The Expression of the Subjuntive in Older French

The Expression of the Subjunctive in Older French France Martineau University of Ottawa This paper examines the relation between the expression of the subjunctive and the lack of subject obviation in Older French. First, I show that solutions which rely on the subjunctivelinfinitive rivalry cannot explain the Older French data; I also argue that althoguh T is anaphoric in subjunctive clauses, this feature is not directly respousible for subject obviation. Relying on Progovac (1993). I propose that the lack of subject obviation in Older French depends on the visibility of a Mood Phrase (MoodP). In Older French, the matrix verb does not select the subjunctive mood; consequently, MoodP must be visible in LF because the feature [-realized] it bears is not recoverable. The lack of subject obviation is due to the fact that the visible MoodP binds T [+anaphor] and restricts the binding domain to the embedded subjunctive clause. In Modern French. MoodP can be recovered since the subjunctive is selected by the matrix verb. As a result, the binding domain of T is extended to the matrix clause and subject obviation effects are found. 1. The Data Subject obviation, namely the fact that the subject of an embedded subjunctive clause cannot be coreferential with the subject of the matrix clause, is found in many Romance languages. In Modem French, the subject of the subjunctive clause cannot be coreferential with the subject of the matrix clause, as shown in (la). If both subjects are coreferential, the infinitive must be used ( lb). Catalun Working Papers in Linguistics (CatWPL) 3.2 (1994): 45-69 Universitat Autbnoma de Barcelona ( 1) Modern French a. *Je veux que je parte demain. I want that I leave-SUBJ tomorrow b. Je veux partir demain. I want leave-INF tomorrow 'I want to leave tomorrow.' Subject obviation is not found in the indicative (2a). The indicative may also alternate with the infinitive (2b). (2) Modern French a. Je crois que je pars demain. I think that I leave-IND tomorrow b. Je crois partir demain. I think leave-INF tomorrow 'I think I leave tomorrow.' Older French differs from Modem French since it does not present subject obviation, as shown in (3)-(6). For reasons of clarity, I will use the term Older French for Old French (842 [Serments de Strasbourg] to the end of the XIIIth century), Middle French (XIVth, XVth centuries), La Renaissance (XVIth century) and Classical French (XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries). (3) Old French Je vueil que je soye batu. I want that I be-SUBJ beaten 'I want to be beaten.' (Griseldis 135, from Jensen (1974:34)) (4) Middle French a. car je vouldroie que je ne alasse jamCs hors de nostre meson. since I would like that I not go-SUBJ never out of our house 'since I would like never to go outside our house.' (Anonymous, Les XV Joies de mariage, 11) b. qu'ili eust bien voulus que jamais ("ili") n'eust encommencez une telle that he, would have liked that never hq had-SUBJ started a such chasse hunt 'that he would have liked to have never started such a hunt.' (Vigneulles, Les Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles, 229) (5) XVIth century French Je me repens bien, mais c'est B tard, que je n'ay suivi la doctrine I myself regret a lot, but it is too late that I not have-SUBJ followed the doctrine des bons philosophes. of good philosophers 'I regret, but it is too late, not following the doctrine of the good philosophers.' (Rabelais, from Gougenheim (1984: 169)) (6) Classical French a. Je suis surprise moy-mesmes que j'aye PU ne vous en I am surprised myself that I have-SUBJ been able not yourself of-i1 rien faire paroitre. nothing to make appear 'I am surprised myself to have been able to lude it from you.' (Lafayette, La hncesse de Clkves, 1170) (6) b. Je voudrois, en revanche, que je ne puisse voir le vostre I would like on the other hand that I not can-SUBJ to see yours gravC en taille-douce. engraved 'I would like, on the other hand, not to have to see yours engraved.' (Furetikre, Le Roman bourgeois, 962) Older French shares similarities with Italian and Spanish: clitic climbing, pro-drop, nominal infinitives. However, contrary to Older French, these Romance languages show subject obviation (7)-(8). (7) Ztalian *Non credo possa venire io. not think can-SUBJ come I 'I don't think I couid come' (Motapanyane (19922)) (8) Spanish *Queremos que nos vayamos temprano. want that ourselves go-SUBJ early 'We want to leave early.' (Luján (1978: 1 13)) In this paper, I first show that solutions which sely on the subjunctivelinfinitive rivalry cannot explain the Older French data (Section 2). I will rather foilow the approach which argues that subject obviation is a consequence of the fact that the binding domain of the embedded subjunctive clause is extended to the matrix clause (e.g., Picallo (1!