Homing blogs as ambivalent spaces for feminine agency

This is a self-archived version of an original article. This version may differ from the original in pagination and typographic details. Author(s): Title: Year: Version: Copyright: Rights: Rights url: Please cite the original version: CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Homing blogs as ambivalent spaces for feminine agency © 2017 The Authors. Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published version Jäntti, Saara; Saresma, Tuija; Leppänen, Sirpa; Järvinen, Suvi; Varis, Piia Jäntti, S., Saresma, T., Leppänen, S., Järvinen, S., & Varis, P. (2018). Homing blogs as ambivalent spaces for feminine agency. Feminist Media Studies, 18(5), 888-904. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2017.1396234 2018 Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rfms20 Feminist Media Studies ISSN: 1468-0777 (Print) 1471-5902 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rfms20 Homing blogs as ambivalent spaces for feminine agency Saara Jäntti, Tuija Saresma, Sirpa Leppänen, Suvi Järvinen & Piia Varis To cite this article: Saara Jäntti, Tuija Saresma, Sirpa Leppänen, Suvi Järvinen & Piia Varis (2018) Homing blogs as ambivalent spaces for feminine agency, Feminist Media Studies, 18:5, 888-904, DOI: 10.1080/14680777.2017.1396234 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2017.1396234 © 2017 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 20 Nov 2017. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 366 View Crossmark data https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2017.1396234 Homing blogs as ambivalent spaces for feminine agency SaaraJänttia, TuijaSaresmab, SirpaLeppänena, SuviJärvinenb and PiiaVarisc adepartment of Language and Communication studies, university of Jyvaskyla, Jyväskylä, Finland; bdepartment of music, art and Culture studies, university of Jyvaskyla, Jyväskylä, Finland; cschool of Humanities, department of Culture studies, tilburg university, tilburg, the netherlands ABSTRACT This article discusses a form of lifestyle blogging where women blog about their homes and everyday lives. In these homing blogs, selfrepresentations are characteristically spatially demarcated within the private sphere of the home. As these repeated representations of women in their homes take place in the public space of the internet, homing blogs work towards naturalizing the home as a women’s sphere. Written and commented on mostly by other women, homing blogs represent a feminine form of self-expression and communication that functions as a discursive expression of ongoing social, economic, and cultural changes in affluent Western societies. In this article, Finnish versions of these homing blogs are analysed in the cultural and political context of contemporary Finland, and discussed as a form of intimate publics that reverses the gender politics of other historical, semi-public spaces for the exercise of women’s agency, such as the salon. Introduction Lifestyle blogging has become an increasingly popular online activity worldwide.1 Here, we discuss blogs, written predominantly by women, that focus on an aestheticized and idealized family life, the everyday, and the home. As home and the family life within it form their core content, we call them homing blogs. A dictionary definition of homing refers to the ability of an animal to return home, often after travelling a great distance, or of an aircraft or a missile, etc. to guide itself onto a target. In light of these definitions, we propose that homing blogs are symbolic and symptomatic of a gender backlash, representing and valorizing the processes mostly undertaken by young women, of turning back to the home and repositioning themselves within the domestic and familial context. We consider these blogs as performative acts of homing, reproducing, reinforcing, and naturalizing the cultural association of the home as a women’s sphere. However, we also argue that homing blogs provide a space for feminine agency, i.e., agency exercised in the public sphere both by and for women, as well as a portrayal of domestic, everyday agency (Eeva Jokinen 2016) limited to the home. © 2017 the author(s). Published by informa uK Limited, trading as taylor & Francis Group. this is an Open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons attribution-nonCommercial-noderivatives License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. KEYWORDS Home; blogging; gender; intimate publics; public privacy ARTICLE HISTORY Received 8 January 2016 Revised22 august 2017 accepted2 October 2017 CONTACT saara Jäntti saara.j.jan[email protected] OPEN ACCESS Feminist media studies 2018, Vol. 18, No. 5, 888–904 Viewing homing blogs as responses to and re-articulations of specific socio-historical circumstances and changes requires that the blogs are analysed against the backdrop of these societal and political changes. After providing such a background, we introduce the contemporary digital context of homing blogs, and present our data, and theoretical and conceptual