The role of gender in the South European immigration model

Abstract The aim of this article is to contextualise female migration into Southern Europe within the specificities of the Southern European model of immigration. Very different from the intraEuropean labour migrations of the 1950s and 1960s, when the Southern European countries were themselves suppliers of labour migrants, this new South European immigration model comprises a number of key features such as heterogeneity of migrant source countries (especially true for Italy and Spain), the dynamic role of the informal economy, a heavy concentration of immigrant employment in the tertiary sector, and the highly segmented structure of labour demand into which different ethnic and gender groups find niche opportunities. Particularly relevant for the role of immigrant women in this setting are the social changes affecting the position of South European women both in the labour market and in the home and family contexts. Although the article is mainly concerned with the above theoretical issues, reference will also be made to a sample of empirical studies on immigrant women, especially in Italy. Key words: Southern Europe, informal economy, tertiary sector, labour segmentation, gender and ethnic groups. Resumen. El rol del género en el modelo de inmigración en la Europa del Sur El objetivo de este artículo es contextualizar la inmigración femenina en la Europa del sur dentro de las especificidades del modelo de inmigración de la Europa del sur. Un modelo muy distinto del de las migraciones europeas de trabajo de los años cincuenta y sesenta, cuando los países de la Europa del sur ofrecían mano de trabajo migrante. Este nuevo modelo de inmigración en la Europa del sur comprende un número de características clave como son la heterogeneidad de los países de origen (especialmente para el caso italiano y español), un dinámico rol de la economía informal, una gran concentración de los inmigrantes en el sector terciario y una estructura de la demanda laboral muy segmentada, en la que los diferentes grupos étnicos y de género hallan «oportunidades nicho». En este contexto es especialmente relevante para el rol de las mujeres inmigrantes los cambios sociales que afectan a la posición de las mujeres de la Europa del sur, tanto en el mercado como en el hogar. A pesar de que el artículo se centre principalmente en aspectos teóricos, se hace también referencia a estudios empíricos sobre mujeres inmigrantes, especialmente en Italia. Palabras clave: Europa del sur, economía informal, sector terciario, segmentación del trabajo, grupos de género, grupos étnicos. Papers. 60, 2000 35-52 The role of gender in the South European immigration model Russell King Elisabetta Zontini University of Sussex. School of European Studies Falmer, Brighton, BN1 9QN [email protected] [email protected] Papers 60 035-052 29/6/00 11:25 Página 35 1. Introduction For at least the last hundred years, the countries of Southern Europe1have had an intense experience of migration. The region’s migratory history has seen, first, a massive permanent emigration overseas, mainly to the Americas, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; then a more temporary form of labour migration to the industrialised countries of Northern Europe in the period between the end of the Second World War and the first oil crisis; next a wave of return migration driven partly by the changed economic conditions of the 1970s and early 1980s; and finally a recent phase of immigration, mainly from the countries of the developing world and, after 1990, from Eastern Europe. This historical sequence is undoubtedly a crude approximation and overlooks several important deviations from the generalisations: for instance the fact that there were some returns from the so-called «permanent settlement» emigrations overseas, or the even more important tendency for the so-called «temporary labour migrations» of the postwar decades to rapidly evolve into permanent settlement of Southern European ethnic communities in Northern European countries. Moreover, this is a typology only of external migration: equally massive internal redistributions of population have taken place, especially in the first three decades of the postwar period. These too have had a common pattern across the whole of Southern Europe: from rural regions to the main towns and metropolitan areas; from inland areas to the coast; from marginal upland and mountain districts to more fertile and urbanised plains; and from poor regions with low incomes and high rates of unemployment to richer regions undergoing rapid industrial and urban growth. The various national and international comparative literatures on these multiple migratory phenomena are enormous: so large in fact that there is no point, given the main purpose of this article, to cite even a sample of refer36Papers 60, 2000 Russell King; Elisabetta Zontini 1.For the purposes of this paper the countries of Southern Europe are taken to be Spain, Portugal, Italy and Greece. Malta, Cyprus and, to some extent, Slovenia have had similar migration histories but almost no information is available on recent immigration into these small countries, except that it exists on a significant scale. There is some evidence of recent immigration to Turkey but the scale and nature of this migration (much of which is transit migration) as well as the nature of economic and social change in Turkey, make this country still very different from the southern EU states, and more akin to North African countries like Tunisia or Morocco. Summary Papers 60 035-052 29/6/00 11:25 Página 36 1. Introduction 2. Reasons for immigration into Southern Europe 