%5), Kempchinsky (1985), Rapso (1985)); since pronouns must be free in their binding domain (Chomsky (1981)), the subject of the embedded clause cannot corefer with the subject sf the matrix clause. lin Section (3), I examine the anaphoric tense analyses. I agree with these analyses that Tense is anaphoric in the subjunctive clause; however, I do not consider that subject obviation is triggered by the anaphoric feature of Tense. Section 4 deals with the lack of subject obviation in Older French. I argue that the presence or absence of subject obviation in French depends on the way the subjunctive is expressed. In French, subjunctive complements are headed by MoodP. Relying on Progovac (1993), I argue that in Older French, MoodP must be visible in LF because its content is not recoverable. Because MoodP is visible, it can bind the anaphoric Tense and restricts its binding domain to the embedded clause. In Section 5, I show that the subjunctive is lexically selected by the matrix verb in Modern French. As a result, MoodP is transparent, the binding domain is extended to the matrix clause and subject obviation effects are found. 2. The Infinitive/Subjunctive Rivalry Analysis Bouchard (1984: 128) proposes to link the subject obviation phenomenon to the Elsewhere Principle: (9) Ekiewhere Principle Don't put a pronoun in a position where an anaphor is possible, i.e. in a position where the pronoun will be interpreted as coreferential with an NP that can bind it. Following this principle, the embedded pronoun in (10a) must have a disjoint reference since PRO may also occur in that context (10b). 1 According to Bouchard, empty categories are defined contextuaily. A controlled PRO would be an anaphor in (10) since it has to be coindexed with an argument. In (10b). a pronoun coreferential with the matrix subject is forbidden since an anaphoric PRO is possible. According to Bouchard, pronouns and anaphors are in complementary distribution. (10) a. *Je veux que je parte (SUBJ). b. Je veux PRO partir (INF). 'I want to leave.' Farkas (1985) proposes an idea along the same lines. She argues that in languages such as Rumanian and Greek, the lack of subject obviation in subjunctive clauses is triggered by the lack of infinitive structures. In (11) and (12), the subjunctive must be used since the infinitive is not available in these languages, and coreference between the matrix and the embedded subjects is allowed. (1 1) Rumanian Vrea SZ citeasd cartea. 'He wants to read the book.' (Rivero (1991:282)) (12) Greek thelo na pao stin eladha. 'I want to go to Greece.' (Felix (1989: 1 13)) On the other hand, Romance languages such as Italian and Spanish, which have true infinitives to express control, show subject obviation in subjunctive clauses (see (7) and (8)). However, aithough the infinitive/subjunctive rivalry is regularly found when the matrix verb is volitionai, it does not exist for all semantic classes of verbs in Modern Romance languages (see Ruwet (1984), Farkas (198.5). Picallo (1985). Suñer (1986), Laka (1992)). For instance, verbs of emotion (13) and verbs of influence (14) allow both constructions: the subjunctive without subject obviation or the infinitive: (13) a. Modern French Je regrette que j'aie ennuyé (SUBJ)/dlavoir ennuyC (INF) cette femme. 'I regret that I have annoyed that womanlhaving annoyed this woman.' (Ruwet (1984: 103)) (13) b. Spanish [YO~] senti mucho que no 10 haya visto (SUBJ)lno haberlo visto (INF) cuando ... 'I deeply regretted that I have not seen him whenlnot having seen him when ...I (Obaid 1967, 1 17, from Suñer (1986: 187))z (14) a. Modern French ??Marie a convaincu Pauli qu'ili s'en aille (SUBJ)lde s'en aller (INF). 'Mary has convinced Pau1 to leave.' (Farkas (19855)) b. Spanish Jose loj mim6 a que proj apagara (SUBJ) la TV/a PROj apagar (INF) la TV. 