framework. We then analyse the discursive, aesthetic, and social features of the selected homing blogs, showing how they index particular subject positions and agencies available to the participants. Finally, we examine the ambivalent gender politics at play in these communal spaces of intimate, feminine publics (Lauren Berlant 2008). Cultural background This article focuses on Finland-based homing blogs. Finland exemplifies a Nordic welfare state where the state was instrumental in supporting women’s participation in the labour market (Kristiina Brunila and Hanna Ylöstalo 2015) with the result that women’s wide-spread, full-time participation in the workforce has, for many decades, been taken for granted.2 However, despite the formal emphasis on and national pride over gender equality, the labour market remains highly segregated by gender (teservices.fi 2014). Women have also been predominantly employed in the public sector (Raija Julkunen 2010, 76–155), which is currently being dismantled. Hence, women are increasingly working part-time, often unwillingly.3 Moreover, the take up of parental benefits has remained highly gendered (Minna Salmi and Johanna Lammi-Taskula 2014): mothers continue to be the parent who stays at home with small children, 4 weakening their possibilities for future employment and driving down their earnings and pensions (Reija Lilja, Rita Asplund and Kaisa Kauppinen 2007). In Finland and other Western welfare societies (e.g., Ann Porter 2012), following the financial crisis and economic recession, cuts in social services, such as communal day care, have been accompanied by the loss of jobs for women in the public sector. This, in turn, makes them more dependent on their working spouses and hence more vulnerable (Anita Haataja and Ulla Hämäläinen 2010). In the current cultural climate, these economic and social changes, amounting to a feminized recession (Lisa Adkins 2012), are entwined with a rise of a mixture of neoliberal ideologies, post-feminist tendencies, and conservative backlash in gender discourses that reaffirm the value of social structures and institutions that support and applaud the woman’s place in the private sphere of the home and nuclear family (Dolores Hayden [1984] 2002, Alison Blunt and Robyn Dowling 2006). While neoliberal ideology rather than social structures holds individuals responsible for their choices (e.g., Ulrich Beck and Elizabeth Beck-Gernsheim 2002; Frank Furedi 2004) and upholds this freedom of individual choice as an ultimate value (Porter 2012, 20), neoconservatism reinforces the cultural ideal that the home is the natural place for women. By idealizing heterosexual marriage and the family as the cornerstones of society, it contributes to the familistic turn (Riitta Jallinoja 2006) that views the home, rather than daycare, as the best environment for raising children. Together with a post-feminist emphasis on “the tropes of freedom and choice” (Angela McRobbie 2004, 255) of the individual and the construction of her agency primarily as a consumer (Rosalind Gill 2007), these discourses work to construct the female subject as a decision-maker primarily in her and her family’s consumer choices. In the homing blogs in focus here, these three interlinked yet distinct ideologies are peculiarly entwined with ecological values and downshifting, i.e., a trend characteristic mostly of middle-class professionals who elect a lifestyle where work and income are no longer held as values per se, and FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 889 instead seek to reduce consumption and create a simpler way of life (e.g., John D. Drake 2000). From within this complex ensemble of discourses and ideologies, the withdrawal from the labour market of individual, modern, educated women can be rationalized and justified as a “natural” and legitimate choice that women themselves make, rather than the outcome of a range of structural, economic, and ideological factors. In this situation, homing blogs become a site where women can negotiate and share their “return” to the private sphere of the home with their peers. For them, homing blogs may offer a collective means to justify their “choice.” Homing blogs in the gendered blogosphere Recent survey findings5 suggest that, while no major gender differences exist in social media use, there are some differences in the arenas that men and women participate in and how their online contributions are received. For example, despite the allegedly democratizing effects of the internet in knowledge production (Anna Foka and Viktor Arvidsson 2014), certain activities and genres, such as political debate, remain dominated by white middle-class men (Antoinette Pole 2010). Aller Media’s Great Blog Research (2014) also suggests that blog following and writing practices are gendered: while men (claim they) follow news and technology, women read and write more personal blogs. Men also tend to receive more comments and links to their blogs than women (Sarah Pedersen and Caroline Macafee 2007). Like personal blogs in general, homing blogs are