3. The economics and sociology of labour market segmentation 4. Sectors of female employment 5. Conclusions References ences here. What is more important, in terms of the background context for the present paper, is the fact that these literatures, vast as they are, almost always constructed migration as a male project. Despite the fact that the detailed migration statistics show otherwise, the accounts explicitly or implicitly assume that it was predominately men who crossed the ocean, migrated to work in the factories of Western Europe, or left the farms of Southern Italy or the hills of Greece to work in the industries and service sectors of Milan, Rome or Athens. This «gender-blindness» has been one of the major failings of the otherwise rich and dynamic interdisciplinary field of Southern European migration studies. Only over the past 10-15 years have some correctives been applied to the male bias of migration research. Following the development of feminist approaches to social science in the 1970s and early 1980s, important and powerful general statements were made about the female dimension in European international migration by Phizacklea (1983) and Morokvasic (1984), whilst some detailed sociological and anthropological case-studies of Southern European migrant women also started to appear at the same time (see, for instance, Brettell, 1982; Cornelisen, 1976; Douglass, 1976; Panayotakopoulou, 1981). Meanwhile historians and others reappraised past migrations, re-mapping the overlooked role of women onto the hitherto male-dominated historical record (Schwartz Seller, 1981; Simon and Brettell, 1986). The migratory role of women has become, if anything, even more important in the globalised economy of the late twentieth century. Castles and Miller (1993: 8-9) identify the feminisation of international migration as one of the key trends of the new «age of migration», a point echoed in many other global and regional surveys of recent, current and future international migration (e.g Hugo, 1998: 31-35). Whilst these trends reflect partly the growing independence of women and the demand for female labour in the restructured global economy with its emphasis on tertiary sector over industrial sector employment, by no means always does this imply the empowerment of women as independent actors in the migration process2. Far from it, in fact. Very often the increasing participation of women in international migration simply reflects their growing «marketability» on the global labour market and their cynical manipulation by a variety of essentially patriarchal structures: household and family structures in the countries of origin; unscrupulous trafficking agents in the act of migration itself; and patriarchal social and employment practices in the regions of destination, like Southern Europe. Having set out this historical and intellectual context, the main purpose of this paper is to interpret the female dimension within the current Southern European immigration scene. This is done at a fairly high level of abstraction and generalisation, reflecting our belief that there are common patterns and The role of gender in the South European immigration model Papers 60, 2000 37 2. Two types of female migration can be distinguished: dependent migration, often linked to family reunion; and autonomous migration, often linked to a personal project or family strategy. Individual situations are frequently more complex than this, of course. Papers 60 035-052 29/6/00 11:25 Página 37 processes shared by Southern European countries as regards their recent social, economic and demographic evolution. Working towards the idea of a specific Southern European «model» of immigration, we will attempt to locate the gender dimension within this model, paying particular attention to the phenomenon of labour market segmentation, to the sectors of employment where migrant women are now employed in large numbers in Southern Europe, and to the geography of the migration flows. In fact, we maintain that the sharp gendering of migration streams and of employment types is one of the key features of this Southern European immigration model. Although we do not offer a complete literature review, we will deploy a sample of case-studies and statistical data to put some empirical flesh on the theoretical bones of our main analysis. 2. Reasons for immigration into Southern Europe Some of the reasons for the «turnaround» in the external migration status of Southern Europe from a region of emigration until the 1970s to one of immigration in the 1980s and 1990s are well-known and have been discussed in a number of recent studies (King and Konjhodzic, 1995; King and Rybaczuk, 1993; King et al., 1997; Simon, 1987; Werth and Körner, 1991). They do not need an extensive replay here, but need to be briefly summarised since they are of relevance in our attempt to compose a South European model of immigration in the next section of the paper. Three groups of factors can be identified. The first set can be grouped under the heading of geography. These include the position of the southern EU countries on the Mediterranean flank of Europe, facing the access routes of immigrants coming both from nearby countries (Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Albania) and from much further away; the very long coastline of Southern Europe with its many beaches and islands, impossible to patrol effectively without a major military exercise; the mountainous borders of north-east Italy (with Slovenia) and north-west Greece (with Albania) which can be crossed by migrants using remote paths; and the fact that Southern Europe (especially Spain and Italy) had already functioned in earlier