'JosC encouraged him to turn off rhe TV.' (Suñer ( 1986: 186)) Moreover, the infinitive/subjunctive rivalry analysis cannot be extended to the Older French data since the infinitive and the subjunctive without subject obviation freely alternate. In (IS), the volition verb vouloir can take an embedded subjunctive clause (Sa), or an infinitive clause (15b). In both sentences in (15), the verb vouloir has the same meaning:3 For some speakers, (13b) is really bad. It would be better to say 'senti mucho que no 10 hubiera visto' or 'siento mucho que no 10 haya visto'. Sentences such as (15) also alternate with sentences such as (i) in which the infinitival clause has its own subject (the 'accusative with infinitive' construction). (i) a. Je ne veux I'imocent souffrir pour le coupable. 'I don't want the innocent man to suffer for the guilty one.' (R. Garnier. Les Juifves, 111, v. 1091. from Gougenheim (1984: 173)) (15) a. car je vouldroie que je ne alasse (SUBJ) jamCs hors de nostre meson. 'since I would like never to go outside our house.' (Anonymous, Les XV Joies de mariage, 11) b. Je vueil venir (INF) A eulx et leur demander (INF) une question. 'I want to go see them and ask them a question.' (Vigneulles, Les Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles, 59, 104) In the next section, we will turn to the anaphoric tense analyses which argue that subject obviation is due to a Tense operator. 3. The Anaphoric Tense Analyses The anaphoric tense analyses rely on the fact that subjunctive complements present more restrictions on tense dependencies than indicative complements (e.g., Raposo (1985), Picallo (1985), Terzi ( 1992)). For instance, according to these analyses, if the matrix verb is in the present tense, the embedded verb cannot be in the past when the complement is subjunctive (16). Unlike the subjunctive, the indicative does not show these restrictions. (16) a. Italian *Gianni vuole che io lavorassi con voi. John wants that I worked-SUBJ with you 'John wants me to work with you.' (Terzi (1992:78)) (i) b. et aucuns d'autres estats eussent voulu les Bourguignons et les autres seigneurs estre dedans Paris. 'and some other states would have liked the Bourguignons and other lords to bi in Paris.' (Commynes, Mémoires, 979, from Junker and Martineau (19925)) See Martineau (1990) and Junker and Martineau (1992) for an analysis of this construction (16) b. Spanish *Juan quiere que yo trabajara contigo. John wants that I worked-SUBJ with you 'John wants me to work with you.' (Terzi (1m78)) c. Poríuguese *O Manel deseja que o filho fosse o melhor aluno. Manel wishes that his son was-SUBJ the best student 'Manel wants his son to be the best student.' (Terzi (1992:78)) Similarly, if the matrix verb is in the past tense, the embedded verb carnot be in the present, as shown in (17). (17) Italiarl *Gianni voleva che io lavori con voi. Gianni wanted that I work-SUBJ with you 'Gianni wanted me to work with you.' (Terzi (1992:77)) According to Raposo (1985), an operator [-Tensel4 appears in CP (= S') when the embedded clause is subjunctive (18). This operator [-Tensel is anaphoric and needs to be bound to [+Tensel in the matrix clause; consequently, the binding domain is extended to the matrix clause. The need for the operator [-Tensel to be linked to the operator [+Tensel explains why the subjunctive clause is temporarily dependent on the matrix clause, and why coreference between the matrix and the embedded subject pronouns is not allowed. In Raposo's analysis, this [-Tensel operator must be distinguished from the functional category tense r) 53 (29) b. Mais le don qu'on veut qu'hier j'en vins (IND) faire en personne, est ce qui fait ici mon cruel embarras 'But the gift that they want I came yesterday to give, that is the reason of my embarrassment.' (Moli2re, Amph., 111, 1, 1468, from Haase (1969: 182)) c. Nous ordortnons qu'il sera mis (IND) entre les mains de la plus rigoureuse Dame. 'We order that he will be put in the hands of the most severe lady.' (Sorel, Histoire comique de Fmcion, p. 308) In (27)-(29), the indicative is used since there is no doubt on the realization of the event. In Modem French, the indicative found in (27)-(29) would have to be replaced by the subjunctive since the matrix verb is volitional: dit (27), portiez (%a), gardcit (Bb), sefiit transportée (29a). vinsse (29b) and soit mis (29c). Compare now (27)-(29) with (30)-(32). In Modem French, opinion verbs usually trigger the indicative. However, in Older French, since the subjunctive is not lexically selected, it is often found after verbs of opinion if there is some doubt on the realization of the event, as shown in (30)-(32). (30) Opinion verb101d French ... car i1 pense bien que li anemis l'ait porté (SUBJ) mout loing de I'abeie ou i1 vit ier le roi Mordrain. '...since he thinks that the enemy has brought it far away from the abbey where he yesterday saw king Mordrain.' (Queste del Saint Graal, 93, 6-8, from Foulet (1982:209)) (3 1) Opinion verblXVlth century French I1 croira que tu sois (SUBJ) le plus grand clerc. 