mostly single-authored and characterized by a personal tone (Rebecca Blood 2002; Greg Myers 2010; Jill Walker Rettberg 2013). However, like blogs in general, they also allow comment, and are thus inherently a social presentation of a relational mode of identity construction (Sirpa Leppänen 2015). They also seem to support earlier observations that female bloggers share more personal information in their blogs than male bloggers (Tracy Kennedy, Joanna S. Robinson and Kaye Trammell 2005; Susan C. Herring and John C. Paolillo 2006; Susan C. Herring et al. 2004). Homing blogs form a particularly feminine sphere of semi-public digital agency. They are “semi-public” in that they represent an extension of the bloggers’ homes and, by publicly displaying details of their authors’ private lives (Elina Noppari and Mikko Hautakangas 2012), thus constitute a form of “public privacy” (Riitta Jallinoja 2000). As semi-public spaces adjoining the home, homing blogs can also be seen as a continuation of other feminine spaces, such as the eighteenthand nineteenth-century handicraft circle and the salon (Seyla Benhabib 1995; Jodi Dean 2001), which gave women an opportunity to collaboratively take part in activities and discussions in situations in which their possibilities for more public participation were otherwise limited. In this article, we focus on the performative and political aspects of gender, i.e., the ways in which home bloggers produce gendered effects and realities (Tuija Saresma 2014) in their communicative practices and representations of their lives. Our understanding of gender is intersectional, i.e., it is always entwined with other hierarchically organized positions of power and subordination, such as ethnicity, sexuality, and social class (Kimberlé Crenshaw 1989; Tuuli Lähdesmäki and Tuija Saresma 2014). Here, intersectional analysis helps detect the “unmarked categories of power” (Hae Yeon Choo and Myra Marx Ferree 2010) embedded in homing blogs’ representations of femininity, i.e., their performatives of heterosexuality, education, and the social position of the well-off Western middle class. Our analysis aims at 890 S. JÄNTTI ET AL. a close reading of how these unmarked categories are performed and (re-)produced in these blogs. Data and method Here, blogging is approached ethnographically and understood as textualized situated experiences, entailing locally specific practices and semiotisations. Guided by a process of learning and discovery in the field, our aim was to produce a thick description and multi-faceted digital ethnographic analysis of what constitutes homing blogging and what it means from the perspective of the bloggers themselves (Piia Varis 2016; Christine Hine 2000). We began data collection using the snowball method. Having first identified the genre of lifestyle blogs emergent in the Finland-based blogosphere in the early 2010s, we sought to diagnose the features characterizing it as a sub-genre of lifestyle blogging. These features were (a) the bloggers (female adults), (b) their focus (representing aspects of everyday life and family, primarily in the home setting), and (c) the style and multi-modality of the blogs (personal and subjective style of writing, and the aestheticizing of photographs as a significant component of the blogs). We then selected one blog, These Moments,6 as a key site in helping us trace other similar homing blogs. With 132 entries, the blog was a popular one: between its first entry in 2009 and the last post on 28 November 2011, its site had been visited 18,000 times. The blog also contained links to 17 other similar blogs (see Appendix 1) which we also selected as our research material. Finally, to delimit the amount of material for close analysis and to ensure its contemporaneity, we decided to focus solely on the first entries posted in November 2011. So, unless otherwise stated, the references in the text are to these posts. Although this data selection method could be criticized as rather narrow, our ethnographic observations on Finnish homing blogs dating from 2010 demonstrate that their contents, social and linguistic conventions, practices, and norms are representative of the homing blog genre and hence support the validity of our conclusions. This was confirmed when we followed the blogs’ links further into the blogosphere and found no significantly new aspects. The posts and reader comments discussed here can thus be considered typical of the homing blogs, an adequate sample for close reading, and an illustration of a phenomenon that had by the mid-2010s become an established genre.7 The inclusion of contemporaneous blogs by a circle of bloggers linked to each other’s blogs and commenting on them regularly also enables us to focus on these social aspects inherent in blogging. We approach the blogs simultaneously as cultural spaces and as semiotic artefacts, and implement our analysis on three levels: the rhetorical, discursive, and visual choices made; the communicative and relational aspects of the blogs; and the ideological implications of the blog