decades as transit countries for North African migrants routing overland to France and the Benelux countries. Hence in the strategic language of migration control, Southern Europe has come to be known as the «soft underbelly» of Fortress Europe, the frontier where the external border of Schengen seems most weak. Second, there are economic factors. The first of these overlaps with the previous set: the economic geography of Southern Europe in which several of the main sectors of the economy —tourism, shipping, fishing— involve an open set of linkages with the outside world which, again, facilitates the arrival of immigrants. Otherwise, the main economic factor is the spectacular development and modernisation of the Southern European economies between the 1960s and the 1980s; this provided the broad structural context for their parallel transformation from emigration to immigration countries. 38 Papers 60, 2000 Russell King; Elisabetta Zontini Papers 60 035-052 29/6/00 11:25 Página 38 Cartographically this transformation can be mapped as a fundamental shift south of the «migration frontier» —the boundary between countries of emigration and those of immigration— from its position running along the Pyreneean and Alpine watersheds in the 1960s to a new location running through the southern margins of the Mediterranean Basin in the 1980s (see King, 1998: 126-127). This is the notion of the Mediterranean as Europe’s «Rio Grande» (Montanari and Cortese, 1993: 213-218) —the liquid divide between the rich north shore and the poor southern shore. Across this divide two economic systems and demographic regimes confront each other, leading to unquenchable pressures for northwards migration. The Mexican «wetbacks» who swam the Rio Grande to reach their El Dorado in the north have their Mediterranean equivalents across the Strait of Gibraltar and the channel between Albania and Corfu. Third, there are socio-demographic factors. The Mediterranean Rio Grande separates two population regions that constitute the sharpest demographic gradient in the world. On the north side are countries which have experienced dramatic fertility collapse, in the case of Spain and Italy down to an average of 1.2 children per woman in the mid-1990s. Total fertility rates are three to five times higher in the southern shore countries. Whilst it is true that fertility is falling fast in countries like Morocco, Tunisia and Turkey, population structures remain dominated by young cohorts who have a poor economic future in their home countries (King, 1997). This simple listing and categorisation of reasons for immigration tells us nothing about the relative importance of each factor nor about how they have interacted together to «produce» the immigrations that have been such an important part of Southern European societies and economies in the past 15-20 years3. It also needs to be appreciated that the factor combinations have varied over time and with respect to the several sending states and the four receiving countries. Above all, we believe that the interaction between economic, labour market and sociological factors is the key to understanding the nature of recent immiThe role of gender in the South European immigration model Papers 60, 2000 39 3. Given the important flows of undocumented migrants, we cannot be exact about the quantitative scale of this impact. Simon (1987: 284) estimated 2 million immigrants and Werth and Körner (1991) increased the estimate of the growing stock of immigrants to 2.7-3.0 million for their survey date of 1989. Both of these sources were before the opening up of significant «east-to-south» migration currents as a result of the removal of the Iron Curtain. A more recent estimate by Baldwin-Edwards (1997), based on a compilation of national records and estimates for the early-mid 1990s, yields 2.5 million, but our view is that Baldwin-Edwards uses low estimates for Spain and Portugal, as against more realistic estimates for Greece and Italy. Periodic regularisations in recent years in Italy, Spain and Portugal have shed a little more light on this vexed issue of numbers. Legal immigrants registered on 31 December 1996 were 1,095,622 for Italy, 538,984 for Spain, and 172,912 for Portugal. The enigma is Greece, where Baldwin-Edwards estimates 140,000 legal and 500,000 illegal immigrants; here there is a regularisation programme currently in progress (1998). If we accept Baldwin-Edwards’ figures for Greece and add a (very) notional 30% to the Italian, Spanish and Portuguese figures to cover illegal immigrants in those three countries, we arrive at a total of 3 million. Papers 60 035-052 29/6/00 11:25 Página 39 gration into Southern Europe, including its sharply differentiated gender dimensions. This is the task of the next section of the paper. 3. The economics and sociology of labour market segmentation The specification of a distinct South European pattern of immigration must be embedded within the specific model of South European capitalistic development, with its associated societal characteristics. Mingione (1995) has identified a South European variant of European capitalism whose essential features are as follows. First, South European countries are «late developers». This means that, on the whole, they do not have a legacy of out-dated nineteenthcentury industry and other obsolete economic structures, although exceptions to this can be found in those few regions (Basque Country, Catalonia, the Industrial Triangle of north-western Italy) where heavy industry was established by the early decades of the present century. Second, Southern Europe’s path to modernisation has proceeded largely through a direct shift from a rural, agricultural