'He will think that you are the best clerk.' (Des PCriers, Les Nouvelles Recreations et Joyeux Devis, 385) (32) Opinion verblClmsica1 French On croyoit que mon esprit all& (SUBJ) revenir. They thought that my mind would come back.' (SCvignC, 11,490, from Haase (1969: 187)) Relying on Progovac (1993) who proposes that functional categories which are recoverable may delete in LF (a level which contains only syntactivally and semantically unrecoverable information, according to Chomsky (1989)), I argue that MoodP is visible in LF in Older French because the choice of the mood (subjunctive [-realized] or indicative [+realized]) is not lexically determined by the matrix verb and cannot be recovered. (33) MoodP is visible in LF in Older French. In Section 3, I have assumed that Tense (To) in subjunctive clauses is anaphoric. I have also argued that it remains anaphoric from Older French to Modem French. As an anaphor, To in subjunctive clauses must be bound by an Xo-element. To explain the lack of subject obviation effects in Older French, I propose the hypothesis in (34). (34) In Older French, anaphoric Tense (To) is bound by the head of MoodP. The structure of sentence (35) would be as follows : (35) a. Je croy que je I'eusse rompue. b. je croy [~oodp [M& Md [-realizedli [cp [cl quei [AGRP je [AGR~ [AGR* l'eusse ~O~PUG [W [T' ti [VP [VI ti 11111111111 In (33, as a result of its visibility, MoodO is a potential binder for anaphoric To in the subjunctive clause.7 Since MdP selects CP which selects AgrP, and since the embedded verb has moved from To to AgrO, To and MoodO are coindexed. The embedded subjunctive clause is the binding domain for To and coreference between the matrix and the embedded subjects is allowed. The lack of subject obviation would be related not to the fact that To is anaphoric but to the visibility of the head of MoodP which binds To. The fact that anaphoric To is coindexed with the head of MoodO will also explain why the temporal reference of To in embedded subjunctive clauses is often defined by the general meaning of the sentence. Compare (36a) and (36b). In (36a), the past subjunctive refers to something future. In (36b), the past subjunctive refers to something past. Only the context can tell us the temporal reference of the subjunctive. (36) a. Gentiz hom sire, un noz en vendissiez! dear Lord, one to-us of-them sell-SUBJ 'Dear Lord, you can sell us one of them.' (Ami et Amile, 2641, from Ménard (1976: 147)) b. Moult volentiers s'en vengast, s'il peüst. very willingly himself of-them take-his-revenge-SUBJ if he can-SUBJ 'He would have liked to take his revenge, if he would have been able.' (Laurin, 10268, from MCnard (1976: 148)) See Rivero (1987) for an analysis where CP and IP are coindexed in Rumanian 5. Lexical Selection of the Subjunctive in Modern French At the beginning of Classical French, changes in the way the subjunctive is used start to appear. Verbs which allowed both moods, subjunctive or indicative, start to be used only with one or the other mood. For instance, in Modem French, verbs of volition such as vouloir trigger the subjunctive mood (37a), whereas verbs of opinion such as croire, more often trigger the indicative mood (37b). (37) Modern French a. Volition verb Je veux que tu partes demain. I want that you leave-SUBJ tomorrow 'I want you to leave tomorrow.' b. Opinion verb Je crois que tu pars demain. I think that you leave-IND tomorrow 'I think you leave tomorrow.' Interestingly, these changes in the choice of the mood are closely related to the appearance of subject obviation in Classical French. An observation made by the grammarian Thomas Comeille is particularly revealing. He suggests using with the matrix verb croire one or the other mood in the embedded clause when croire is second or third person (38a), but he says that the indicative is better used if croire is first person (38b). In (38b), there is coreference between the matrix and the embedded subjects. (38) a. Tu