entries at the societal or structural level. As spatial demarcations of identity are the most striking feature of these blogs and the blogs themselves are spatially conceived, special attention is paid to spatiality. Hence, we read the blogs as performatives simultaneously (re-)presenting and constructing spaces of agency (Lois McNay 2000) for women. This mundane everyday agency (Jokinen 2016) is both creative and shaped by the materialities of the bloggers’ everyday lives as well as by the normative social (online) practices that are themselves constantly reproduced and negotiated in the homing blog community through adherence to particular conventions and preferences in writing, visual representation, and interaction. In other words, they display FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 891 particular discursive orientations towards sets of features that are or can be seen as indexical of particular situated identities, and that are applied and enforced by the participants themselves, drawing on multiple centers of normativity (Leppänen 2009, 2015; Jan Blommaert and Piia Varis 2013; Leppänen et al. 2014). The homing blogs: analysis By posting pictures of their family and home spaces, the home bloggers allow both faithful followers and accidental readers into the private spaces of their homes. Yet, they also use various means to conceal their identities, which renders the blogs ambiguous sites of intimacy and anonymity, a space for carefully constructed “public privacy” (Jallinoja 2000, Noppari and Hautakangas 2012). Public privacy refers to public representations of a private life that is distinct from—although intertwined with—“private privacy,” i.e., the actual everyday life that goes on in the blogger’s home. Below, by analysing the bloggers’ profiles, typical entries, and patterns of communication, we show how public privacy in this particular homing blog community is constructed. Bloggers and their profiles: homing blogs as a form of self-representation While the home bloggers appear to open up their homes to strangers online, in their introductory profile most provide only the minimum information about themselves required by the blogging platform (most commonly Blogger.com in the data): gender and location. All the bloggers in our material identify themselves as Finnish women, often the only piece of personal information they share in the introduction. Even the most informative descriptions only include their family status and interests. The few bloggers who reveal more about themselves typically position themselves as wives and mothers, while profession or education is rarely mentioned. The writer of a bilingual blog called Pep, for example, portrays herself as “Mother of six. Living, crafting and writing about it in bad English.”8 Most bloggers also use their first names or hide behind aliases such as “The Authoress” or “the biggest bean.” Despite their shared interest in photography and emphasis on visuality, most bloggers do not include their own picture in their profile. Those who do often pose with the camera masking their face (Everyday Treasury and Birch Alley) or frame their photo so that they cannot be identified. Instead, the homing bloggers present themselves indirectly via representations of the spatialities, details, objects, and materiality of their homes, thus positioning themselves as focalizers and narrators rather than as objects for the viewer’s gaze, including the male gaze that, according to Laura Mulvey (2009), dominate the imageries of patriarchal visual culture. The homing bloggers thus decline the traditional exhibitionist role of women as simultaneously looked at and displayed (Mulvey 2009). Simultaneously, however, the public self is presented as only a fragment of the whole person, and can be read as a symbol of the limited possibilities of representing femininity online. While photographing fragments of the female body is often interpreted as objectifying, in this context it can also read as a sign of agency, a means of regulating the blogger’s public and private life: the homing bloggers direct the readers’ gaze. While the profile reveals little of the bloggers’ careers outside the family, working life is occasionally hinted at in the posts a few bloggers mention their occupation and fleeting allusions are made to work or business as tough. The posts also reveal that the bloggers vary 892 S. JÄNTTI ET AL. in geographical location, professional and marital status, and age. In the blogosphere, however, they have all chosen to present themselves through aestheticized representations of everyday life at home and the absence of the public and professional world. Many started their blogs on parental leave. Significantly then, working life is not alien to the bloggers, but their blogs stress their domestic role, as in this description by the writer of The Sun and the Moon: Extract (1, our English translation, henceforth ET) Part-time stay-at-home mum. Living in an old house. Sewing, knitting, crocheting, doing handicrafts, baking and collecting things, and navigating