantly impact the well-being of forced migrants (see, e.g., Strang & Quinn, 2019; Baillot etal., 2021). The findings of this review indicate that forced migrants place significant value on their ability to maintain ties with family and friends back home, build reciprocal relationships with locals, and establish social links in a new society as integral aspects of their overall well-being. This point aligns with the stance presented by Ager and Strang (2008), emphasising that various forms of social connections—such as bonds with family and within one’s ethnic, national, or religious community (social bonds), interactions with individuals from different national, ethnic, or religious backgrounds (social bridges), and links with the structures of the state (social links)—are crucial for the integration of forced migrants in host societies. The development of forced migrants’ Capability to Sociality requires effective communication with local populations and active participation in activities that bring joy and fulfilment. This is especially important for helping them cope with the challenges and stresses that often accompany displacement from their home and community. However, effective communication and active participation necessitate linguistic capabilities as a prerequisite. In both Jordan and New Zealand, where the Capability to Sociality is valued, distinct social conditions arise. For instance, in Jordan, the predominant language is Arabic, which facilitates smoother communication and participation for Syrian refugees who share this linguistic background with the host community. Conversely, in New Zealand, the refugee population is linguistically diverse (Immigration New Zealand, 2024), with many refugees speaking languages other than English, the primary local language. This linguistic diversity presents unique challenges in fostering social connections and necessitates additional language support and resources to enable effective communication and active participation. Furthermore, it is essential to recognise that other social conditions also influence forced migrants’ Capability to Sociality. For instance, while prejudicial attitudes, discrimination, and racism against forced migrants negatively impact their well-being, welcoming and inclusive societies enhance forced migrants’ social connectedness with locals, thereby improving their overall well-being. Central Capabilities toWell‑Being intheContext ofForced… Conclusion The enhancement of the well-being of individuals with forced migration backgrounds, through policies and services, necessitates first identifying their well-being aspects—capabilities—within host societies. By scoping the Capability Approachbased literature, it can be concluded that the Capabilities to Legality, Education, and Sociality are of high centrality to forced migrants’ well-being in host societies. While the Capability Approach proves to be suitable for research in forced migration (see, e.g., Dijk etal., 2022), the scant number of articles included in this review highlights the urgent demand for additional studies within its framework. Specifically, a more in-depth exploration through empirical works is essential to address the question of which capabilities force migrants value to their well-being. I fully support Nussbaum’s assertion regarding the broad operational applicability of her list of central human capabilities. Simultaneously, I endorse the recommendations put forth by Sen (2004) and Robeyns (2003) arguing for the identification of context-dependent capabilities. While Nussbaum (2011) notably emphasises the centrality of education and social connection, Capability to Legality, has not received much attention. It is not a shortcoming in Nussbaum’s list but rather a foreseeable aspect, considering that the Capability to Legality holds particular importance in the context of forced migration. Despite many similarities in the living conditions of forced migrants, significant diversities persist. Consequently, it is crucial to acknowledge that the significance of the identified capabilities may vary across different contexts and phases of the forced migration process. For instance, the Capability to legality might be particularly crucial during the asylum-seeking process, while both the capabilities to Education and Sociality may become more relevant during the settlement phase. Therefore, democratic discussion and empirical investigation for these capabilities are still needed for policy design and implementation. The identified capabilities, central to the well-being of forced migrants, extend beyond their specific context; people in diverse living conditions may similarly value them. The universal resonance of these capabilities suggests their broader significance across various contexts, emphasising their importance for individuals facing different challenges and circumstances. Furthermore, the identified capabilities, although significant, may not fully encompass all aspects contributing to the wellbeing of forced migrants. However, the capabilities identified in this review have the potential to inform immigration, integration, welfare, and humanitarian policies, as well as their corresponding services, relevant to the context of forced migration. Limitations A limitation of this review lies in its exclusive reliance on literature adopting the Capability Approach. This approach might inadvertently exclude valuable insights from literatures that, while not explicitly adopting the Capability Approach, still highlights the beings and doings that forced migrants value for their well-being. A.Nassar Recognising the potential richness of perspectives outside this specific framework is crucial, and future research should explore a more diverse range of literature to provide a comprehensive understanding of the well-being aspects of forced migrants in host societies. Acknowledgements I would like to take the opportunity to thank all commentators on earlier versions of this manuscript, in particular Kati Turtiainen, Johanna Kiili, Holger Ziegler, Aila-Leena Matthies, and Ingo Stamm. I am also grateful to all the scholars who attended my session at the HDCA conference in Antwerp, and CARFMS23 conference in Toronto, where a shorter version of this paper was presented. Funding Open Access funding provided by University of Jyväskylä (JYU). This research is a part of the ASTRA project that is funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No. 955518. Declarations Disclaimer This research reflects only the view of the authoring researcher and does not necessarily reflect or represent the opinion and position of the ASTRA project, educational institutions, and partner organisations involved. The European Commission and the Marie Skłodowska-Curie Actions Network are not responsible for any use that may be made of the information it contains. Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes were made. 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