croisII1 croit que je suis /sois malade. you thinWhe thinks that I am-INDlam-SUBJ sick 'You thinlúhe thinks that I am sick.' (38) b. Je crois que je suis malade. I think that I am-IND sick 'I think I arn sick.' I propose that these changes are due to a change in the way the subjunctive is expressed. Contrary to what is found in Older French, the subjunctive is lexically selected in Modern French. The choice of the indicative or the subjunctive does not depend on the general meaning of the sentence but on which type of matrix verb is used (for instance, volition verb or opinion verb). I argue that MoociP, which was visible in Older French, becomes transparent in Modem French since it can be recovered by the lexical selection of the matrix verb. As a result of this 'transparency', MoodO cannot bind the anaphoric To which is binded by the matrix verb. Consequently, the binding domain is extended to the matrix clause and subject obviation effects are found. Our analysis could also be extended to cases of subjunctive not lexically selected by the matrix verb in Modern French. As the nature of the change between Older French and Modem French does not concern the presence or absence of MoodP but its visibility or transparency, we should found lack of subject obviation effects when the subjunctive is not lexically selected by the matrix verb. Compare for instance (39a) and (39b). In (39a), the indicative in the embedded clause is lexically selected by the matrix verb of opinion croire. But if the matrix verb is negated, as in sentence (39b), the subjunctive may be used, in place of the indicative, to add an idea of doubt on the realization of the action. As the subjunctive in sentence (39b) is not Iexically selected by the matrix verb, it is not recoverable and MoodP must be visible at LF. As expected, there is absence of subject obviation in (39b) (see Huot (1986), Barbaud (1991), among others, for other examples like (39)).* As Ruwet (1984) has shown for Modern French, the subjunctive without subject obviation may be marginally accepted with volition verbs when there is a 'distance' between the desire of the matrix subject, and the 6. Conclusion In summary, this paper has shown that an analysis in tems of the rivalry between the infinitive and the subjunctive cannot explain the Older French data. I have argued that although To is anaphoric in subjunctive clauses, this feature is not directly responsible of subject obviation. I have rather put forward the hypothesis that subject obviation in French depends on the visibility of MoodP, the highest functional category. In Older French subjunctive clauses, MoodP is visible in LF because the feature [-realized] it bears is not recoverable; the lack of subject obviation is due to the fact that MoodP binds the anaphoric To and restricts the binding domain to the embedded subjunctive clause. In Modern French, MoodP can be recovered since the subjunctive is lexically selected by the matrix verb. Subject obviation is due to the fact that MoodO is transparent and cannot bind To; thus, the binding domain of To is extended to the matrix clause. (39) a. Je crois que je pars demain. I think that I leave-IND tomorrow 'I think I leave tomorrow.' b. Je ne crois pas que je parte lpars demain. I not think that I leave-SUBJlleave-IND tomorrow 'I don't think I leave tomorrow.' realization of the action expressed in the embedded clause. In (i), the conditional in the matrix clause weakens the order and, consequently, the realization of the action. (i) Je voudrais que je sois déjB parti. 'I would like to have already left.' (Ruwet (198495)) If we extend the analysis presented here, it may be the case that, for speakers who accept sentences like (i), MdP bears the feature [-realized] (in Ruwet's words, a 'distance'), just like what is found in Older Frcnch. As this feature is not lexically selected by the matrix verb, it cannot be recovered and MoodP must be visible in LF. We leave that point for future research (see Martineau and Mainviiie (1993)). This article received a research grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (410-92-0221). I wish to thank the audience at the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Linguistic Association at Carleton University (May 1993), Marie-Odile Junker, Arhonto Teni and the reviewers of CatWPL for comments on an earlier version of this paper. 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