economy (and society) to an urban, service-based economic and social structure. Missing out both the nineteenth-century industrial revolution and (again with the exception of some regions like Catalonia, Madrid, Rome and parts of Northern Italy) the mass industrial expansion of the postwar Fordist era that was so important in Northern European countries (and which drew large labour migration flows from Southern Europe in the 1950s and 1960s), Southern Europe’s leading economic sectors have been specialised agriculture, construction, tourism and other services. Table 1 demonstrates that, during 1980-90, the decade when immigration flows into Southern Europe started to become large in scale, both agriculture and industry lost employment to the fast-growing service sector. Third, these sectoral employment changes have been sharply differentiated with respect to gender (table 2). Most of the labour losses in agriculture 40 Papers 60, 2000 Russell King; Elisabetta Zontini Table 1. Southern Europe: sectoral employment trends. 1980-90. Percentage of active population in: Share of active population Agriculture Industry Services who are self-employed (%) Italy 1980 14,3 37,9 47,8 28,6 1990 9,0 32,4 58,6 28,8 Greece 1980 30,3 30,2 39,5 50,3 1990 24,5 27,4 48,2 48,6 Spain 1980 19,3 36,1 44,6 28,5 1990 11,8 33,4 54,8 26,4 Portugal 1980 27,3 36,6 36,1 32,4 1990 17,8 34,8 47,4 29,7 Source: OECD (1991). Papers 60 035-052 29/6/00 11:25 Página 40 and industry have been of unqualified male workers, or of male workers possessing artisan skills that are no longer in demand in the technology-dominated era. Most of the gains, on the other hand, have been in «female» jobs in the service sector. These trends have continued in the 1990s. Female participation rates in the labour market are continuing to increase since, from the demand side, job creation tends to be in various branches of the tertiary sector (from banking and insurance to catering and tourism) where females can most easily find work, both as highly qualified personnel and as less skilled casual workers4. Fourth, all Southern European economies incorporate an important and dynamic informal sector which relies not only on the conventional mechanisms of tax evasion and social security avoidance, but also on a range of flexible labour market practices including subcontracting, moonlighting and the diffusion of short-term, seasonal and part-time work regimes5. Such labour market practices respond well to the seasonal pattern of many of the key productive sectors of the Southern European economy (farming, fishing, conThe role of gender in the South European immigration model Papers 60, 2000 41 4. The trend to the casualisation of the labour market is a general European phenomenon. Most new jobs created in the EU in the first half of the 1990s were part-time. Whilst temporary jobs account for around 12% of total employment in the EU, over 50% of the umemployed who found jobs in 1995 took up temporary positions (European Commission, 1996: 17). 5. The informal sector, also referred to as the black economy, the parallel economy, the submerged economy etc. (though these terms are not necessarily synonymous), accounts for a significant proportion of GDP in the Southern European economies —shares estimated at around 30% in Greece and 15-25% in Spain, Portugal and Italy (where it is much higher in the Mezzogiorno). For a review of the varieties of informal sector activity and employment in Southern Europe see King and Konjhodzic (1995: 27-34); also Williams and Winderbank (1995). Table 2. Southern Europe: active population by sex 1980-90. Active Population (‘000) Activity Rate (%) Total Male Female Total Male Female Italy 1980 22.553 15.038 7.515 60,8 82,8 39,6 1990 24.293 15.347 8.946 61,1 78,1 44,5 Greece 1980 3.451 2.414 1.037 55,9 79,6 33,0 1990 3.967 2.500 1.467 60,9 75,8 43,5 Spain 1980 13.497 9.661 3.837 57,1 82,3 32,2 1990 15.333 9.998 5.335 58,8 76,8 40,9 Portugal 1980 4.361 2.628 1.773 70,5 87,7 54,3 1990 4.756 2.715 2.041 73,1 85,6 61,3 Note: The activity rate is calculated by percentage of the population aged 14-65 who are at work or actively seeking work. Source: OECD (1991). Papers 60 035-052 29/6/00 11:25 Página 41 struction, tourism) and to the underlying organisational structure of these activities, fragmented into a myriad of small firms and individual employers (Iosifides and King, 1996). Table 1 (final column) shows the extremely high incidence of self-employment in the Southern European countries —25-30% of total employment in Italy, Spain and Portugal, nearly 50% in Greece. The role of the informal economy has been absolutely fundamental in conditioning the types and outcomes of immigration into Southern Europe, although it is curious that this link has only very recently started to be explored (Baganha, 1998; Droukas, 1998; Iosifides and King, 1996; King and Konjhodzic, 1995; Reyneri, 1998; Solé et al., 1998) No longer regarded as a vestige of backwardness associated with underdeveloped urban economies in the Third World, the informal sector in Southern Europe is dynamic and probably expanding: above all it is a flexible and pragmatic response to heavy state regulation and to global processes of restructuring and competition connected to the international division of labour. It was well established in Southern Europe before the recent immigration, and is widespread amongst virtually all sectors of the population and across most sectors of economic activity. In short, it probably touches the everyday life of most households in most parts of the region. Hence it is not correct to target immigrants as the «cause» of the existence of undocumented economic activities. On the