between home, work, and inspiration. This profile description sums up very well the home bloggers’ practices of self-representation: while the blogger is only a part-time stay-at-home mum, she portrays herself exclusively through domestic activities. Importantly, though, rather than domestic chores, these activities include collecting things, baking, and making handicrafts. These, in fact, form the core substance of most blogs, whose names are revealing about their relation to the home: for example, Everyday Treasury, These Moments, and Secret Den all underline the role of the home as a valuable space for rest and creativity. The typical home blogger thus presents herself as a home-maker and as materially engaged and merged with her home’s interior, rendering the offline home a material extension of her online identity (cf. Iris Marion Young 1997). Home-blogging, like all blogging, is inherently a social practice and homing blogs are spaces where identities are crafted together with readers who comment on the blogs (Sari Östman 2008). The commentators often also have their own blogs. In fact, home-bloggers often form tightly-knit communities manifesting the key characteristics of communality (Herring 2004, 355–357): (1) active, self-sustaining participation, with a core of regular participants; (2) a shared history, purpose, and culture, including norms and values; (3) solidarity, support, reciprocity; (4) criticism, conflict, means of conflict resolution; (5) self-awareness of the group as an entity distinct from other groups; and (6) emergence of roles, hierarchy, governance, rituals. The home blogs in our data meet most of these criteria, yet the boundaries of these communities are fluid, and bloggers withdraw and/or shift their blogs to other platforms.9 Next, we analyse two features in the blogs where community is evident: entries with shared aesthetics, interests and values, and comments. Aesthetics meet interests meet values: typical entries In a typical entry, the blogger frames her text with a few carefully designed and edited photos. The photos are typically accompanied with a few lines describing the blogger’s mood and activities in relation to the ambiance of the photos, harmonizing or contrasting with it. These include nuanced descriptions of the landscape, weather, or season (“And so November came, bringing us a gentle, soft darkness. The days spread their wings and just fly by.” [Birch Alley, EO]) and accounts of the blogger’s recent activities such as everyday chores like cooking, baking, organizing, sewing, and taking walks with a child or dog. The FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES 893 bloggers also frequently compose lists of their activities, like The Song Thrush and the Nightingale: Extract (2, EO, [sic]) During this month I have been: • Finished my very first knitted cardigan! • Been lucky to have a frend from Iceland. It′s so wild how in so short time you can get so close with someone. • Talking english for a hole month. • Getting one year older. • In to a Oktorberfest in western Finland • Experienced also my very first traditional moosefests. • Sewing like crazy and planning lots of new things. Characteristically, such lists of accomplishments often include everyday “events” and sparetime activities such as a new friendship or finishing a hand-made artefact. Besides everyday activities, the blogs also treasure drifting in one’s thoughts and environment or simply “being.” The home—and its associated outdoors settings—are thus depicted as safe spaces for restoring one’s subjectivity and finding poetic inspiration for self-expression. Interestingly, even domestic chores are not depicted in the blogs as work, but as pottering about or as keeping oneself busy. Many bloggers are interested in photography, and “beauty” and harmony are central values to be constantly striven for. This shows in their poetic and aesthetic depictions of their everyday lives, typically featuring close-ups of their own solitary figures, environments and objects, children (often at least partly anonymized) and, seldom, other adults. They also tend to be carefully edited, presented in soft and muted colours, and colour-coordinated groups. 10 Despite the general ethos of contentment in the blogs, the photos are often rather melancholic, wistful, and picturesque; most pictures show environments rather than people, the bloggers often appear alone, and the colours used tend to be shaded into black.11 Due to the repetition of close-ups of nature and objects in the house, the general visual representation of the bloggers’ private and personal lived realities is somewhat static, even constrained, and often in stark contrast with the happiness they purport to enjoy. The photos and their aesthetic preferences also suggest other shared values. For example, the material qualities of the everyday objects (kitchenware, furniture, clothing) in their pictures communicate that they cherish the recycled, old, and slightly worn out. This suggests an ecologically aware lifestyle, but also implies that material aspects of everyday life and consumption are nevertheless highly important to them. Shared values are also evident in pictures depicting food, especially vegetables (often organic or homegrown), also accentuating the importance of an ecological and healthy lifestyle. Pictures of half-eaten meals are also frequently shown, giving the impression of a meal shared between blogger and reader. This serves to emphasize a close, immediate, and even intimate relation between reader and blogger, and the simultaneity of the moments of reading and writing (Jäntti Saara and Suvi Järvinen 2014). Yet another value suggested by the photos is the meaningfulness and appreciation of creating things by hand, particularly evident in the abundance of posts featuring handicrafts. Some blogs in fact started out as knitting blogs that gradually evolved into blogs 894 S. JÄNTTI ET AL. phenomenon rather than as individual blogs and bloggers. This, we find, is also in line with their semi-public nature. The Finnish names of the blogs are, however, listed in Appendix 1. 7. As an indication of this, a special magazine (Parhaat kotiblogit [Best Home Blogs]) dedicated to them was introduced in 2014. 8. Some blogs are bilingual (English–Finnish). The English originals are henceforth marked as (EO). 9. By now, most bloggers in this community have moved to other platforms and started new blogs. 10. Some blogs are like sketchbooks where the bloggers present, develop, and test their artistic ideas; indeed, some bloggers have set up exhibitions based on their blogs. 11. Interestingly, the increased emphasis on visuality that we observed since 2009 seems to contribute to the conventional depiction of home and family. In contrast, some other blogs (e.g., Project mama) that rely more on verbal expression appear much more engaged and critical. The brighter-coloured, brisker, and predominantly energetic and happy blogs are often openly commercial. 12. Unlike in some other cultures, in Finland going to the sauna is not associated with sexuality. 13. Berlant analyses public representations and popular mass-media genres, such as soaps and films, where femininity is publicly negotiated in terms of emotions and aesthetics rather than politics. Like the homing blogs, as part of “women’s culture,” these intimate publics serve as spaces for sentimental publicity, offering a non-dominant group a possibility to voice complaint and seek reassurance while experiencing shared emotion (2008, viii). Disclosure statement The authors report no potential conflict of interest. Funding This work was supported by the Cultural Foundation of Finland, Aaltonen Foundation and the Academy of Finland under Grant SA21000019101. Notes on contributors Saara Jäntti is a postdoctoral researcher at the Department of Language and Communication Studies, University of Jyvaskyla, Finland. Her research interests include gender, language, intersectionality and cultural notions of mental illness, health and home. Email: [email protected]. Tuija Saresma is a senior researcher at the Department of Music, Art and Culture Studies, University of Jyvaskyla, Finland. Her current research interests include affects and cultural politics of emotions, intersectionality, migration, populist rhetoric, “gender populism,” and racialization. She has published widely on autobiographical writing, gender studies, cultural studies, interdisciplinary methodology, social media, and feminist pedagogy. Email: [email protected]. Sirpa Leppänen is a Professor at the Department of Language and Communication Studies, University of Jyvaskyla, Finland. With her research team (http://www.socialmediadiscourses.fi/), she is currently investigating multi-semiotic uses of social media as forms of social and political action and cultural production. Her recent work has focused, in particular, on identifications, intersections, otherness, and authentication in social media discourse. Email: [email protected]. Suvi Järvinen is a doctoral student at the Department of Music, Art and Culture Studies, University of Jyvaskyla, Finland. Her research interests include poetics, gender, and the philosophy of writing. Email: [email protected] Piia Varis is assistant professor at the Department of Culture Studies at Tilburg University, the Netherlands. Her research interests include the effects of digitalisation on society and the ways in which digital technology is appropriated by people in their everyday lives. 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The original name of the blog English translation 1Nämä hetket These moments • the key blog 2Arjen aarreaitta Everyday Treasury 3Chocolate Circus – 4Hetkien helminauhaa String-of-Pearl Moments 5Himalainen Home Bee 6Juuri tällaista Just like this 7Koivukuja Birch Alley 8Kukkaispäiväkirja Flower Diary 9Laulurastas ja satakieli The Song thrush and the Nightingale 10 Maijja – 11 Nurjat Purl Stiches 12 Piilomaja Secret Den 13 Puhti Pep 14 Souvenirs – 15 Tuulen Naapurina My Neighbour the Wind 16 Vaahteramäen lapset The Children of Maple Hill 17 VIA VIA 18 Villa Inkeri – 904 S. JÄNTTI ET AL.