other hand, immigrants have interacted with the black economy in a very dynamic way, causing it to expand and reshape itself in many new directions. For many years, until the regularisations of the mid-1980s and the 1990s, the underground economy was the first and only chance immigrants had of obtaining any kind of work; in Greece this remains the case for most immigrants. Moreover the boundaries between the formal and the informal are never sharply drawn and are constantly being redefined, both at the institutional/legal level and at the level of individual economic actors —employers, employees, households, immigrants, etc. A regularisation campaign will decrease the population of undocumented immigrants, but possession of a residence and work permit does not necessarily mean participation in the formal economy. In sum, Southern Europe since the 1970s has provided a continuing vindication of Piore’s (1979) thesis that immigrant labour is fundamental to the ongoing development of capitalism, even in its post-Fordist phase, permitting and responding to the structuring of a segmented labour market. By the latter term we mean not only the existence of a simple dual labour market as posited by Piore, but also the elaboration of highly fractioned submarkets of labour which are differentiated territorially, by economic sector, by type of work and by gender. Competition between these submarkets is limited because of the unwillingness now of indigenous labour to perform jobs that were once in short supply compared to demand —in agriculture, construction, tourism and in low-grade personal and domestic services. The existence of different wage levels for the indigenous and immigrant labour markets, especially if the immigrants are illegal, only serves to cement the barriers between different segments of employment. 42 Papers 60, 2000 Russell King; Elisabetta Zontini Papers 60 035-052 29/6/00 11:25 Página 42 Two sociological changes need to be added to our analysis to complete the portrayal of the South European economic and labour market model and its gendered dimension. The first is the rapidly expanding number of years spent in full-time education. Only a small, residual share of young persons now leave school at the minimum age: most stay on to complete secondary schooling and an increasing fraction, at least a third, enrol at university. Parents support their children in education to boost their job and life chances, to hope that they find a higher-status marriage partner, and to improve family prestige. Because most young persons continue to live at home when at university (in contrast to some North European countries), parents are more easily able to subsidise their children’s lives, even until their late 20s or later. This exaltation of education as a route to enhancing personal and family status naturally reduces the supply of native labour for menial and unskilled jobs, thereby opening the market for low-status employment to foreign workers. Even the threat (and reality) of unemployment does not push highly-educated young men and women who have been «trained» for professional and office jobs to apply for lowergrade employment: they prefer to remain out of work, semi-employed or as perpetual students, supported by their indulgent parents and by a welfare system which, although undoubtedly still deficient in many respects, has made great strides since the 1950s and 1960s when it was almost non-existent. The second key social change which has directly impacted on immigrant work opportunities is Southern Europe’s imperfect transition to gender equality. Whilst, since the 1970s, young women have increasingly had access to education and careers, rejecting their traditionally allocated role of «non-working» wife and mother, this equalisation of opportunity (which in reality is far from fully achieved since in most careers and professions it is men who hold nearly all the powerful positions) has not been matched by equality within the domestic sphere. In other words career women are expected by their husbands and partners to fulfil most of the domestic roles of cooking, cleaning, child care and caring for elderly parents. Given the declining kinship support for childminding due to the break-up of the traditional Southern European extended family, and given the lack of state nursery facilities, women and households have tended to resort to employing domestic cleaners, baby-sitters, care-helpers etc., who are often immigrant women. This example provides a lead-in to the next part of the article, which is a more systematic examination of the types of jobs undertaken by immigrant women in Southern Europe. 4. Sectors of female employment In contrast to the earlier «migrations of Fordism» when the incorporation of foreign labour was highly regulated and consisted, at least initially, largely of male workers recruited into the formal sector and into industry (though the quantity and significance of female labour migration were always overlooked), the insertion of immigrants into employment in Southern Europe has been into an economic structure dominated by tertiary activities, by a vibrant informal sector, The role of gender in the South European immigration model Papers 60, 2000 43 Papers 60 035-052 29/6/00 11:25 Página 43 be done, with important studies already completed on female Moroccan migrants in Italy and Morocco (De Bernart et al.,1995) and on Filipino, Gambian and Moroccan migrants in Catalonia and in their home countries (Ribas Mateos, 1997). References ANDALL, J. (1998). «Catholic and state constructions of domestic workers: the case of Cape Verdean women in Rome in the 1970s». 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